THE AIRLIFT
The weather at Khe Sanh throughout February could be characterized
in one word--miserable. General Tompkins remarked that, for combat
purposes, the weather was the worst that he'd ever seen. The northeast
monsoons had long since spilled over into the Khe Sanh Valley and every
morning the base was shrouded with ground fog and low scud layers which
dissipated around 1000 or 1100. When the sun finally managed to burn
through, the cloud ceiling retreated slightly but still hovered low
enough to prevent the unrestricted use of airborne artillery spotters
and strike aircraft. It was during these periods, when the overcast was
between 100 and 500 feet, that enemy artillery, rocket, and mortar fire
was the heaviest. The NVA forward observers, perched along the lower
slopes of the surrounding hills, called in and adjusted barrages with
little fear of retaliation against their own gun positions. Later in
the afternoon, when the fog rolled in again and obscured the enemy's
view, the incoming tapered off.[33](114)
The Marines adjusted their schedule accordingly. They usually worked
under the cover of the haze in the morning, went underground during the
midday shelling, and returned to their duties later in the afternoon.
While the extremely low cloud cover occasionally befriended the men
at the base, it constantly plagued the pilots whose mission was to
resupply the 26th Marines.
The job of transporting enough "bullets, beans, and bandages" to
sustain the 6,680 Khe Sanh defenders fell to the C-130s of Marine
Aerial Refueler Transport Squadron 152 and the U. S. Air Force 834th
Air Division; the C-123s of the 315th Air Commando Wing; the UH-34,
CH-46, and UH-1E helicopters of Marine Aircraft Group 36 (MAG-36); and
the CH-53 choppers of MAG-16.[34](115)
[Illustration: Ground fog in the morning and late afternoon shrouded
the base obscuring the view of both the enemy and the Marines. (Photo
courtesy David D. Duncan)]
[Illustration: The reduced visibility from fog and haze hampered air
operations. Crews of Marine UH-1E gunships wait for ceiling to lift.
(Photo courtesy David D. Duncan)]
Even under ideal circumstances, the airlift would have been a massive
undertaking. The difficulties, however, were compounded by the poor
visibility which was below minimum for airfield operations 40 percent
of the time and the heavy volume of antiaircraft and artillery fire
directed at the incoming transports. The NVA had moved several
antiaircraft units into the hills east of the airstrip forcing the
C-130 Hercules, the C-123 Providers, and the helicopters to run the
gauntlet during their final approach. Under cover of the heavy fog,
some audacious NVA gun crews positioned their antiaircraft weapons
just off the eastern threshold of the runway and fired in the blind
whenever they heard the drone of incoming planes. Several aircraft were
hit while on GCA final and completely in the soup.[35](116) Immediately
after touchdown, the aircraft were subjected to intense mortar and
rocket fire; in fact, the incoming was so closely synchronized with
their arrival, the fixed-wing transports were nicknamed "mortar
magnets" by the Marines.(117)
[Illustration: View of airstrip at Khe Sanh facing east. (Photo
courtesy David D. Duncan)]
[Illustration: U. S. Air Force C-130 about to touch down after
approaching from the east. (Photo courtesy David D. Duncan)]
The key to survival for the pilots was a steep approach through the
eastern corridor, a short roll-out, and a speedy turnaround after
landing. A small ramp paralleled the western end of the strip which the
transport crews used as an unloading point. After roll-out, the pilot
turned off the runway onto the easternmost taxiway, then wheeled onto
the ramp while the loadmasters shoved the pallets of supplies out the
back.[36] All outgoing passengers were loaded on the double because the
planes rarely stopped rolling. The pilot completed the loop by turning
back onto the runway via the western taxiway and took off in the
opposite direction from which he landed. It was not uncommon for the
entire circuit to be completed within three minutes; even then, the
planes were tracked by exploding mortar rounds.(118)
On 10 February, a tragedy occurred which resulted in a drastic
alteration of the unloading process. A Marine C-130, heavily laden
with bladders of fuel for the 26th Marines, was making its approach to
the field under intense fire. Just before the giant bird touched down,
the cockpit and fuel bags were riddled by enemy bullets. With flames
licking at one side, the stricken craft careened off the runway 3,100
feet from the approach end, spun around, and was rocked by several
muffled explosions. The C-130 then began to burn furiously. Crash crews
rushed to the plane and started spraying it with foam. The pilot, Chief
Warrant Officer Henry Wildfang, and his copilot suffered minor burns as
they scrambled out the overhead hatch in the cockpit. Fire fighters in
specially designed heat suits dashed into the flaming debris and pulled
several injured crewmen and passengers to safety--rescue attempts came
too late for six others. One of those killed in the crash, Lieutenant
Colonel Carl E. Peterson, the 1st MAW Engineer Officer, was a reserve
officer who only a few months before had volunteered for active duty.
