Commonwealth merits Praise, he who founds a Tyranny deserves Blame._
Of all who are praised they are praised the most, who are the authors
and founders of religions. After whom come the founders of kingdoms and
commonwealths. Next to these, they have the greatest name who as
commanders of armies have added to their own dominions or those of
their country. After these, again, are ranked men of letters, who being
of various shades of merit are celebrated each in his degree. To all
others, whose number is infinite, is ascribed that measure of praise to
which his profession or occupation entitles him. And, conversely, all
who contribute to the overthrow of religion, or to the ruin of kingdoms
and commonwealths, all who are foes to letters and to the arts which
confer honour and benefit on the human race (among whom I reckon the
impious, the cruel, the ignorant, the indolent, the base and the
worthless), are held in infamy and detestation.
No one, whether he be wise or foolish, bad or good, if asked to choose
between these two kinds of men, will ever be found to withhold praise
from what deserves praise, or blame from what is to be blamed. And yet
almost all, deceived by a false good and a false glory, allow
themselves either ignorantly or wilfully to follow in the footsteps
such as deserve blame rather than praise; and, have it in their power
to establish, to their lasting renown, a commonwealth or kingdom, turn
aside to create a tyranny without a thought how much they thereby lose
in name, fame, security, tranquility, and peace of mind; and into how
much infamy, scorn, danger, and disquiet they run. But were they to
read history, and turn to profit the lessons of the past, it seems
impossible that those living in a republic as private citizens, should
not prefer, in their native city, to play the part of Scipio rather of
Cæsar; or that those who by good fortune or merit have risen to be
rulers, should not seek rather to resemble Agesilaus, Timoleon, and
Dion, than to Nabis, Phalaris and Dionysius; since they would see how
the latter are loaded with infamy, while the former have been extolled
beyond bounds. They would see, too, how Timoleon and others like him,
had as great authority in their country as Dionysius or Phalaris in
theirs, while enjoying far greater security. Nor let any one finding
Cæsar celebrated by a crowd of writers, be misled by his glory; for
those who praise him have been corrupted by his good fortune, and
overawed by the greatness of that empire which, being governed in his
name, would not suffer any to speak their minds openly concerning him.
But let him who desires to know how historians would have written of
Cæsar had they been free to declare their thoughts mark what they say
of Catiline, than whom Cæsar is more hateful, in proportion as he who
does is more to be condemned than he who only desires to do evil. Let
him see also what praises they lavish upon Brutus, because being
unable, out of respect for his power, to reproach Cæsar, they magnify
his enemy. And if he who has become prince in any State will but
reflect, how, after Rome was made an empire, far greater praise was
earned those emperors who lived within the laws, and worthily, than by
those who lived in the contrary way, he will see that Titus, Nerva,
Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus and Marcus had no need of prætorian cohorts,
or of countless legions to guard them, but were defended by their own
good lives, the good-will of their subjects, and the attachment of the
senate. In like manner he will perceive in the case of Caligula, Nero,
Vitellius, and ever so many more of those evil emperors, that all the
armies of the east and of the west were of no avail to protect them
from the enemies whom their bad and depraved lives raised up against
them. And were the history of these emperors rightly studied, it would
be a sufficient lesson to any prince how to distinguish the paths which
lead to honour and safety from those which end in shame and insecurity.
For of the twenty-six emperors from Cæsar to Maximinus, sixteen came to
a violent, ten only to a natural death; and though one or two of those
who died by violence may have been good princes, as Galba or Pertinax,
they met their fate in consequence of that corruption which their
predecessors had left behind in the army. And if among those who died a
natural death, there be found some bad emperors, like Severus, it is to
be ascribed to their signal good fortune and to their great abilities,
advantages seldom found united in the same man. From the study of this
history we may also learn how a good government is to be established;
for while all the emperors who succeeded to the throne by birth, except
Titus, were bad, all were good who succeeded by adoption; as in the
case of the five from Nerva to Marcus. But so soon as the empire fell
once more to the heirs by birth, its ruin recommenced.
Let a prince therefore look to that period which extends from Nerva to
Marcus, and contrast it with that which went before and that which came
after, and then let him say in which of them he would wish to have been
born or to have reigned. For during these times in which good men
governed, he will see the prince secure in the midst of happy subjects,
and the whole world filled with peace and justice. He will find the
senate maintaining its authority, the magistrates enjoying their
honours, rich citizens their wealth, rank and merit held in respect,
ease and content everywhere prevailing, rancour, licence, corruption
and ambition everywhere quenched, and that golden age restored in which
every one might hold and support what opinions he pleased. He will see,
in short, the world triumphing, the sovereign honoured and revered, the
people animated with love, and rejoicing in their security. But should
he turn to examine the times of the other emperors, he will find them
wasted by battles, torn by seditions, cruel alike in war and peace;
many princes perishing by the sword; many wars foreign and domestic;
Italy overwhelmed with unheard-of disasters; her towns destroyed and
plundered; Rome burned; the Capitol razed to the ground by Roman
citizens; the ancient temples desolated; the ceremonies of religion
corrupted; the cities rank with adultery; the seas covered with exiles
and the islands polluted with blood. He will see outrage follow
outrage; rank, riches, honours, and, above all, virtue imputed as
mortal crimes; informers rewarded; slaves bribed to betray their
masters, freedmen their patrons, and those who were without enemies
brought to destruction by their friends; and then he will know the true
nature of the debt which Rome, Italy, and the world owe to Cæsar; and
if he possess a spark of human feeling, will turn from the example of
those evil times, and kindle with a consuming passion to imitate those
which were good.
And in truth the prince who seeks for worldly glory should desire to be
the ruler of a corrupt city; not that, like Cæsar, he may destroy it,
but that, like Romulus, he may restore it; since man cannot hope for,
nor Heaven offer any better opportunity of fame. Were it indeed
necessary in giving a constitution to a State to forfeit its
sovereignty, the prince who, to retain his station, should withhold a
constitution, might plead excuse; but for him who in giving a
constitution can still retain his sovereignty, no excuse is to be made.
Let those therefore to whom Heaven has afforded this opportunity,
remember that two courses lie open to them; one which will render them
secure while they live and glorious when they die; another which
exposes them to continual difficulties in life, and condemns them to
eternal infamy after death.