THE PRICE OF PARCHMENT
Whenever Sir John thought of his miscarriage over the Soffah--and
hardly a day passed without his thinking of that melancholy
event--he comforted himself with the reflection that he was the
last of all the European Ministers to submit.[245] By holding out
longer than the others, he believed that he had gained the respect
of the Turks, including that of Kara Mustafa.[246] Hence his
comparative quiet amidst the general turmoil. This, however, was
but a fancy--one of those pleasing fancies with which we all try to
minimise in our own eyes the importance of a thing we are sorry or
ashamed to have done. It cannot be questioned that, last or first,
by submitting to the Grand Vizir’s caprice Sir John had lost caste
among the Turks. An ambassador who once endured an affront at their
hands patiently could not expect the Turks to respect him ever
afterwards. He could only expect them to trespass further on his
patience; “for certainly,” as our sensible Rycaut remarks, “Turks
of all Nations in the World are most apt to crush and trample on
those that lie under their feet.”[247]
Moreover, there were certain little foibles about Sir John that did
not tend to enhance his prestige in Stambul. Such was his habit of
speaking too much. His interminable discourses, with their frequent
repetitions, were calculated to inspire a very poor opinion of his
understanding in a people which held more obstinately than any
other the superstition that silence is golden. Such also was his
habit of going about in a sedan chair. He had brought out with him
two of these ornamental boxes, one for himself and one for Sir
Thomas Baines; and he used to be carried to and fro, instead of
riding on horseback. This he did, according to Baines,[248] partly
because his country-house was not above half-a-mile from his town
residence, partly because his friend was, by reason of his stone,
unable to ride, and Finch would not stir a yard without him; but
chiefly, if the truth must be told, because he was no horseman. To
ordinary Turks our Ambassador’s mode of locomotion appeared a vile
effeminacy unbecoming a man: a man, they said, should ride a horse
and not be carried in a cradle like a baby.[249] To Kara Mustafa it
not only appeared unbecoming, which would have simply excited the
Grand Vizir’s derision, but it also savoured of presumption, which
aroused the Grand Vizir’s wrath. Once he spoke of ordering his
chaoushes “to break that cage on his [Sir John’s] head.”[250]
In the circumstances, it is rather a wonder that our Ambassador
had managed to “maintain all the Capitulations inviolable” so long.
But it was not in the nature of things that he should maintain
them much longer. All that Kara Mustafa waited for to let loose
the forces of his “tempestuous Goverment” fully upon him was an
occasion. It presented itself in the summer of 1680, and from that
date on there was no more peace for our hapless pilot: nothing but
the roar of rushing winds, the awful sight of foam-crested billows.
We see him tossed about at the mercy of the elements, now defiant,
now despairing, always anxious to do his very utmost for the ship
confided to him, with or without hope, till the very end.
The trouble once again originated at Smyrna. A local Jew had pawned
to a member of the English Factory some goods--part merchandise
and part wearing apparel and jewels--which, as he was unable to
redeem them, were in time eaten up by interest. By and by the
Englishman went home, leaving his affairs in the hands of two
other merchants, his Assigns; and the Jew, who in the interval
had been reduced to the verge of starvation, thinking that if he
made noise enough and put in a claim large enough, he would be
sure to get something, lodged with the Cadi of Smyrna a complaint
against them. An ill-founded complaint perhaps; but we, at this
distance of time, have no means of judging. With whatever mental
reservations, we must needs tell the story as it has come down to
us.[251] Unsuccessful at Smyrna, the Jew carried his grievance up
to Constantinople and threw himself at the Grand Vizir’s feet
with horrid cries, praying to be rescued from the claws of those
English harpies. Kara Mustafa was only too ready to believe any
charge brought against a Frank, and never denied his sympathy to
the oppressed if he saw a chance of turning compassion into current
coin. So the two Englishmen were promptly summoned to appear before
the Divan.