As a result of this accident and damage sustained by other transports
while on the ground, C-130 landings at Khe Sanh were suspended.(119)
[Illustration: Death of a Hercules. A C-130 of Marine Aerial Refueler
Transport Squadron 152 burns after crashing at the base. (Photo
courtesy David D. Duncan)]
[Illustration: Crash crew at Khe Sanh pours foam on a burning CH-46
helicopter following an enemy artillery attack. (USMC Photo A190350)]
With the field closed to C-130s, a U. S. Air Force innovation--the
Low Altitude Parachute Extraction System or LAPES--was put into
effect. This self-contained system, which had been used extensively
during the renovation of the airstrip in the fall of 1967, enabled
the aircraft to unload their cargo without landing. When making a
LAPES run, the Hercules pilot made his approach from the east during
which he opened the tail ramp and deployed a reefed cargo parachute.
Prior to touchdown, he added just enough power to hold the aircraft
about five feet above the ground. As the plane skimmed over the runway
and approached the intended extraction point, the pilot electrically
opened the streaming chute which was attached to the roller-mounted
cargo pallets. The sudden jolt of the blossoming chute snatched the
cargo from the rear hatch and the pallets came to a skidding halt on
the runway. The pilot then jammed the throttles to the firewall, eased
back on the yoke, and executed a high-angle, westerly pull-out to avoid
ground fire while the Marines moved onto the runway with forklifts
and quickly gathered in the supplies. The system was quite ingenious
and allowed the aircraft to pass through the V-ring in a matter of
seconds.[37] Even though the airmen could not control the skidding
pallets after release, some pilots perfected their individual technique
and were able to place the cargo on a 25-meter square with consistency.
On one occasion, however, an extraction chute malfunctioned and the
cargo rocketed off the western end of the runway; the eight-ton pallet
of lumber smashed into a messhall located near the end of the strip and
crushed three Marines to death.(120)
Another technique--the Ground Proximity Extraction System or GPES--was
also used but to a lesser degree than the LAPES. (15 GPES deliveries
during the siege as compared to 52 LAPES.) Both utilized the low
approach but with GPES the cargo was extracted by a hook extended from
a boom at the rear of the aircraft. As the C-130 swooped low over the
runway, the pilot tried to snag an arresting cable similar to the one
used on aircraft carriers; only his hook was attached to the cargo
bundles and not the plane. Upon engagement, the pallets were jerked
from the rear hatch and came to a dead stop on the runway. With the
GPES, the chance of a pallet skidding out of control or overturning was
greatly reduced. The only problem that occurred was not with the system
itself but with faulty installation. The Marines who initially emplaced
the GPES were frequently chased away from their work by incoming mortar
rounds and, as a result of the periodic interruptions, the cable was
not anchored properly. The first C-130 that snagged the wire ripped
the arresting gear out by the roots. After the initial bugs were
remedied, the system worked so successfully that, on one pass, a load
containing 30 dozen eggs was extracted without a single eggshell being
cracked.(121)
Most of the time, however, the low overcast precluded the use of either
extraction system and the preponderance of supplies was delivered by
paradrops. This technique called for close air/ground coordination and
the C-130 pilots relied on the Marine Air Traffic Control Unit (MATCU)
at Khe Sanh to guide them in to the drop zones. The Marine ground
controller lined the aircraft up on the long axis of the runway for a
normal instrument approach and when the Hercules passed a certain point
over the eastern threshold of the field, the controller called "Ready,
Ready, Mark." At "Mark," the pilot pushed a stop watch, activated his
Doppler navigational system, turned to a predetermined heading and
maintained an altitude of between 500 and 600 feet. The Doppler device
indicated any deviation from the desired track to the drop zone, which
was west of Red Sector, and the release point was calculated by using
the stop watch--20 to 26 seconds from "Mark," depending on the winds.
At the computed release point, the pilot pulled the C-130 into an
8-degree nose-up attitude and 16 parachute bundles, containing 15 tons
of supplies, slid from the rear of the aircraft and floated through the
overcast into the 300-meter-square drop zone. Under Visual Flight Rules
(VFR), the average computed error for the drops was only 95 meters.
Even when these missions were executed completely under Instrument
Flight Rules (IFR), the average distance that the bundles landed from
the intended impact point was 133 meters--well inside the drop zone.
