His Letter to Baxter, i. 440
His Inconsistency, ii. 27
Reproved by Howe, 28
Attends Russell on the Scaffold, 67
Tilsey, i. 291
Tindal, ii. 115
Tombes, John, i. 317; ii. 283, 285
Tomkyns, i. 378
Tompson, Sir John, i. 430
Tompson, Lady, i. 430
Tongue, ii. 9
Tory, Origin of Term, ii. 32
Trelawny, Bishop of Bristol, ii. 141, 147, 189
Truman, Joseph, ii. 283
Tuckney, Dr., i. 155, 489
Tully, Dr. Thomas, ii. 196, 283, 284
Turbeville, ii. 49
Turner, Bishop of Ely, ii. 140
Turner, Sir Edward, i. 155
Turner, Sir James, i. 363
Tyrconnel, Earl of, ii. 104
Uniformity (_see_ Act)
Universities, their Petitions to Parliament, i. 92
Changes at Oxford and Cambridge, 93
Puritan Power at Cambridge, 93
James II.’s Attack on their Liberties, ii. 132
Proceedings at Cambridge, 132
Proceedings at Oxford, 133–139
Studies and Habits of Members, 250–258
Ussher, Dr. James, i. 100; ii. 278, 406
His Biblical Learning, 354
Vane, Sir Henry, i. 5, 20, 21, 26, 49, 126, 140, 202
Member of Richard’s Parliament, 17
Member of New Council of State, 25
His Trial, 257
His Mysticism, 256; ii. 385
His Execution, i. 258
Vane, Lady, i. 366
Venner, his Insurrection, i. 140–144
Vernon, Alderman, i. 64
Vic, Sir Henry de, i. 124
Vincent, Nathaniel, ii. 54–56
Vincent, Thomas, i. 338, 339; ii. 54
Vincent, William, i. 148
Vines, Richard, ii. 503
Visitation, Articles of, ii. 183–185, 189
Wade, Thomas, ii. 502
Wake, ii. 117
Wakerley, i. 313
Wales, i. 19, 137
Walker, Obadiah, ii. 109
Waller, Edmund, ii. 454
Wallis, Dr. John, i. 115, 156, 170, 288; ii. 198
Walters, Lucy, ii. 60
Walters, ii. 139
Walton, Bryan, Bishop of Chester, i. 131, 156
His Death, 306
His Polyglott, ii. 332, 354
Walton, Isaak, ii. 468–471
Ward, Seth, Bishop of Exeter, afterwards Bishop of Salisbury,
i. 264, 348, 385, 395, 478, 483, 502; ii. 192, 356
His Intolerance, i. 397, 435–437
Account of him, 474–476
Improves Exeter Cathedral, ii. 180
His Hospitality, 229
Warmestry, Dr., i. 157
Warner, Bishop of Rochester, i. 98, 490
Commissioner at the Savoy, 156, 160
Warwick, Countess of, ii. 488, 489
Watson, Richard, ii. 417
Whalley, Edward, Major-General, i. 23, 259, 260
Wharton, Philip, Lord, i. 126, 230, 231, 313, 347; ii. 71
Supports the Duke of Buckingham, i. 461
Committed to the Tower, 462
Released, 462
His House a resort of Nonconformist Divines, ii. 223
Whig, Origin of Term, ii. 32
Whinnel, ii. 176
White, Jeremy, ii. 101, 384
White, Bishop of Peterborough, ii. 141
White, John, ii. 457
Whitehead, George, i. 414
Whitelocke, i. 25, 45
Whitford, John, i. 91
_Whole Duty of Man_, ii. 330
Wilde, i. 120
Wilkins, Dr. John, Bishop of Chester, i. 16, 264, 380, 385, 396,
503; ii. 248, 356
Account of him, i. 483–485
His Theological teaching, ii. 348
Wilkinson, Lady Vere, i. 430
Williams, Dr. Edward, ii. 417, 419
Williams, Solicitor-General, ii. 153
Williamson, Joseph, Esq. (afterwards knighted), i. 365, 367, 410,
432, 442, 456; ii. 182, 193, 253, 255
Wilmot, John, Earl of Rochester; ii. 490
Windsor, Lord, i. 145
Wiquefort, De, Dutch Minister, i. 231, 232, 267
Witchcot, i. 439
Wither, George, ii. 459
Wood, Captain Henry, ii. 190
Wood, Thomas, Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, i. 500; ii. 139
Woodbridge, i. 156
Woodford, Dr. Samuel, ii. 457
Woodhead, Abraham, i. 453; ii. 330
Woodward, William, ii. 201
Worcester House, i. 114
Worth, Dr., i. 103
Wren, Bishop of Ely, i. 37, 97, 488, 502
Wren, Sir Christopher, ii. 181
Wright, Chief Justice, ii. 153–155
Wyche, Sir Cyril, i. 243
Wycherley, ii. 115
Wylde, Recorder, i. 148
Yarrington, Captain, i. 212
York, Duke of (_see_ James II.)
Young, ii. 176
Vol. I.
Page 34, line 28, _Henry_, should be _Herbert_.
„ 160, „ 7, _Convocation_ „ _Coronation_.
„ 181, „ 6, _Hammond_ „ _Hamon_.
„ 277, „ 11, _Edward_ „ _Edmund_.
UNWIN BROTHERS, PRINTERS, BUCKLERSBURY, LONDON.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] _Burnet_, _Rapin_, _Hume_, and _Lingard_, give numerous
particulars, but the account I have presented is drawn from _A True
Narrative of the Horrid Plot and Conspiracy of the Popish Party against
the Life of His Majesty, the Government, and the Protestant Religion_,
by Titus Oates himself, published 1679.
