CHAPTER IX.—_That to give new Institutions to a Commonwealth, or to

reconstruct old Institutions on an entirely new basis, must be the work

of one Man_.

It may perhaps be thought that I should not have got so far into the

history of Rome, without some mention of those who gave that city its

institutions, and saying something of these institutions themselves, so

far as they relate to religion and war. As I have no wish to keep those

who would know my views on these matters in suspense, I say at once,

that to many it might seem of evil omen that the founder of a civil

government like Romulus, should first have slain his brother, and

afterwards have consented to the death of Titus Tatius the Sabine, whom

he had chosen to be his colleague in the kingship; since his

countrymen, if moved by ambition and lust of power to inflict like

injuries on any who opposed their designs, might plead the example of

their prince. This view would be a reasonable one were we to disregard

the object which led Romulus to put those men to death. But we must

take it as a rule to which there are very few if any exceptions, that

no commonwealth or kingdom ever has salutary institutions given it from

the first or has its institutions recast in an entirely new mould,

unless by a single person. On the contrary, it must be from one man

that it receives its institutions at first, and upon one man that all

similar reconstruction must depend. For this reason the wise founder of

a commonwealth who seeks to benefit not himself only, or the line of

his descendants, but his State and country, must endeavour to acquire

an absolute and undivided authority. And none who is wise will ever

blame any action, however extraordinary and irregular, which serves to

lay the foundation of a kingdom or to establish a republic. For

although the act condemn the doer, the end may justify him; and when,

as in the case of Romulus, the end is good, it will always excuse the

means; since it is he who does violence with intent to injure, not he

who does it with the design to secure tranquility, who merits blame.

Such a person ought however to be so prudent and moderate as to avoid

transmitting the absolute authority he acquires, as an inheritance to

another; for as men are, by nature, more prone to evil than to good, a

successor may turn to ambitious ends the power which his predecessor

has used to promote worthy ends. Moreover, though it be one man that

must give a State its institutions, once given they are not so likely

to last long resting for support on the shoulders of one man only, as

when entrusted to the care of many, and when it is the business of many

to maintain them. For though the multitude be unfit to set a State in

order, since they cannot, by reason of the divisions which prevail

among them, agree wherein the true well-being of the State lies, yet

when they have once been taught the truth, they never will consent to

abandon it. And that Romulus, though he put his brother to death, is

yet of those who are to be pardoned, since what he did was done for the

common good and not from personal ambition, is shown by his at once

creating a senate, with whom he took counsel, and in accordance with

whose voice he determined. And whosoever shall well examine the

authority which Romulus reserved to himself, will find that he reserved

nothing beyond the command of the army when war was resolved on, and

the right to assemble the senate. This is seen later, on Rome becoming

free by the expulsion of the Tarquins, when the Romans altered none of

their ancient institutions save in appointing two consuls for a year

instead of a king for life; for this proves that all the original

institutions of that city were more in conformity with a free and

constitutional government, than with an absolute and despotic one.

In support of what has been said above, I might cite innumerable

instances, as of Moses, Lycurgus, Solon, and other founders of kingdoms

and commonwealths, who, from the full powers given them, were enabled

to shape their laws to the public advantage; but passing over these

examples, as of common notoriety, I take one, not indeed so famous, but

which merits the attention of all who desire to frame wise laws. Agis,

King of Sparta, desiring to bring back his countrymen to those limits

within which the laws of Lycurgus had held them, because he thought

that, from having somewhat deviated from them, his city had lost much

of its ancient virtue and, consequently much of its strength and power,

was, at the very outset of his attempts, slain by the Spartan Ephori,

as one who sought to make himself a tyrant. But Cleomenes coming after

him in the kingdom, and, on reading the notes and writings which he

found of Agis wherein his designs and intentions were explained, being

stirred by the same desire, perceived that he could not confer this

benefit on his country unless he obtained sole power. For he saw that

the ambition of others made it impossible for him to do what was useful

for many against the will of a few. Wherefore, finding fit occasion, he

caused the Ephori and all others likely to throw obstacles in his way,

to be put to death; after which, he completely renewed the laws of

Lycurgus. And the result of his measures would have been to give fresh

life to Sparta, and to gain for himself a renown not inferior to that

of Lycurgus, had it not been for the power of the Macedonians and the

weakness of the other Greek States. For while engaged with these

reforms, he was attacked by the Macedonians, and being by himself no

match for them, and having none to whom he could turn for help, he was

overpowered; and his plans, though wise and praiseworthy, were never

brought to perfection.

All which circumstances considered, I conclude that he who gives new

institutions to a State must stand alone; and that for the deaths of

Remus and Tatius, Romulus is to be excused rather than blamed.

Discourses on the First Decade of Titus Livius · 第 9 / 64 章