On a few occasions, however, the parachute bundles missed the zone and
drifted far enough away from the base to preclude a safe recovery. In
these rare instances, friendly artillery and air strikes were brought
to bear on the wayward containers to keep them from falling into the
hands of the enemy. During the siege, Air Force C-130 crews conducted a
total of 496 paradrops at Khe Sanh.[38](122)
Although the paradrops were sufficient for bulk commodities such
as rations and ammunition, there were certain items which had to
be delivered or picked up personally. Medical supplies, special
ammunition, and other delicate cargo would not withstand the jolt
of a parachute landing. In addition, there were replacements to
be shuttled into the base and casualties to be evacuated. With the
cancellation of all C-130 landings, this job was left up to the sturdy
C-123 Providers of the 315th Air Commando Wing as well as MAG-36 and
MAG-16 helicopters. The choppers could maneuver around areas of heavy
ground fire, land, unload, take on medevacs, and depart very quickly
but their payloads were limited. On the other hand, the C-123s had a
larger cargo capacity but were restricted to a more rigid approach and
provided better targets both in the pattern and on the ground.[39](123)
The Providers, however, required much less runway from which to operate
than the C-130s and could land and take off using only 1,400 of the
3,900 foot strip. This saving feature enabled the pilots to make a
steep approach, short roll-out, and rapid turnaround. The crews still
had to undergo those frantic moments on the ground when the geysers of
dirty-black smoke bracketed their aircraft. Nevertheless, the dauntless
C-123 crews continued their perilous missions throughout the siege with
great success.(124)
No discussion of the airlift would be complete without mention of
the MAG-36 and MAG-16 helicopter pilots who flew in and out of Khe
Sanh daily delivering supplies, delicate cargo, reinforcements, and
evacuating casualties. The chopper crews were faced with the same
problems that plagued the fixed-wing transports--low ceilings and enemy
ground fire--but to a greater degree because of their slow speed and
vulnerability. MAG-36 operated primarily from Quang Tri and Dong Ha,
and was reinforced from the group's main base at Phu Bai. These valiant
pilots and crewmen in their Huey gunships, CH-46 transports, and UH-34s
flew long hours, day and night, in all kinds of weather to sustain the
Marines in and around Khe Sanh. The CH-53s of Da Nang-based MAG-16,
with their heavier payload, also made a sizeable contribution to this
effort.(125)
[Illustration: C-130 Hercules conducts paradrops west of Red Sector.
(USMC Photo A190803)]
[Illustration: A UH-34 of MAG-36 departs Khe Sanh on its way to the
hill outposts. (Photo courtesy David D. Duncan)]
The resupply of the hill outposts was a particularly hazardous aspect
of the overall mission. Approximately 20 percent of Colonel Lownds'
personnel occupied these redoubts and, for all practical purposes,
were cut off from the rest of the garrison. The road north of the base
was not secure and the perimeters atop the hills were too small and
irregular for parachute drops; the only way that the isolated posts
could be sustained was by helicopter. When the dense monsoon clouds
rolled into the valley, the mountain tops were the first to become
submerged and, as the overcast lifted, the last to reappear. During
February, several of the outposts were completely obscured for more
than a week and resupply was impossible. During these periods, the
North Vietnamese took advantage of the reduced visibility and emplaced
heavy automatic weapons along the neighboring peaks and waited for the
ceiling to lift which invariably heralded the arrival of helicopters.
As a result, the UH-1Es, UH-34s, and CH-46s were subjected to a hail of
enemy bullets during each mission.(126)
When the helicopters proceeded to the hills singly or in small groups,
each mission was a hair-raising experience for both the chopper crews
and the men on the ground. A good example of what often transpired
during those frantic moments occurred early in the siege on Hill 881S
when Captain Dabney called for a chopper to evacuate a badly wounded
Marine. One corporal was assigned as a stretcher bearer because he
had a badly impacted wisdom tooth and, once aboard, he could ride
out on the helicopter and have the tooth extracted at the main
base.[40] Because of the 120mm mortars located in the Horseshoe and the
antiaircraft guns which ringed the hill, the men on 881S had to employ
a variety of diversions to keep the enemy gunners from getting the
range of the incoming choppers. In this instance, they threw a smoke
grenade a good distance away from the actual landing zone in hopes that
the gunners would register on the smoke and the helicopter would be in
and out before the North Vietnamese could readjust. This meant that the
helo had about 19 seconds to get off the ground.(127)
The ruse did not come off as planned. The stretcher bearers had
barely loaded the wounded man aboard the helicopter, a CH-46, when
120mm mortar rounds bracketed the aircraft and spurred the pilot to
action. The helo lurched into the air and the sudden jolt rolled the
corporal with the bad tooth over the edge of the tail ramp; he held on
desperately for a few seconds but finally let go and fell about 20 feet
to the ground. Cursing to himself, the young man limped back to his
trench and waited for another chance.
