CHAPTER 4

State of civilized nations--Probability that Europe is much more

populous now than in the time of Julius Caesar--Best criterion of

population--Probable error of Hume in one the criterions that he

proposes as assisting in an estimate of population--Slow increase of

population at present in most of the states of Europe--The two

principal checks to population--The first, or preventive check examined

with regard to England.

In examining the next state of mankind with relation to the question

before us, the state of mixed pasture and tillage, in which with some

variation in the proportions the most civilized nations must always

remain, we shall be assisted in our review by what we daily see around

us, by actual experience, by facts that come within the scope of every

man's observation.

Notwithstanding the exaggerations of some old historians, there can

remain no doubt in the mind of any thinking man that the population of

the principal countries of Europe, France, England, Germany, Russia,

Poland, Sweden, and Denmark is much greater than ever it was in former

times. The obvious reason of these exaggerations is the formidable

aspect that even a thinly peopled nation must have, when collected

together and moving all at once in search of fresh seats. If to this

tremendous appearance be added a succession at certain intervals of

similar emigrations, we shall not be much surprised that the fears of

the timid nations of the South represented the North as a region

absolutely swarming with human beings. A nearer and juster view of the

subject at present enables us to see that the inference was as absurd

as if a man in this country, who was continually meeting on the road

droves of cattle from Wales and the North, was immediately to conclude

that these countries were the most productive of all the parts of the

kingdom.

The reason that the greater part of Europe is more populous now than it

was in former times, is that the industry of the inhabitants has made

these countries produce a greater quantity of human subsistence. For I

conceive that it may be laid down as a position not to be controverted,

that, taking a sufficient extent of territory to include within it

exportation and importation, and allowing some variation for the

prevalence of luxury, or of frugal habits, that population constantly

bears a regular proportion to the food that the earth is made to

produce. In the controversy concerning the populousness of ancient and

modern nations, could it be clearly ascertained that the average

produce of the countries in question, taken altogether, is greater now

than it was in the times of Julius Caesar, the dispute would be at once

determined.

When we are assured that China is the most fertile country in the

world, that almost all the land is in tillage, and that a great part of

it bears two crops every year, and further, that the people live very

frugally, we may infer with certainty that the population must be

immense, without busying ourselves in inquiries into the manners and

habits of the lower classes and the encouragements to early marriages.

But these inquiries are of the utmost importance, and a minute history

of the customs of the lower Chinese would be of the greatest use in

ascertaining in what manner the checks to a further population operate;

what are the vices, and what are the distresses that prevent an

increase of numbers beyond the ability of the country to support.

Hume, in his essay on the populousness of ancient and modern nations,

when he intermingles, as he says, an inquiry concerning causes with

that concerning facts, does not seem to see with his usual penetration

how very little some of the causes he alludes to could enable him to

form any judgement of the actual population of ancient nations. If any

inference can be drawn from them, perhaps it should be directly the

reverse of what Hume draws, though I certainly ought to speak with

great diffidence in dissenting from a man who of all others on such

subjects was the least likely to be deceived by first appearances. If I

find that at a certain period in ancient history, the encouragements to

have a family were great, that early marriages were consequently very

prevalent, and that few persons remained single, I should infer with

certainty that population was rapidly increasing, but by no means that

it was then actually very great, rather; indeed, the contrary, that it

was then thin and that there was room and food for a much greater

number. On the other hand, if I find that at this period the

difficulties attending a family were very great, that, consequently,

few early marriages took place, and that a great number of both sexes

remained single, I infer with certainty that population was at a stand,

and, probably, because the actual population was very great in

proportion to the fertility of the land and that there was scarcely

room and food for more. The number of footmen, housemaids, and other

persons remaining unmarried in modern states, Hume allows to be rather

an argument against their population. I should rather draw a contrary

inference and consider it an argument of their fullness, though this

inference is not certain, because there are many thinly inhabited

states that are yet stationary in their population. To speak,

therefore, correctly, perhaps it may be said that the number of

unmarried persons in proportion to the whole number, existing at

different periods, in the same or different states will enable us to

judge whether population at these periods was increasing, stationary,

or decreasing, but will form no criterion by which we can determine the

actual population.

There is, however, a circumstance taken notice of in most of the

accounts we have of China that it seems difficult to reconcile with

this reasoning. It is said that early marriages very generally prevail

through all the ranks of the Chinese. Yet Dr Adam Smith supposes that

population in China is stationary. These two circumstances appear to be

irreconcilable. It certainly seems very little probable that the

population of China is fast increasing. Every acre of land has been so

long in cultivation that we can hardly conceive there is any great

yearly addition to the average produce. The fact, perhaps, of the

universality of early marriages may not be sufficiently ascertained. If

it be supposed true, the only way of accounting for the difficulty,

with our present knowledge of the subject, appears to be that the

redundant population, necessarily occasioned by the prevalence of early

marriages, must be repressed by occasional famines, and by the custom

of exposing children, which, in times of distress, is probably more

frequent than is ever acknowledged to Europeans. Relative to this

barbarous practice, it is difficult to avoid remarking, that there

cannot be a stronger proof of the distresses that have been felt by

mankind for want of food, than the existence of a custom that thus

violates the most natural principle of the human heart. It appears to

have been very general among ancient nations, and certainly tended

rather to increase population.