Sir John, who had consistently protested against these frequent
summonings of English factors from their business,[252] could
do no less than lend them such protection as the Capitulations
afforded. The defendants, knowing that the Jew relied entirely upon
witnesses, thought to cut the ground from under him by appealing
to an Article in the Capitulations which provided that no evidence
should be valid against a Frank unless supported by a _Hoggiet_, or
written statement made in the presence of a Dragoman. This Article
had on many occasions proved useful in inferior courts and even,
several times, in the Grand Vizir’s tribunal itself, when the Grand
Vizir happened to be favourably inclined to the defendants. But
at other times even the best Vizirs had declared that the Article
was intended only for inferior courts and that the Vizir looked
upon himself as being above the Capitulations, were they never so
precise.
To understand the position we must clear our minds of the
suggestion which the word “treaty” naturally produces: it implies a
totally false conception of the relations between the parties. The
Capitulations were not “treaties” in the ordinary meaning of the
word. They were mere concessions made by the Grand Signor, for the
sake of his revenues, to wretched Giaours in need of trade. As such
they depended for their duration on his pleasure, and for their
interpretation on the ingenuity or candour of his Ministers. For
that reason ambassadors who knew their business--who knew, that is,
the spirit of their environment--urged the Capitulations as seldom
as possible, never entered into litigation on their basis, if they
could avoid it, and suffered a small injury to pass unnoticed
rather than bring it before the supreme tribunal. The English,
perfectly aware of these conditions, never cited the Capitulations
except when they were assured beforehand that the citation would be
received favourably.
Sir John could not plead ignorance of these conditions. Some four
years before he had had an object lesson on this very point. In
1676 the Genoese Resident Spinola had tried to swindle a Greek out
of a sum of money, and on the matter being brought up to the Divan,
had tried to screen himself behind that Article. Ahmed Kuprili
was so angry to see a privilege granted to foreigners for their
protection used by them for the spoliation of the Grand Signor’s
subjects that he not only forced Spinola to an adjustment with the
plaintiff, but shortly afterwards condemned the Dutch Cancellier
also to pay a debt on the bare testimony of witnesses. Finch,
considering this procedure “a thing of pernicious consequence” to
all Franks, had done all he could to get the sentence against the
Dutchman reversed, but with little success.[253] If such was the
attitude of Ahmed Kuprili, what might be expected from a Vizir
who, in Finch’s own words, declared Capitulations to be “like a
peice of wett parchment that may be stretchd’ any way”? Yet, in
the present case, forgetting his experience, Sir John did a most
reckless thing.
Although utterly lacking any assurance of a favourable reception,
though, in fact, having every reason to anticipate the opposite,
he caused the Capitulations to be produced in Court. Whereupon the
Grand Vizir ordered them to be left with him, that he might study
that interesting article at leisure.
It was not long before the folly of his action became manifest to
our Ambassador. When he asked to have the Charter back, he was told
that the Grand Vizir perceived in it many things which he supposed
had been obtained in former times by corruption, without the Grand
Signor’s knowledge: he intended to show it to the Grand Signor and
learn his pleasure in the matter.
Sir John listened with blank dismay: “His Majesty’s Capitulations
thrice sworn to and subscribd’ by this present Gran Signor,”
the Capitulations which had cost him so much “care, paynes, and
hazard,” to say nothing of gold and silver and Florence wines--in
the hands of Kara Mustafa! And that, too, “at a time when,
besides the great estate wee had allready in the country, wee
had the accession of 300,000 Dollars in ready mony, and above
three millions of Dollars in effects by our Generall Ships which
arrivd’ in this conjuncture.”[254] It was a prospect to shudder at.
Something ought to be done, and done quickly--before Kara Mustafa
should work some great mischief. But what? Before doing anything we
must find out what the Vizir’s aim is.