Later that day, a UH-34 swooped in to pick up another casualty and the
prospective dental patient quickly scrambled aboard. This trip also
covered about 20 feet--10 feet up and 10 feet down--because the tail
rotor of the UH-34 was literally sawed off by a burst from an enemy
machine gun just after the bird became airborne. After the swirling
craft came to rest, the passengers and the three-man crew quickly
clamored out the hatch and dived into a nearby trench. A heavy mortar
barrage ensued during which several more men were hit.
By the time another CH-46 arrived on the scene, the passenger list had
grown to 14, including 10 casualties, the crew of the downed helo, and
the original dental case. Because of the heavy concentration of enemy
fire in the original zone, the Marines had blasted out another landing
site on the opposite side of the hill. The chopper touched down and 13
of the 14 Marines boarded before the crew chief stated emphatically
that the aircraft was full. As luck would have it, the young Marine
with the swollen jaw was the 14th man. Thoroughly indignant, the
three-time loser returned to his position and mumbled that he would
rather suffer from a toothache than try and get off the hill by
helicopter.[41](128)
It was the consensus of both the ground commanders and pilots alike
that the problem of getting helicopters to and from the hills was
becoming critical. The technique then employed was resulting in
casualties among both the air crews and the infantry units, as well as
a rapid rise in the attrition of MAG-36 helicopters. The Huey gunships,
though putting forth a valiant effort, did not possess the heavy volume
of fire required to keep the approach lanes open. As a result, the 1st
MAW adopted another system which provided more muscle.(129)
The solution was basically a page out of the Fleet Marine Force Manual
for Helicopter Support Operations. All helicopter flights to the hill
outposts were to be escorted by strike aircraft which would provide
suppressive fire. The A-4 Skyhawks of Chu Lai-based MAG-12 were
selected as the fixed-wing escorts and the little jet was perfect for
the job. Affectionately referred to as "Scooters" by their pilots,
the A-4 was a highly maneuverable attack aircraft; its accuracy,
dependability, and varied ordnance load had made it the workhorse of
Marine close air support for many years.
[Illustration: After introduction of the Super Gaggle, CH-46
helicopters with their 4,000-pound external loads proceeded to the hill
outposts in convoy. (USMC Photo A422061)]
[Illustration: A-4 Skyhawks of Marine Aircraft Group-12 provided
suppressive fire during resupply missions. (USMC Photo A421671)]
Generals Cushman and Anderson conceived the idea and the details were
worked out by Colonel Joel B. Bonner, Lieutenant Colonel William J.
White, and Lieutenant Colonel Richard E. Carey at 1st MAW Headquarters.
The operation went into effect on 24 February. Because of the large
number of aircraft utilized in each mission--12 A-4s, 1 TA-4, 12
CH-46s, and 4 UH-1E gunships--the overall effort was nicknamed the Super
Gaggle by its planners. The difficulty in execution was primarily one
of coordination and control because of the various agencies (i.e.
MAG-36, MAG-12, 3d MarDiv G-4, Dong Ha Logistics Support Area, and the
units on the hill outposts) which were involved. Additional factors
that had to be considered were departure weather, destination weather,
and coordination of friendly artillery and air strikes around Khe Sanh.