In the Dedication there is a sentiment expressed worthy of a better
man. “It is a false suggestion,” says Oates, “which such tempters use,
that a King that rules by will is more great and glorious than a King
that rules by law:--the quality of the retinue best proves the state
of the lord; the one being but a king of slaves, while the other, like
God, is a king of kings and hearts.”
I have before me a narrative of “the horrid Popish plot,” by Capt.
W. Bedloe, 1679; another by Miles Prance, 1679; and a collection of
letters relating to it published by order of the House of Commons,
1681. Oates’ narrative, which, though dated the 27th of September,
1678, was not published until the following April, contains a digested
statement, in eighty-one items, of all the particulars which he had
alleged.
[2] The letters are published in the collection just named. Some are in
_Rapin_, iii. 171.
[3] _History of his Own Time_, i. 434.
[4] _Life of Calamy_, i. 83.
[5] Defoe quoted in _Knight’s Hist. of England_, iv. 335.
[6] Stayley was executed November 26th, Coleman December 3rd.
[7] In the _Moneys for Secret Services_, published by the Camden
Society, are numerous entries of sums paid to Oates and others.
Curious references to Oates’ character as an impostor, may be found in
_Reresby’s Memoirs_, 239, and _North’s Lives_, i. 325.
[8] _State Papers, Dom. Charles II._, 1678, November 1, December
(without further date), and December 28. It would divert attention from
the main current of this history to go fully into Oates’ plot. The
historical student will find a bundle of papers bearing on the subject
under date 1678, and further papers on the same subject under 1679,
January to June.
[9] Lord Keeper North “was of opinion that the fiction of the
Popish Plot did not arise from the accident of Tongue’s and Oates’
informations, but from a preconcerted design.” The reasons are given in
a MS. of North’s, printed in _Dalrymple’s Memoirs_, ii. app. 320. That
the plot was _invented_ by Shaftesbury there seems no sufficient ground
for believing. See _Campbell’s Lives of Lord Chancellors_, iv. 197.
[10] _Rapin_, iii. 172. Evelyn says, “For my part I look on Oates as a
vain insolent man, puffed up with the favour of the Commons, for having
discovered something really true, more especially as detecting the
dangerous intrigue of Coleman, proved out of his own letters, and of
a general design which the Jesuited party of the Papists ever had and
still have, to ruin the Church of England.”--_Diary_, ii. 140.
[11] _Commons’ Journals_, October 28. “The Oath of Supremacy was
already taken by the Commons, though not by the Lords; and it is a
great mistake to imagine that Catholics were legally capable of sitting
in the Lower House before the Act of 1679” (1678).--_Hallam’s Const.
Hist._, ii. 121.
[12] _Burnet_, _Hist. of his Own Times_, i. 436.
[13] _Journals_, Nov. 21 and 30; _Lingard_, xii. 151, 152. Reresby
says, (_Memoirs_, 230), “In April, 1680, I went to London to solicit
some business at Court, but the application of all men being to the
Duke, who quite engrossed the King to himself, His Highness had but
little leisure to give ear to, or assist his friends.”
[14] _North’s Lives_, i. 340.
[15] _Sir Thomas Browne’s Works_, i. 241. This relates to a second
election for Norwich in the month of May, the first having been set
aside. It illustrates both the excitement and the custom of the times.
The general election took place in February.
[16] _Evelyn’s Diary_, ii. 136.
[17] Quoted in _D’Oyley’s Life of Sancroft_, i. 165–176.
[18] _Life of James II._, i. 539.
[19] _Wilkins_, iv. 606.
[20] _Ibid._, iv. 600.
[21] _Wilkins_, iv. 605; _Sancroft’s Life by D’Oyley_, i. 186.
[22] _Wilkins_, iv. 607.
[23] _Tanner MSS._, 32, 208; _Life of Sancroft_, i. 204. D’Oyley
conjecturally assigns this document to the reign of Charles, but he is
not sure it may not belong to the reign of James.
[24] Sir W. Temple, in his _Memoirs_, part iii., gives an account of
the plan and working of this Council. His object was to enable the
Crown to manage the Commons, by making the Crown, as far as possible,
independent of the Commons. After noticing the wealth of the Council
in revenues of land or offices as amounting to £300,000 per annum,
whilst that of the House of Commons seldom exceeded £400,000, he
adds, “And authority is observed much to follow land, and, at the
worst, such a Council might, out of their own stock, and upon a pinch,
furnish the King so far as to relieve some great necessity of the
Crown.”--_Temple’s Works_, vol. i. 414. He says (436) he told the Duke
of York, “he might always reckon upon me as a legal man, and one that
would always follow the Crown as became me.” These passages seem to be
overlooked by some historians, in estimating the nature and objects of
Temple’s scheme.
[25] April 30, 1679.--_Parl. Hist._ iv. 1128.
[26] The Habeas Corpus Act was passed during the spring of 1679.
[27] _Burnet’s Hist. of his Own Time_, i. 475.
[28] “The information of Dangerfield, delivered at the bar of the
Commons, the 26th of October, 1680.” _Lords’ Journals_, Nov. 15, 1680.
_State Trials._ _Burnet_, i. 475 and 637. _Lingard_, xii. 227, _et
seq._ Dangerfield died from a blow, struck whilst he was being whipped.
[29] Dated August 25. Received September 1.--_State Papers._
[30] _Parl. Hist._ iv. 1162, _et seq._ Again let me refer the reader to
Fox, _Hist. of James_ ii., p. 311, for some admirable remarks on this
whole question, politically considered.
[31] _Sommers’ Tracts_ i. 97.