Overtures were made to the Vizir’s underlings--his Jewish man of
business acting as a go-between; and it was found that his aim
was--money. How much? Fifteen thousand for the Capitulations, and
three thousand for the claim against the Smyrna merchant: in all,
18,000 dollars. A big sum; but not too big for the emergency. With
all its limitations, the Charter constituted the only safeguard
of our estates and persons. Even in the worst of times, when the
most cruel and covetous Ministers had governed, we had always fled
to that Charter, as to a stronghold; and, though it had sometimes
been assaulted and shaken, yet it had never failed to afford us
some shelter. Without it we were lost. That was the plain fact of
the matter, and however much it might be embroidered by diplomatic
phraseology it remained fundamental. Sir John had to choose between
a course which wounded his pride and a course which imperilled the
existence of the English colony: he preferred the former. So the
sum was paid, and the Capitulations were restored by the Grand
Vizir “at a publick Court, in presence of all the Bassàs.”[255]
This was a master-stroke of Kara Mustafa’s--it threw into the shade
the turpitude of any previous Vizir. No Vizir had ever before
thought of such a thing. No Vizir had ever before ventured to flout
the dignity of the King of England in such a way, or to put the
Grand Signor’s faith up for sale. It was nothing less than holding
the whole English Nation, with its Ambassador and its Consuls, to
ransom: an achievement without example.
Having discovered that a European nation could be held to ransom,
Kara Mustafa hastened to exploit his discovery for all it was
worth. After the English came the turn of the Dutch; and in their
case the Vizir’s rapacity was aggravated by the brutality that
arose from the violence of his temper. A private lawsuit here also
supplied the occasion. M. de Broesses, the principal Dutch merchant
at Constantinople, who besides was Secretary to the Minister of
Holland commissioned direct from the States and had formerly
been Resident at the Porte, sued a Greek for a debt before the
Divan. The Grand Vizir, after listening to his claim, said that it
appeared to be a false demand. “Sir,” replied the Dutchman, “we
Franks use not to make false demands.” Taking this as a reflection
on the Turks, Kara Mustafa in an access of fury, ordered him to be
laid down and drubbed in sight of the Divan. M. de Broesses had
184 blows upon his bare feet out of the 300 to which he had been
condemned, and was carried home in a critical condition. “The poor
man is in danger of being crippled all his life, his feet since his
recovery being twice opend’,” wrote Finch at the time; but it seems
that he never really recovered, and his death, which occurred soon
after, was attributed to this cruel punishment.[256]
Presently (August 13th) the Dutch Capitulations were taken away,
not by sleight of hand, as the English had been, but by an express
command from the Vizir. Nor was it alleged as an excuse for their
detention that they contained anything contrary to Moslem Law or
detrimental to the Grand Signor’s Exchequer. Kara Mustafa no longer
thought it necessary to cover his tyranny under an appearance of
law. When the Dutch Dragoman asked why they were detained, the
Vizir’s Kehayah bluntly answered: “You infidel dog, do not you eat
the Grand Signor’s air, and will you contribute nothing to him?”
The Minister of Holland proceeded to negotiate through the Vizir’s
Jew, as Finch had done; and it was not without some satisfaction
that the latter heard from the Jew that the ransom would be at
least double of what he himself had paid: “but as to this point,”
he comments, “wee have but a Jew’s word for it.” He need not have
been so sceptical. Kara Mustafa’s dragon-appetite grew in eating.
The Dutch Minister, Justinus Collyer, unable to protect his people
ashore, endeavoured at least to save their property afloat, and
kept their General ships, which arrived at that moment, outside the
Castles of Smyrna, declaring that he would not let them come in,
until his Capitulations were restored. But Kara Mustafa possessed
other means of persuasion. He threatened Collyer with the Seven
Towers and similar severities; and Collyer, with the example of
his Secretary before him, had no need to be told that the Vizir
threatened not in vain. So, after holding out for nearly two
months, at last, anxious for peace and persuaded that peace could
be obtained only in one way, he ordered the ships to come in;
and immediately got his Capitulations back on payment of 40,000
dollars.[257]
Such was Kara Mustafa’s fiscal system. So well did this gifted
statesman know how to levy tribute on foreign envoys; and those
envoys, instead of joining forces against the common oppressor,
invited his depredations by their insane dissensions.