Lieutenant Colonel Carey, the 1st MAW Operations Officer and one of the
planners, later described the mechanics of the Super Gaggle:
Success of the effort was predicated on timing, coordination, and
often times luck. Luck, as used, refers to the ability to guess
whether the weather would hold long enough to complete an effort
once it got underway. The effort began with the TA-4 on station
determining if sufficient ceiling existed for the "Scooters"
of MAG-12 to provide sufficient suppressive fires to assure
success.... Once the TA-4 called all conditions go, an "H" hour
was set and the Super Gaggle began. Twelve A-4s would launch from
Chu Lai while simultaneously 100 miles to the north 12-16 helos
would launch from the Quang Tri helo base and proceed to the Dong
Ha LSA (Logistics Support Area) for supply pickup. The object was
for all aircraft to arrive in the objective area on a precise
schedule. So the operation generally consisted as follows: (1)
Softening up known enemy positions by four A-4s, generally armed
with napalm and bombs; (2) Two A-4s armed with CS (tear gas) tanks
saturate enemy antiaircraft and automatic weapons positions; (3)
30-40 seconds prior to final run in by the helos two A-4s lay a
smoke screen along selected avenues of approach.... (4) While helos
make final run into the target, four A-4s with bombs, rockets, and
20mm guns provide close-in fire suppression.... Once the helos
commenced their descent the factors of weather, their 4,000-pound
externally carried load, and the terrain would not permit a second
chance. If an enemy gun was not suppressed there was no alternative
for the helos but to continue. They (the transport pilots) were
strengthened with the knowledge that following close on their
heels were their gunships ready to pick them up if they survived
being shot down. Fortunately, these tactics were so successful
that during the entire period of the Super Gaggle only two CH-46s
were downed enroute to the hill positions. The crews were rescued
immediately by escorting Huey gunships.[42](130)
These missions, however, looked much more orderly on paper than they
did in the air and the operation lived up to its name. Only those who
have experienced the hazards of monsoon flying can fully appreciate the
veritable madhouse that often exists when large numbers of aircraft
are confined to the restricted space beneath a low-hanging overcast.
Coupled with this was the fact that the fluffy looking clouds around
Khe Sanh housed mountains which ran up to 3,000 feet. No doubt, the
aircrews involved in the Gaggle were mindful of the standard warning
issued to fledgling aviators: "Keep your eyes out of the cockpit;
a mid-air collision could ruin your whole day." Even though the
missions were well-coordinated and executed with a high degree of
professionalism, it often appeared that confusion reigned because
planes were everywhere. A-4s bore in on the flanks of the approach
lanes blasting enemy gun positions and spewing protective smoke;
CH-46s groped through the haze trying to find the landing zones; the
hornet-like UH-1E gunships darted in from the rear in case someone was
shot down; and the lone TA-4 circled overhead trying to keep his flock
from running amuck. During the missions to 881S, the men of India and
Mike, 3/26, added to the hullabaloo with a little twist of their own.
When the CH-46s settled over the hill, the Marines on the ground tossed
out a few dozen smoke grenades for added cover and then every man in
the perimeter fired a full magazine at anything on the surrounding
slopes which appeared hostile. With some 350 men hosing down the
countryside at the same time, the din was terrific.
Neither the deluge of lead from 881S nor the suppressive fire of the
jets and gunships kept the NVA completely quiet. The 120mm mortar
crews in the Horseshoe were especially active during the resupply
runs to 881S and always lobbed some rounds onto the hill in hopes of
knocking down a helicopter. These tubes had been previously registered
on the LZs and the smoke screens had little effect on their fire; as
a result, the Marines frequently shifted landing zones.[43] The smoke
did block the view of the North Vietnamese machine gunners and they
were forced to fire blindly through the haze--if they dared fire at
all. The choppers still took hits but nowhere near as many as before
the Gaggle was initiated. The CH-46 pilots, poised precariously above
the LZs during the few agonizing seconds it took to unload their cargo,
often heard the sickening smack which meant that a bullet had torn into
the fuselage of their thin-skinned helos. The members of the two-man
Helicopter Support Teams (HST), 3d Shore Party Battalion who were
attached to the rifle companies were also prime targets. These men had
to stand up while they guided the choppers into the LZs and, every few
days, they had to attach bundles of cargo nets, which accumulated from
previous missions, for the return trip to Dong Ha. This was dangerous
for the aircrews as well as the HST men because, during the hook-up,
the pilots had to hold their aircraft in a vulnerable position a few
feet above the ground with the nose cocked up and the belly exposed
to fire from the front. While they attached the bundles, the ground
support personnel could hear the machine gun rounds zing a few inches
over their heads and slap into the soft underside of the suspended
helicopter. Not all the bullets and shell fragments passed overhead; on
881S, the defenders were operating with their fourth HST when the siege
ended.
In spite of the seriousness of the situation, the Gaggle was not
without its lighter episodes. In one instance, an HST man attached
to I/3/26 hooked up an outgoing load and gave the pilot the "thumbs
up" when he discovered that he had become entangled in the pile of
nets. The CH-46 surged into the air with the startled Marine dangling
helplessly from the bottom of the net by one foot. But for the quick
reaction of his comrade on the ground who informed the pilot by radio
that the chopper had taken on more than the prescribed load, the young
cargo handler would have had a rather interesting trip to Dong Ha. The
CH-46 crews also provided a human touch during these missions. When the
Sea Knights swept over the hills, it was not uncommon to see a machine
gunner on board quit his weapon for a second, nonchalantly pitch a case
of soda pop out the hatch, and then quickly return to blaze away at the
enemy positions. At 1st MAW Headquarters, Lieutenant Colonel Carey, who
had been an infantryman in Korea before he went to flight school and
who sympathized with the men on the outposts, felt that a small gesture
acknowledging their continued outstanding performance was in order.