[32] _Parl. Hist._ iv. 1197, _et seq._; _Rapin_, iii. 198, _et seq._
[33] _Reresby’s Memoirs_, 234. He says that the speech of Halifax, “so
all confessed, influenced the House, and persuaded them to throw out
the Bill.” The debate took place on the 15th of November.
[34] _Rogers’ Life of Howe_, 181.
[35] _Calamy’s Life of Baxter_, 354.
[36] _Rogers’ Life of Howe_, 183.
[37] _Ibid._, 187.
[38] “Tillotson’s conduct on this occasion places his amiable character
in the fairest light. One can hardly regret that he committed
a fault for which he so nobly atoned, and which has furnished
us with so impressive an example of ingenuousness, candour, and
humility.”--_Rogers’ Life of Howe_, 190.
[39] There were two Bishop Lloyds at the time; one of Norwich, the
other of St. Asaph, consecrated October 3, 1680. It was most likely the
latter. We shall meet with him as one of the seven Bishops committed to
the Tower in 1688.
[40] _Life of Howe_, 191, 192.
[41] _Kennet_ quoted in _Neal_, iv. 496.
[42] Dec. 30, 1680. “The Commons have before them a Bill of
comprehension and a Bill for indulgence. The latter is proposed very
full and clear, requiring nothing but subscription to Thirty-six
Articles, and taking a test against Popery. This hath been read twice,
and is before the Committee. The former moreover requires the use of
Common Prayer, and, I think, as proposed even relapses almost all other
things that almost anybody scruples. This has been read twice and
passed the Committee. Opinions about these Bills are various. All that
I have heard of, who desire comprehension, desire indulgence also for
others, though multitudes desire indulgence that most fervently oppose
comprehension. This begets great misunderstandings.”--_Entring Book,
Morice MSS._, Dr. Williams’ Library.
On the 24th of December a clergyman was charged before the House of
Commons with saying that the Presbyterians were such as the very devil
blushed at, and were as bad as Jesuits, and otherwise denying the
Popish plot, throwing the same on Protestants. It was resolved that he
should be impeached.--_Journals._
[43] Both read the first time Dec. 16.--_Journals._ The Bill for
toleration was read a second time Dec. 24.
[44] The Lords desired the concurrence of the Commons in the amendments
which they had made to this relief Bill Jan. 3. See _Journals_ of both
Houses.
[45] _Burnet_ (i. 495) says the Clerk of the Crown withdrew it from the
table by the King’s particular order.
[46] _Journals_, Jan. 10, 1681. Eachard, Rapin, Burnet, and Calamy
quote or mention two resolutions on this subject, as passed at the same
time by the Commons--the first, that the Act of Elizabeth and James
against Popish recusants ought not to be extended against Protestant
Dissenters--the second, that which has just been noticed. It is the
only one respecting toleration, recorded in the Journals for that day.
[47] I have, in the history of this whole affair, followed the
Journals; and they show the inaccuracy, more or less of _Burnet_,
_Eachard_, and _Neal_. Even what Sir William Jones says in his
_Vindication_ (_Parl. Hist._ iv. _Appendix_) is scarcely consistent
with the records of the Houses.
[48] “The Court was at Christ Church, and the Commons sat in the
schools, but were very much straitened for room, there being a very
great concourse of members.” “Many of the discontented members, of both
Houses, came armed, and more than usually attended; and it was affirmed
there was a design to have seized the King, and to have restrained him
till he had granted their petitions.”--_Reresby’s Memoirs_, 243, 245.
[49] March 24, _Parl. Hist._ iv. 1308.
[50] _Lords’ Journals_, March 26.
[51] _Reresby’s Memoirs_, 290.
[52] _Lingard_, xii. 281.
[53] _Burnet_, i. 500; _D’Oyley’s Life of Sancroft_, i. 252. The King’s
letter to Sancroft is dated April 11, 1681.
[54] Address from the University of Cambridge. _Wilkins_, iv. 607;
_State Papers, Charles II. Dom._ 1681, May 16. I have pretty closely
adhered to the words used in the addresses.
[55] _Bishop of Winchester’s Vindication_, 394, 410. This work was
published in 1683, but the author says that it was written a year
before. Probably the above passage may belong to 1681.
[56] Preface to _The Happy Future State of England_, published 1688.
[57] _The Conformist’s Plea for Nonconformists_, 7.
[58] _The Conformist’s Plea for the Nonconformists_, 34. _The Life of
Julian the Apostate_ also made a great noise at that time.
[59] _State Papers, Dom. Charles II._, 1677.
[60] There is a remarkable absence of information in Sir Joseph
Williamson’s papers of this date, preserved in the Record Office.
Several letters, written at this time by the informer Bowen, of
Yarmouth, upon local matters, contain no allusion to the Nonconformists
there. The Histories of Nonconformists silently bear witness to this
fact. Neal, Crosby, and Sewel, under these years, say little or
nothing of persecution. It must not, however, be inferred that it was
then unknown, for it is stated in the Church Book of Guildhall-street
Chapel, Canterbury, that Mr. Durant, the pastor, and some of his
congregation, in 1679, “fled for refuge to Holland, and some forsook
the Church and fell off--_Timpson’s Church Hist. of Kent_, 307.
[61] _Rogers’ Life of Howe_, 180.
[62] _Burnet’s Hist. of his Own Times_, i. 267, 268, 476.
[63] _Earl Russell’s Life of Lord William Russell_, 159.