In examining the principal states of modern Europe, we shall find that

though they have increased very considerably in population since they

were nations of shepherds, yet that at present their progress is but

slow, and instead of doubling their numbers every twenty-five years

they require three or four hundred years, or more, for that purpose.

Some, indeed, may be absolutely stationary, and others even retrograde.

The cause of this slow progress in population cannot be traced to a

decay of the passion between the sexes. We have sufficient reason to

think that this natural propensity exists still in undiminished vigour.

Why then do not its effects appear in a rapid increase of the human

species? An intimate view of the state of society in any one country in

Europe, which may serve equally for all, will enable us to answer this

question, and to say that a foresight of the difficulties attending the

rearing of a family acts as a preventive check, and the actual

distresses of some of the lower classes, by which they are disabled

from giving the proper food and attention to their children, act as a

positive check to the natural increase of population.

England, as one of the most flourishing states of Europe, may be fairly

taken for an example, and the observations made will apply with but

little variation to any other country where the population increases

slowly.

The preventive check appears to operate in some degree through all the

ranks of society in England. There are some men, even in the highest

rank, who are prevented from marrying by the idea of the expenses that

they must retrench, and the fancied pleasures that they must deprive

themselves of, on the supposition of having a family. These

considerations are certainly trivial, but a preventive foresight of

this kind has objects of much greater weight for its contemplation as

we go lower.

A man of liberal education, but with an income only just sufficient to

enable him to associate in the rank of gentlemen, must feel absolutely

certain that if he marries and has a family he shall be obliged, if he

mixes at all in society, to rank himself with moderate farmers and the

lower class of tradesmen. The woman that a man of education would

naturally make the object of his choice would be one brought up in the

same tastes and sentiments with himself and used to the familiar

intercourse of a society totally different from that to which she must

be reduced by marriage. Can a man consent to place the object of his

affection in a situation so discordant, probably, to her tastes and

inclinations? Two or three steps of descent in society, particularly at

this round of the ladder, where education ends and ignorance begins,

will not be considered by the generality of people as a fancied and

chimerical, but a real and essential evil. If society be held

desirable, it surely must be free, equal, and reciprocal society, where

benefits are conferred as well as received, and not such as the

dependent finds with his patron or the poor with the rich.

These considerations undoubtedly prevent a great number in this rank of

life from following the bent of their inclinations in an early

attachment. Others, guided either by a stronger passion, or a weaker

judgement, break through these restraints, and it would be hard indeed,

if the gratification of so delightful a passion as virtuous love, did

not, sometimes, more than counterbalance all its attendant evils. But I

fear it must be owned that the more general consequences of such

marriages are rather calculated to justify than to repress the

forebodings of the prudent.

The sons of tradesmen and farmers are exhorted not to marry, and

generally find it necessary to pursue this advice till they are settled

in some business or farm that may enable them to support a family.

These events may not, perhaps, occur till they are far advanced in

life. The scarcity of farms is a very general complaint in England. And

the competition in every kind of business is so great that it is not

possible that all should be successful.

The labourer who earns eighteen pence a day and lives with some degree

of comfort as a single man, will hesitate a little before he divides

that pittance among four or five, which seems to be but just sufficient

for one. Harder fare and harder labour he would submit to for the sake

of living with the woman that he loves, but he must feel conscious, if

he thinks at all, that should he have a large family, and any ill luck

whatever, no degree of frugality, no possible exertion of his manual

strength could preserve him from the heart-rending sensation of seeing

his children starve, or of forfeiting his independence, and being

obliged to the parish for their support. The love of independence is a

sentiment that surely none would wish to be erased from the breast of

man, though the parish law of England, it must be confessed, is a

system of all others the most calculated gradually to weaken this

sentiment, and in the end may eradicate it completely.

The servants who live in gentlemen's families have restraints that are

yet stronger to break through in venturing upon marriage. They possess

the necessaries, and even the comforts of life, almost in as great

plenty as their masters. Their work is easy and their food luxurious

compared with the class of labourers. And their sense of dependence is

weakened by the conscious power of changing their masters, if they feel

themselves offended. Thus comfortably situated at present, what are

their prospects in marrying? Without knowledge or capital, either for

business, or farming, and unused and therefore unable, to earn a

subsistence by daily labour, their only refuge seems to be a miserable

ale-house, which certainly offers no very enchanting prospect of a

happy evening to their lives. By much the greater part, therefore,

deterred by this uninviting view of their future situation, content

themselves with remaining single where they are.

If this sketch of the state of society in England be near the truth,

and I do not conceive that it is exaggerated, it will be allowed that

the preventive check to population in this country operates, though

with varied force, through all the classes of the community. The same

observation will hold true with regard to all old states. The effects,

indeed, of these restraints upon marriage are but too conspicuous in

the consequent vices that are produced in almost every part of the

world, vices that are continually involving both sexes in inextricable

unhappiness.

An Essay on the Principle of Population · 第 4 / 19 章