Special efforts were made to obtain quantities of dry ice for packing
and one day, without notice, hundreds of Dixie-cups of ice cream were
delivered to the men on the hills as part of the regular resupply. This
effort was dubbed Operation COOL IT. The only hitch developed on 881S
where the Marines, unaware of the contents, allowed the cargo to remain
in the LZ until after dark when it was safe to venture out of the
trenchline. The ice cream was a little sloppy but edible and greatly
appreciated.
The introduction of the Super Gaggle was a turning point in the
resupply effort. Prior to its conception, the Marines on the outposts
dreaded the thought of leaving their positions to retrieve cargo--even
when it included mail--because of the heavy shelling. With a dozen
Skyhawks pasting the surrounding hills during each mission, this
threat was alleviated to a large degree and casualties tapered off.
The Company I, 3/26, commander later stated: "If it weren't for the
Gaggle, most of us probably wouldn't be here today." The helicopter
pilots, knowing that their jet jockey compatriots were close at hand,
were also able to do their job more effectively. In the past, the
transport crew chiefs occasionally had to jettison their external load
prematurely when the pilot took evasive action to avoid ground fire.
When this occurred, the cargo nets usually slammed into the perimeter
and splattered containers all over the hilltop.[44](131) With the Super
Gaggle, the pilots had less enemy fire to contend with and did not bomb
the hills with the cargo pallets as much; as a result more supplies
arrived intact. In addition, the system greatly facilitated the picking
up of wounded personnel.[45]
The Marine helicopters continued their flights to and from Khe Sanh
throughout the siege. In spite of the obstacles, the chopper pilots
crammed enough sorties into those days with flyable weather to haul
465 tons of supplies to the base during February. When the weather
later cleared, this amount was increased to approximately 40 tons a
day. While supporting Operation SCOTLAND, MAG-36 and MAG-16 flew 9,109
sorties, transported 14,562 passengers, and delivered 4,661 tons of
cargo.(132)
Colonel Lownds was more than satisfied with the airborne pipeline
which kept his cupboard full and he had quite a cupboard. The daily
requirement for the 26th Marines to maintain normal operations had
jumped from 60 tons in mid-January to roughly 185 tons when all five
battalions were in place. While the defenders didn't live high off
the hog on this amount, at no time were they desperately lacking the
essentials for combat. There were periods on the hills when the Marines
either stretched their rations and water or went without, but they
never ran short of ammunition. Understandably, ammunition had the
highest priority--even higher than food and water. A man might not be
able to eat a hand grenade but neither could he defend himself very
effectively with a can of fruit cocktail. This did not mean that the
men of the 26th Marines went hungry. On the average, the troops at the
base received two C-Ration meals a day and this fare was occasionally
supplemented with juice, pastry, hot soup, or fresh fruit. The men on
the hills subsisted almost entirely on C-Rations and the time between
meals varied, depending on the weather. Within the compound, water was
rationed only when the pump was out of commission and that was a rare
occurrence. Lieutenant Colonel Heath's position on Hill 558 was flanked
by two streams so 2/26 was well supplied but the Marines on the other
four outposts depended on helilifts for water; it was used sparingly
for drinking and cooking.[46](133) Besides the essentials, the 26th
Marines also required tons of other supplies such as fortification
material, fuel, tires, barbed wire, and spare parts--to name a few.