[64] Macaulay describes the manner in which Halifax endeavoured to
vindicate his trimming. _Hist._, i. 254. The following quotation from
Halifax is characteristic:--
“Why,” he asks, “after we have played the fool with throwing _Whig_
and _Tory_ at one another, as boys do snowballs, should we grow angry
at a new name, which by its signification might do as much to put
us into our wits, as the other has done to put us out of them. This
innocent word _Trimmer_ signifies no more than this, that if men are
together in a boat, and one part of the company would weigh it down on
one side, another would make it lean as much the contrary; it happens
that there is a third opinion of those who conceive it would do as
well if the boat went even, without endangering the passengers. Now
’tis hard to imagine by what figure in language, or by what rule in
sense, this comes to be a fault, and it is much more a wonder it should
be thought a heresy.” By a common fallacy, Halifax applies what is
true of one thing to another thing very different. Too many miserably
act respecting religion on the same principle as Halifax adopted in
relation to politics.
[65] _Burnet_, i. 266.
[66] _Memoirs of Count de Grammont_, vol. ii. 112; _Clarendon_, 503.
[67] _Lives_, ii. 57.
[68] _Burnet_, i. 482.
[69] Printed document. _State Papers, Dom._, 1681, Sept. 2.
[70] _State Papers, Dom. Charles II._, 1681, Aug. 25, Sept. 2. There
are several very curious papers relative to Oates, which I have copied,
but have not space to insert.
The Prevaricator at Cambridge at the commencement of 1680, referred to
the plot. The reference seems to have been very brief and unimportant,
but it gave concern in high quarters. A letter was written to the
Vice-Chancellor, by direction of the Bishop of London, complaining
of the Prevaricator turning the plot into ridicule, that it would
be brought before Parliament “to the reproach of the government of
the Universities, if not to strike at the Universities themselves,
unless it be timely prevented by a severe animadversion.”--_Cambridge
Portfolio_, 242.
[71] _Life of Baxter_, 349. The book is dated 1680, and the author,
Lewis du Moulin, recanted his reflections on the Divines of the Church
of England, the same year.
[72] _Burnet_, i. 461.
[73] There is a letter from the Lieutenant of the Tower in the Record
Office, _Dom. Charles II._, August 5, 1681, in which the writer
describes how the prisoner was to be conveyed to Oxford “in a coach
with ten or twelve of the warders on horseback, with carabines.”
[74] _Burnet_, i. 505. Colledge was tried on the 17th and 18th of
August. The trial is reported at full length in a folio pamphlet of 102
pages published by authority, 1681. Colledge defended himself, examined
witnesses and made speeches. It is plain that under the circumstances,
with such judges, the poor fellow stood no chance.
[75] September 1, 1681, Oxon. Letter from Thomas Hyde states that just
before the execution of Colledge, he had denied having written certain
letters, but that when he heard these letters had been intercepted, he
acknowledged them.
There are several letters respecting Colledge; amongst other papers
is the following:--September 30, 1681. “Deposition of Benjamin Wyche
of the parish of Saint Andrew’s, Holborn, London, Apothecary. This
deponent saith that being in Richards’ coffee-house near Temple
Bar, soon after His Majesty had dissolved the Parliament sitting at
Westminster, amongst other company in the room, Mr. Colledge was one
whom (upon discourse of the Parliament being then dissolved) he this
deponent, heard uttering these words, ‘_Well I see what it will come
to, we must e’en draw our swords, and fight it out again_,’ or words to
that effect.--_Ben Wyche._”
“_Jurat coram me.--L. Jenkins._”
[76] The first letter is dated Sept. 21. In the second letter, in the
same bundle, the day of the month is not given. The letter is numbered
164. Another paper in the Record Office, dated August 20, 1681, reports
that the Countess of Rochester said “Colledge was a Papist to her
knowledge, and had been so for a long time.” There are other statements
to the same effect. Thomas Hyde (September 1, 1681) writing from
Oxford, says that Colledge would not acknowledge what religion he was
of, but that “he was of the Anabaptists.”
[77] It is added “this fanatic’s name was formerly Bishop, but being
a hater of bishops changed his name into Marten; and because he
is by that name known for a notorious villain he hath changed it
again.”--_Dom. Charles II._
[78] _Ibid._, August 27, 24.
[79] The confession, of which a portion is missing, bears date August
24, 1681. _State Papers, Dom. Charles II._ The dying speech is in MS.
in the same collection dated August 31. It was published as a distinct
tract, 1681; also it is printed in _The Dying Speeches and Behaviour
of several State Prisoners_. Ed. 1720. The reason for his being called
the Protestant Joiner he thus describes:--“The Duke of Monmouth called
me to him, and told me he had heard a good report of me, and that I
was an honest man, and one that may be trusted: and they did not know
but their enemies, the Papists, might have some design to serve them
as they did in King James’s time by gunpowder, or any other way; and
the Duke with several Lords and Commons did desire me to use my utmost
skill in searching all places suspected by them, which I did perform:
and from thence I had as I think, the popular name of _The Protestant
Joiner_, because they had entrusted me, before any man in England to do
that office.”--_Dying Speeches_, 387.
[80] There is amongst the _State Papers_, one dated November 26, 1681,
_Dom. Charles II._, by George Evans, who complains that there was a
bonfire on Cornhill, and that gentlemen were stopped in their coaches
and required to drink Lord Shaftesbury’s health. This was on the
occasion of the Grand Jury ignoring the bill against him. There are a
number of documents relating to Shaftesbury under the year 1681.
[81] _Campbell’s Lives of the Chancellors_, iv. 229. Lord Campbell has
not done justice to Shaftesbury. It should be remarked to Shaftesbury’s
honour, Earl Russell says, “that though in the secret of every party,
he never betrayed any one: and that the purity of his administration
of justice is allowed even by his enemies.”--_Life of Lord William
Russell_, 61.