The imbecility of these diplomats and their pettiness never
showed in a worse light than at the present conjuncture, the hour
of extremest danger for all of them. As our Ambassador played a
prominent part in this suicidal squabble he may be allowed to give
his own account of it:
“I read in Our printed Gazettes, That the Resident of Holland
here, complaining to His Masters that the Ambassadours of France
and Venice would not return his visits, they thought fitt to
change His Title from Resident into that of Ambassadour. Though my
name is left out in the Print, yet there was more reason perhaps
to have inserted It then that of the others.” He proceeds to
demonstrate that he amply deserved the fame which the newspapers
had so unaccountably refused him. “During the Warr between France
and the States, the Dutch Resident made me constantly two visits
for one, as He did likewise to my Predecessours; and is the style
of all Residents towards Ambassadours in this place: But no sooner
was the Peace made with France, but that the Dutch Resident gave
me to understand that He expected Visit for Visit. My answer was,
That the King my Master’s Ambassadour was never a jot the lesse for
the Peace, nor the States Resident the greater: And so wee passd’
without visiting each other.” There followed a similar estrangement
between the Dutchman and the representatives of France and
Venice, so that, when Collyer announced to them his promotion to
Ambassadorial rank, all three refused to acknowledge him, alleging
that it was neither honourable nor safe for them to do so till the
Porte had received him as such; and some of them (Finch says it
was not he) had the meanness to inform the Porte of the intrigue.
Nothing could be more pleasing to Kara Mustafa than discord among
his victims. He hastened to foment it by forbidding them to
recognise the Dutchman as Ambassador, and to turn it to account in
his characteristic fashion. When Collyer spoke to him about his new
Commission, the Vizir said, “Where are then the Letters of Credence
to me, and the accustomed presents?” Collyer replied that they were
both on the way. “Well,” said the Vizir, “when they arrive, we
will talk further of the matter,” and cut the audience short. The
visitor gone, he sent for the Register to find out what presents he
was supposed to be entitled to. He found that Cornelius Haghen, who
had originally made the Dutch Capitulations, gave presents to the
value of one hundred and twenty thousand dollars; and to fix this
claim more firmly, the very same night he despatched his Dragoman,
Dr. Mavrocordato, to take possession of Collyer’s Commission.[258]
Meanwhile the party in England which called for closer relations
with Holland had temporarily gained the ascendant, and, in
obedience to instructions from home, Sir John would fain support
her representative now. But it was too late. The utmost he could
do was to send Collyer his compliments privately, and to explain
to him the reasons why he dared not do more: by this time himself
stood in a “Ticklish condition” (such is his expression) with the
Porte again.
“Ticklish,” indeed, was hardly the word for it. Had Finch foreseen
all that lay in front of him, he would probably have described his
condition as “Tragick.”
FOOTNOTES:
[245] “To my dayly comfort I was the last of all the Christian
Ministers that submitted.”--Finch to Coventry, March 1-11, 1679-80.
[246] “I am fully perswaded that in the Turkes’ judgment, nay, that
of the Visir himselfe, I am a gainer every way.”--The Same to the
Same, Sept 2-12, 1678.
[247] _Present State_, p. 168.
[248] Baines to Conway, June 1-11, 1677, _S.P. Turkey_, 19.
[249] _Life of Dudley North_, pp. 124-5. Oddly enough, Sir John
himself tells a similar anecdote at the expense of the Polish
Ambassador: Finch to Coventry, Nov. 29, S.V. 1677. If we could but
see ourselves as we see others!
[250] Vandal’s _Nointel_, p. 227.
[251] Owing to a gap in the Ambassador’s correspondence and to
the absence from the scene of our candid Treasurer, much of what
follows rests on the authority of North’s second-hand reports
(see _Life of Dudley North_, pp. 90-92) and of a Narrative which
the Levant Company submitted to the King (_Register, S.P. Levant
Company_, 145), both sources in sad need of critical scrutiny.
[252] A parallel case, between an Englishman and a Greek of Smyrna,
had just elicited such a protest. See Finch to Coventry, March
1-11, 1679-80.
[253] Finch to Coventry, Aug. 4-14, Aug. 29/Sept. 8, 1676.
[254] Finch to Sir Leoline Jenkins, Aug. 21-31, 1680, _S.P.
Turkey_, 19.
[255] _Ibid._
[256] _Ibid._ Cp. _Life of Dudley North_, p. 100.
[257] Finch to Jenkins, _loc. cit._; the Same to Sunderland, Nov.
6-16, 1680, _S.P. Turkey_, 19.
[258] Finch to Jenkins, Aug. 21-31; the Same to Sunderland, Nov.
6-16.