PX items were on the bottom of the bottom of the priority totem pole
because, as Colonel Lownds remarked: "If you have to, you can live
without those." On the other hand, mail had a priority second only to
ammunition and rations. The men at Khe Sanh received over 43 tons of
mail during the worst month of the siege.(134)
[Illustration: A CH-46 helicopter of Marine Aircraft Group-36 evacuates
wounded from Hill 861A (Photo courtesy David D. Duncan)]
[Illustration: U. S. Navy doctors and corpsmen, wearing helmets and
flak jackets, treat wounded at Charlie Med aid station. (Photo courtesy
David D. Duncan)]
One portion of the airlift which affected morale as much as the arrival
of mail was the swift departure of casualties. A man's efficiency was
greatly improved by the knowledge that, if he were hit, he could
expect immediate medical attention and when necessary, a speedy
evacuation.[47] Those with minor wounds were usually treated at the
various battalion aid stations and returned to duty; the more seriously
injured were taken to Company C, 3d Medical Battalion. Charley Med,
as this detachment was called, was located just south of and adjacent
to the aircraft loading ramp. There, U. S. Navy doctors and corpsmen
treated the walking wounded, performed surgery, and prepared the
litter cases for medevac. From Charley Med, it was a short, but
often nerve-racking trip to a waiting aircraft and a hospital at
Phu Bai. During the siege, the courageous men of Charley Med, often
working under heavy enemy fire, treated and evacuated 852 wounded
personnel.(135)
Thus the Marine and U. S. Air Force transport pilots, helicopter crews,
loadmasters, and ground personnel kept open the giant umbilical cord
which meant life for the combat base. Without their efforts, the story
of Khe Sanh would undoubtedly have been an abbreviated edition with
a not-too-happy ending. On the other hand, accounts of the heroism,
ingenuity, and skill demonstrated by these men would fill a book. But
there were other things besides manna falling from the heavens at Khe
Sanh and the vital role of the transports was frequently eclipsed by
the efforts of air crews who carried a much deadlier cargo.(136)
FOOTNOTES:
[25] One Marine, Corporal Robert J. Arrota, using a PRC-41 UHF radio
which put him in direct contact with the attack pilots, personally
controlled over 200 air strikes without the aid of a Tactical Air
Controller (Airborne); his peers gave him the title of "The Mightiest
Corporal In The World."
[26] Lieutenant Colonel Mitchell, whose battalion held the rock quarry
perimeter, later commented that his troops patrolled out to 1,200
meters. The units at the base never went that far until the siege was
lifted.
[27] The men of Company I used the same methods to cool the mortar
tubes that they used during the attack against 861 on 21 January.
[28] The defenders later reported knocking out at least one and
probably two tanks with rocket launchers.
[29] The 26th Marines FSCC had prepared extensive defensive fire plans
for the Lang Vei Camp. In the early stages of the attack, the camp
commander did not request artillery and later asked for only a few
concentrations. He never asked for the entire schedule to be put into
effect.
[30] Documents taken off a dead NVA officer later in the battle
indicated that the enemy hoped that the attack on Lang Vei would draw
the Marines out of Khe Sanh so he could destroy the relief column.
[31] In November 1967, Lieutenant Colonel Wilkinson, on direction
of the regimental commander, had sent a rifle company to determine
possible direct routes through the jungle. The company commander,
Captain John N. Raymond, reported that his unit, avoiding well-used
trails to preclude ambush, had made the trip in about 19 hours.
[32] On the return trip to the KSCB, Captain Richards flew over the
outskirts of Khe Sanh Village. A NVA soldier suddenly stepped out of
one hut and sprayed the low-flying chopper with a burst from his AK-47
assault rifle. The rounds ripped out part of Richards' instrument panel
and one bullet zinged about two inches in front of his nose before
passing through the top of the cockpit. A Marine gunner on the CH-46
quickly cut down the North Vietnamese but the damage had already been
done. Even though he was shaken by the experience, the pilot nursed his
crippled bird back to the base and landed safely. Once on the ground,
he quickly switched helicopters and returned to Lang Vei for another
evacuation mission. For his actions during the day, Captain Richards
was later awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross.
[33] The weather during February was bad for operations but not
particularly uncomfortable. The mean temperature was 71 degrees, the
average humidity was 92 percent, and an average weekly rainfall was
.04 inches. The wind was out of the east with an average velocity of 6
miles per hour.
[34] Organizationally, the USAF C-130s belonged to the 315th Air
Division but that unit did not operate in Vietnam. Five to seven
aircraft from each of the 315th's squadrons were on temporary duty
in Vietnam and were under the operational control of the 834th
Air Division. The 315th Air Commando Wing and its C-123s were
organizationally part of the 834th.
[35] One NVA gun crew came in too close for its own good. The 1/26
commander, Lieutenant Colonel Wilkinson, dispatched a platoon from
Company D to attack this position which was off the northeastern end
of the airstrip. While the 81mm mortars of 1/26 provided support, the
platoon commander, Second Lieutenant Daniel L. McGravey, and his men
aggressively assaulted the position. During a brisk fire fight, they
killed several North Vietnamese, captured the antiaircraft weapon, and
took the gunner prisoner.
[36] If a pilot made his approach from the west, which was not often
the case, he had to taxi all the way back down the runway to the
loading ramp.
[37] V-ring is a term used on the rifle range to describe the
bull's-eye of a target.