[82] From a mass of illustrations I select the following in reference
to the last point:--
_Dom. Charles II._, 1681, Sept. 9. “I was interrupted,” says the
Archdeacon of Durham, “in the execution of my office, as I was
officiating in my own church, by a very bold and insolent fanatic,
who though indicted at our last assizes, escaped punishment--to the
great contempt, I hear, of God’s house and service--I am sure to the
great trouble of the clergy, who fear it may go very hard with them,
in the execution of their offices, when so great a violence offered
to the Archdeacon should go unpunished. Since a Churchman can expect
to meet with no more favour from a lay judicatory, I am forced to fly
to the ecclesiastical courts, where this person stands presented, for
disturbing the minister in time of Divine service, and I think no
ecclesiastical judge can be of the same mind with the jury, that what
was done between the Nicene Creed and the sermon, was not done in time
of Divine service, upon which point he was found not guilty, to the
admiration [wonder] of those that understood the rubric.”
John Strode, of Rye, writes, September 13, “that the new Mayor chosen
by the fanatics refused to grant warrants according to the Act of
Parliament, pretending some frivolous thing.”
[83] November 7, 1681.
[84] _Dom. Charles II._, 1681, November 15. I find, dated November
25, “The names of such Nonconformists who being presented in the
Attorney-General’s name, are actually served with subpœnas returnable
on Monday last:--
“John Collins, D.D.
“John Owen, D.D.
“Samuel Annesley, D.D.
“Thomas Jacomb, D.D.
“Thomas Watson.
“Matthew Meade.
“Robert Fergusson.
“Edmund Calamy.
“Thomas Doolittle.
“Samuel Slater.
“Nicholas Blackley.
“Sir,
“There are two informations filed against every one of the above-named
Nonconformist ministers, _i.e._, one on the Statute for not repairing
to Church, upon which they forfeit £20 per mensem. This information is
laid for twenty months. The other is on the Oxford Act, prohibiting
Nonconformist ministers, &c., to reside within five miles of any
corporation, upon the penalty of £40. So that the penalties against the
persons above-named, if recovered, and not remitted, will amount to the
sum of £4,840.
“Yours,
“WM. SHERMAR”
[85] The Minutes of Council show that the Mayors of Plymouth and
Reading were directed to put the Oxford Act in execution against the
preachers in Conventicles.--December 2. The constables of the East
Riding of Yorkshire refused to disturb meetings.--_State Papers_,
bundle 260, No. 474. The magistrates at Hickes’ Hall complain that the
laws respecting Conventicles had been long silent.--December 10.
[86] _Echard_, _Neal_, iv. 507.
[87] _Calamy’s Continuation_, 137.
[88] _State Papers_, Dec. 19.
[89] _State Papers_, 1682, February 15.
[90] _Calamy’s Continuation_, 139.
[91] I copied these extracts many years ago from the old Church books,
now unfortunately lost. In the State Paper Office, under date of the
2nd February, 1682, there is a long report of the political sentiments
of people in different parts of Norfolk, in which report,--besides
mention of the Anabaptists and the Quakers worshipping under one
roof, and of a clergyman in the Commission of the Peace, an itinerant
Justice, “who rides all the circuit, and makes disturbances wherever
he comes by his pragmaticalness and unskilfulness in the laws”--a
reference is made to Dr. Collinges, a very respectable Presbyterian
minister at Norwich, and it is suggested, “were he removed, it is
probable many of that sect would fall off.”
[92] _Morice MSS., Entring Book_, i., 1682, November 21.
[93] December 30.
[94] December 14.
[95] November 30, December 7.
[96] December 14, February 6, 1682–3. “On Monday, in the Common Pleas,
some citizens were cited, because they did not receive the sacrament at
Easter by their minister, the Churchwardens saying they believed that
they did not receive it then. But because the process saith not what
Easter it was, and because there was no sacrament at their church the
last Easter; and further, because the Churchwardens do but believe they
did not receive it, therefore a prohibition was granted unless cause be
shown to the contrary.”
The Countess of Aylesbury was informed against for being at a
Conventicle.--March 15, 1684.
[97] December 14, 1682; March, 1683.
[98] Much trouble and suffering arose from fear; and many
congregations, after apprehending disturbance, were allowed to worship
in peace. This I learn from the _Entring Book_, 1683, January, in the
_Morice MSS._ (in Dr. Williams’ Library,) from which the passage in the
text is taken.
[99] _State Papers, Dom. Charles II._, February 21, 1682.
[100] The Presbyterians are reckoned altogether at 5,420; the Baptists,
&c., at 4,250.
[101] _State Papers, Dom. Charles II._, 1682, June 2, 16, 20. On the
9th of December, the following queries were submitted to Secretary
Jenkins:--
“Whether, at a time when the Dissenters in shoals transport themselves
beyond sea, to the apparent throwing up of many farms throughout
England, and a dearth of servants, it may not be thought reasonable to
prohibit such a transportation occasioned by a sullen humour?
“2. Whether, at this time, when the Dissenters calumniate the
Government with a connivance at debaucheries, while themselves are
vigorously prosecuted about matters of religion, it may not be thought
reasonable to revive His Majesty’s proclamation against profane cursing
and swearing and other debaucheries?
“3. Whether the prosecution against Dissenters ought not to be
prosecuted to excommunication, for not coming to church and receiving
the Sacrament, in Corporations especially,--thereby to incapacitate
them from being elected, or electors of, members of Parliament?”
[102] There are many documents connected with this subject amongst the
_State Papers_, 1680, January to June.
[103] _State Papers, Dom._, 1682, September 11, 13, 16. There is also
a letter describing the Duke’s visit to Chichester, and the insults
offered to the Bishop’s chaplain. February 24, 1683.
[104] It is said (Sept. 18) the Duke had not the encouragement which
Dissenters expected.
[105] L’Estrange was a censor of the press. In the Record Office, _Dom.
Charles II._, may be found Williamson’s authority to “Roger L’Estrange,
surveyor of the press, to act as one of his deputies in the licensing
of books,” dated Whitehall, February 5, 1674–5.
In 1684 L’Estrange commenced a periodical entitled _The Observator_,
which he carried on until 1687. He there upholds the Royal dispensing
power, and ridicules Protestant excitements, the right to liberty
of conscience, the Long Parliament, and Nonconformists of all
kinds, pronouncing Dissent a political schism. He published the
paper irregularly, sometimes twice, sometimes thrice a week. It is
written after the manner of a dialogue between _The Observator_ and
its opponents. I have met with three or four large volumes of the
publication, in the library of Trinity College, Cambridge. They justify
the strong language I have used.
[106] _State Trials_, 1683. The judgment was that the franchise and
liberty of the City of London should be taken and seized into the
King’s hands.
[107] The Act for annulling Russell’s attainder, in the first year of
William and Mary, justly declared that “he was, by undue and illegal
return of jurors, having been refused his lawful challenge to the said
jurors, for want of freehold, and by partial and unjust constructions
of law, wrongfully convicted, attainted, and executed for high treason.”
[108] The charges against Russell and Sidney, of being engaged in
negotiations with the French Court, and of the latter receiving pay
from that quarter, belong to the political history of England. I must
refer the reader to _Hallam_, _Mackintosh_, and especially to _Earl
Russell’s Life of Lord William Russell_. Supposing that Sidney accepted
money from France, I am not at all disposed to regard his conduct so
leniently as do the first two of the above-named writers; but, after
pondering what Earl Russell says, I feel some doubt respecting the
truth of Barillon’s reports, and the accuracy of his accounts. As
to Lord William Russell’s conduct, his biographer says it “was not
criminal, but it would be difficult to acquit him of the charge of
imprudence.”--p. 107.
[109] “Much discourse hath been about the apparition of Lord William
Russell’s ghost in Southampton square, July 27 (1683), about twelve
o’clock at night.”--_Entring Book, Morice MSS._, Dr. Williams’ Library.
The above notice of Russell’s execution is almost entirely drawn up
from Earl Russell’s life of this illustrious person, 337, _et seq._
[110] _Tillotson’s Life_, 109.
[111] _Collier_, ii. 903. Filmer’s writings were most in vogue with the
partisans of despotism. See _Hallam’s Const. Hist._, ii. 156, on the
subject.
[112] _Orme’s Life of Owen._
[113] _Howe’s Case of Protestant Dissenters; Life_, 247. In a letter
which Howe wrote in the year 1685 from the Continent, when he was
travelling with Philip Lord Wharton, to escape the persecution of
the times, he uses the following words, which indicate, more than
any laboured description, the reign of terror he had left behind
him in England:--“The anger and jealousies of such as I never had a
disposition to offend, have of later times _occasioned persons of my
circumstances_ very seldom to walk the streets.”--_Life by Rogers_, 225.
[114] The trial is published in a volume edited by Samuel Rosewell,
1718. The trial took place in the months of October and November, 1684.
In the _Memoir_ there is an account of his apprehension and first
appearance before Jeffreys at his house in Aldermanbury. Rosewell, lest
he should commit himself before witnesses, answered Jeffreys in Latin.
The Judge flew into a passion, and told him, he supposed he could not
utter another sentence in the same language to save his neck. Rosewell
did not give him the lie, but thought it better to give his next answer
in Greek. “The Judge seemed to be thunderstruck upon this.”--p. 47.
[115] _Trial of Rosewell_, p. 52, _et seq._ Speaking of the latter part
of the reign of Charles II. Mrs. Mary Churchman says, “Persecution now
came on apace, the Dissenters could have no meetings but in woods and
corners. I, myself, have seen our companies often alarmed with drums
and soldiers; every one was fined five pounds a month for being in
their company.”--_Abstract of the Gracious Dealings of God, &c._, by
Samuel James, 74.
[116] I have gathered this account entirely from Delaune’s pamphlets on
the subject, which were collected and published in a volume in the year
1704. The controversy had been mixed up with a reference to Calamy’s
invitation to private Christians, to consult their pastors in their
religious difficulties; and to Nonconformists also to hear both sides;
which--by a wide stretch of interpretation--Delaune construed into a
public challenge to an answer in print. It had been further complicated
with reproaches, because Calamy did not intercede for the sufferer, or
visit him in prison. Defoe says, “It was very hard such a man, such a
Christian, and such a scholar, and on such an occasion should starve
in a dungeon; and the whole body of Dissenters in England, whose cause
he died for defending, should not raise him £66 13s. 4d. to save his
life.” A modern Baptist historian justly says, “We would not mitigate
this crime an atom; but it is right to suggest that Mr. Delaune may
have interdicted the payment of the fine.”--_Evans’ English Baptists_,
ii. 337. Delaune, I suspect, was one of those men who, in the judgment
of an opposite class, are said to court martyrdom.
[117] _Neal_, iv. 521.
[118] _De Felice_, _Hist. of the Protestants of France_, 261.
[119] “The King of France uses the Huguenots with inexpressible
severity, takes away very many of their children by force, and puts
them into Popish convents, and has published an edict for taking away
one half of their churches that remain throughout all the provinces,
and has actually begun to execute it in Normandy.”--_Morice’s Diary_,
December 2, 1679. For a minute record of proceedings against the French
Protestants, see _Histoire Chronologique de L’Eglise Protestante de
France, par C. Drion_, ii.