[38] Disparities in official records make it difficult to determine
the exact tonnage delivered to Khe Sanh by air. The USAF Historical
Division Liaison Office states that, of the 14,356 tons delivered
during the siege, Air Force planes were responsible for 12,430 tons
(8,120 tons by paradrop, LAPES and GPES; 4,310 by aircraft landing
at the field). On the other hand, 1st Marine Aircraft Wing records
show that Marine helicopters alone carried 4,661 tons of cargo. About
three-fourths of the helicopter tonnage, however, was lifted directly
from Dong Ha to the hill outposts and thus did not pass through the
main base at Khe Sanh. Neither total includes the contributions made by
Marine Aerial Refueler Transport Squadron 152; the records of that unit
only indicate the tonnage transported throughout the whole of I Corps
and do not break it down to the amount delivered to individual bases
such as Khe Sanh.
[39] This resulted in another fiery crash on 6 March when a C-123 was
shot down while on approach to the field and all aboard (43 USMC, 1
USN, and 4 USAF) were killed.
[40] Having the ambulatory cases serve as stretcher bearers was
standard operating procedure on 881S. These men stayed on the chopper
and did not have to make the return trip to their trenches under fire.
When uninjured Marines served in this capacity there was the added
danger that the helicopter would take off before they could debark and
they would end up at Khe Sanh. In one instance after the siege was
lifted, Captain Dabney spent a day at the combat base because he did
not get off a medevac chopper fast enough.
[41] During the course of the battle, 881S became a small graveyard
for helicopters; at least five were downed on or around the hill.
Consequently, Company I gained a reputation among chopper crews which
lasted long after the siege was over. When the 3d Battalion later
departed Khe Sanh, Company I eventually moved to Hill 55 near Da Nang.
One afternoon, while evacuating a wounded Marine, a CH-46 developed
engine trouble and the pilot decided to shut down for repairs. Another
flight was sent to pick up the wounded man and as the lead pilot
approached he came up over the radio and asked his wingman where the
landing zone was. The wingman replied: "Just look for the downed
chopper, India _[_Company I_]_ always marks their zones that way."
[42] For comparison as many as 16 helicopters were utilized up to four
times in one day during the Super Gaggle without a loss. Prior to the
conception of this technique, as many as three choppers were shot down
in one day around Khe Sanh.
[43] There is an interesting possibility as to why the mortars in
the Horseshoe were never silenced. Fourteen years earlier, at Dien
Bien Phu, the North Vietnamese used an ingenious method to protect
their heavier siege mortars from air attacks and they may well have
repeated it at Khe Sanh. The mortar crews selected a site on the slope
of a hill, figured the elevation and deflection necessary to hit one
specific target, and then dug a small tunnel at that precise angle into
the side of the hill. The mortar was emplaced at the bottom of the
tunnel with connecting caves which housed the gunners. When fired, the
mortar rounds traveled up the shaft, sometimes as far as 50 feet before
reaching the surface. The foliage was cleared away from the mouth of
the tunnel so that the rounds did not hit the overhanging branches and
detonate prematurely. Mortars emplaced in this manner were, of course,
limited to only one target and, as far as the gunners in the Horseshoe
were concerned, that target was 881S. When the siege was later broken
and Marine units began to maneuver in the terrain surrounding the hill
mass, they were never taken under fire by the 120mm mortars even though
they did receive fire from smaller caliber weapons. Hill 881S, however,
continued to be hit periodically by the 120mms.
[44] Of all the jettisoned loads, those containing water were the most
spectacular. On one occasion, a CH-46 carrying plastic containers of
water was forced to release the net about 200 feet above the ground.
The containers broke open in midair and the contents cascaded on the
hill below. The Company E, 2/26, commander, Captain Breeding, later
recalled that it produced one of the prettiest waterfalls he'd ever
seen.
[45] It is no exaggeration to say that MAG-36 helicopters played a
decisive role in the battle. The maintenance of the hill outposts was
imperative if Khe Sanh was to be held, and these units depended on the
helicopters for survival.
[46] During one period of extremely bad weather, the platoon from
A/1/26 which held positions on Hill 950 went without resupply for nine
days and the water shortage became a major problem. Lieutenant Colonel
Wilkinson authorized the platoon commander, Second Lieutenant Maxie
R. Williams, to send a squad out to a small stream which was about
two hours march from the perimeter. In addition to finding water, the
Marines surprised a group of North Vietnamese and killed nine of the
enemy. One Marine was also killed.
[47] Bad weather occasionally precluded the immediate evacuation of
casualties from the hill outposts.