[120] _Elie Benoit Hist. de L’Edit de Nantes_, iv. 479.
[121] _Hist. des Réfugiés Protestants, par Weiss_, i. 265–267.
[122] _Hist. des Réfugiés Protestants, par Weiss_, i. 268.
[123] _Coxe’s House of Austria_, ii. 352.
[124] _State Papers_, 1682, quoted in _Smiles’ Huguenots_. I have found
several other documents on the same subject in the Record Office.
The Mayor and Aldermen of Bristol, on the 2nd of January 1682, oddly
enough, proposed that fines levied on Dissenters should be applied to
the relief of French Protestants.--_State Papers, Dom. Charles II._
[125] _Life of Tillotson, by Birch_, 131.
[126] I find an illustration of the number of refugees who arrived in
London, in a curious book I have elsewhere cited, _The Happy Future
State of England_, published in 1688. It is there noticed (p. 122),
that they had lately come, and filled 800 of the empty new-built houses
of London.
[127] The letter is dated January 2, 1684.--_Life of Sancroft_, i. 197.
[128] _Reresby’s Memoirs_, 290.
[129] _North’s Lives_, ii. 70.
[130] Abridged from _North’s Lives_, ii. 72.
[131] _Palmer’s Nonconformist Memorial_, i. 100; _Observator_, January
29 and 31, 1685; _Macaulay_, i. 407.
[132] By Ward.
[133] _James’ Memoirs_, by Clarke, i. 747–9. See _Macaulay_, ii. 13,
for authorities respecting the death of Charles. In the appendix to
this volume will be found a copy of the recently discovered MS., which
solves a riddle referred to by Macaulay.
[134] _Gazette_, 2006.
[135] _James’ Memoirs_, by Clarke, ii. 4.
[136] _Ibid._, ii. 6.
[137] _Dalrymple’s Memoirs_, i. 109. I do not find that this
circumstance is referred to by D’Oyley in his _Life of Sancroft_.
[138] As to the coronation, it is observed in a _Diary_ amongst the
_Morice MSS._ in Dr. Williams’ library, under date April 25, “Far above
one-half of the nobility made excuses, for one reason or another, and
were absent.” “The noblemen were rather more than the ladies.”
Amongst the _Baker MSS._, Cambridge University Library, marked 40–2,
are notes concerning the Coronation Office by Archbishops Laud and
Sancroft, with the Coronation Office at large, used by Archbishop
Sancroft.
“During the coronation of James, the crown not being properly fitted
to his head, tottered. Henry Sidney, Keeper of the Robes, afterwards
so famous for the mischiefs he brought upon James, kept it once from
falling off, and said, with pleasantry to him, ‘This is not the first
time our family has supported the Crown.’ This trifle was much remarked
and talked of at the time; a sure mark that the minds of the people
were under unusual agitations.”--_Dalrymple’s Memoirs_, i. 112.
[139] _Evelyn._ 1685, May 10, 22.
[140] From a MS. in the University Library, Cambridge. See _Appendix_
to this volume.
[141] It was proposed in Committee that the word _Reformed_ religion
should be inserted in the address, for the word _Protestant_ was
excepted against. Sir Thomas Meres said, “The word Protestant had been
used in a good sense by well-meaning persons, but time and use change
the nature of words. As knave formerly was an honourable title, but now
signified a very ill man.”--_Entring Book_, June 4.--_Morice MSS._
[142] Compare _Eachard_, _Kennet_, _Reresby_, _Barillon_, and _Fox_.
[143] See _Commons’ Journals_, May 27; _Parl. Hist._, iv. 1358.
“Lest the last words of this resolution should not make sufficient
impression on James, the Speaker, when he presented the Revenue Bill,
remarked, that the Commons had passed that Bill, without joining any
Bill to it for the security of their religion, though _that was dearer
to them than their lives_.”--_Dalrymple’s Memoirs_, i. 133.
[144] _Orme’s Life of Baxter_, 359.
[145] The appearance of Sharp and Moore is mentioned in the _Morice
MSS._
[146] _Baxter MSS._, Dr. Williams’ Library. Quoted by Orme, _Life of
Baxter_, 363–366.
[147] _Burnet’s Hist. of his Own Time_, i. 649. For a report of the
proceedings against Alicia Lisle and Elizabeth Gaunt, see _State
Trials_, iv. 105, _et esq._
[148] _Hist. of the Revolution_, 31.
[149] _Mackintosh’s Hist. of Revolution_, 159, where authorities are
given.
[150] _Ibid._, 160; _Neal_, iv. 552, 554.
[151] The story told about _White’s MS._ in _Neal_, iv. 555, does not
appear to me at all probable.
When persecution was at its height, extraordinary cases of escape
occurred. Many a wonderful story is told of deliverances vouchsafed to
suffering Dissenters, of which the following anecdote is a conspicuous
example. Henry Havers, of Catherine Hall, Cambridge, had been ejected
from the Rectory of Stambourne in Essex. Receiving friendly warning
of an attempt to apprehend him, and finding the pursuers on his
track, he sought refuge in a malt-house, and crept into the kiln.
Immediately afterwards, he observed a spider fixing the first line of
a large and beautiful web, across the narrow entrance. The web being
placed directly between him and the light, he was so much struck with
the skill of the insect weaver, that, for a while, he forgot his
own imminent danger; but, by the time the network had crossed and
re-crossed the mouth of the kiln in every direction, the pursuers
came to search for their victim. He listened as they approached, and
distinctly overheard one of them say, “It’s no use to look in _there_,
the old villain can never be there. _Look at that spider’s web, he
could never have got in there without breaking it._” Giving up further
search, they went to seek him elsewhere, and he escaped out of their
hands.
A similar narrative I find related in reference to Du Moulin, the
French Protestant. It is impossible, after the lapse of two centuries,
to ascertain the exact truth of such accounts. That incidents of the
kind occurred I have no doubt; but whether they are attributed to the
right persons, and are quite accurate in minute details, may admit of
question.
[152] Castlemaine wrote an apology for the Catholics.--_Butler’s
English Cath._, iii. 47.
[153] I must refer to the pages of Macaulay and others, for the
politics of the period. Of the theological debates in the presence
of the King and the Earl of Rochester, there is a curious account in
_Patrick’s Autobiography_, 107.
[154] _Entring Book_, 1686, July 17, _Morice MSS._
[155] _Abridgment_, 374.
[156] _Entring Book_, 1686, June 26, _Morice MSS._
[157] _Ibid._, 1687, Jan. 1.
[158] Compare, as to James’ designs, _Fox’s Hist. of James II._,
332; _Hallam’s Const. Hist._ ii. 212; and _Mackintosh’s Hist. of
Revolution_, chap. v.
[159] Articles were exhibited against them “too scandalous to be
repeated.” _Burnet’s Own Time_, i. 696; _D’Oyley’s Life of Sancroft_,
i. 237. Sancroft consecrated these two worthless men at Lambeth Palace,
the 17th October, 1686, from fear of a _premunire_.
[160] _Clarendon’s Correspondence_, i. 258.
[161] “At Tonbridge Wells, this last summer, some company of condition,
dining with Dr. Sherlock, amongst others the Doctor himself, talking
of the great changes that had been in men and things these late years,
even in his time, who was not old. Saith Mrs. Sherlock, his wife (who
is a very brisk, sharp gentlewoman), ‘a greater instance thereof cannot
be given, than yourself Doctor, for I have known you set up for a
Sectary, a Presbyterian, a Papist, a Church of England man, but you
never nickt your time right, nor turned seasonably, but when those
respective interests were falling, and what you will turn to next,
no man living knows. If ever I become a Papist, call me a knave,’
whereupon the company smiled.”--_Entring Book_, 1686, August 9, _Morice
MSS._
[162] Printed in _State Trials_, iv. 243.
[163] See _Evelyn’s Diary_, December 29, 1686.
[164] The last of these facts comes to light in the _State Papers,
Dom._ 1687, August 21.
[165] _Mackintosh’s Hist. of Revolution_, 207.
[166] _Ibid._, 209. Mackintosh cites proofs from letters written by the
King, the Queen, the Nuncio, and the French Minister.
In the _Entring Book_, _Morice MSS._, it is remarked, under date 1686,
November 7--“The King told the Archbishop of York he depended upon his
vote to take off the Test, and other penal laws from the Papists, for
he remembered his lordship was against the making of the Test. The
Archbishop answered, he hoped His Majesty would excuse him in that,
and leave him to give his vote according to his judgment. It was true
he _was_ against the imposing of the Test, but the case was altered;
for then the Papists’ interest was so little, that he thought it not
(as others did) then necessary, but now the Papists’ interest did so
preponderate, that he thought it necessary to keep it on.”
[167] _Dalrymple’s Memoirs_, ii. 175.
[168] _Ibid._, i. 166.
[169] _Ibid._, 157.
[170] _Entring Book_, January 9, _Morice MSS._
[171] _Macaulay_, ii. 337, 453; _Secretan’s Life of Nelson_, 24.
[172] _Concilia_, iv. 612.
[173] _Abridgment_, 373.
[174] April 19/29, 1686. Quoted in _Macaulay_, ii. 375.
[175] October 4, 1685. _Dalrymple_, ii. 177.
[176] _Lingard_, xiii. 105. In the _Entring Book, Morice MSS._, under
date 1687, January 8, there are allusions to the anti-Jesuitical
Papists, as uneasy at present proceedings--fearing lest by an
ill-understanding between the King and the Prince of Orange, there
should come a revolution, and Roman Catholics should be destroyed. It
was still treason to be reconciled to the Church of Rome; and Papists
might be convicted now by law, though twenty years after the fact. It
was asked, if the King pardoned their past conversion, would not the
continuance of their fellowship with the Romish Church be a continuance
of treason?
[177] All this information I gather from the _Morice MSS., Entring
Book_, 1687, April 30; May 14, 28.
[178] _Transcripts of Digby MSS._, D.d., iii. 64, 57.
[179] _London Gazette_, April 14.
[180] _Ibid._, April 28.
[181] _Ibid._, April 30.
[182] _London Gazette_, June 11.
Lord Macaulay is very severe upon Lobb. He certainly disgraced himself;
but Wilson, in his _Dissenting Churches_ (iii. 436), puts the whole
case so as to modify the reader’s judgment. What may be said in
palliation of Alsop’s conduct may be seen in _Calamy_ (_Account_, ii.
488); but really Alsop’s address to James (see _Somers’ Tracts_, i.
236) is inexcusable. Alsop accepted an Alderman’s gown, and was called
Alderman Alsop. His Lordship mentions also Henry Care and Thomas
Rosewell amongst the tools of the Court. As to Henry Care, I cannot
find that he was a Nonconformist minister; and as to Thomas Rosewell,
there is not one word in the _State Trials_, or in his _Life_ by his
son, or in _Calamy’s Account_ (the references made in his Lordship’s
notes), to justify his statement in the text about Rosewell’s services
being “secured.” No doubt much was done to court the Dissenters at this
time, but the picture in _Macaulay’s Hist._ (ii. 474), is too highly
coloured.
[183] _London Gazette_, July 9.
[184] _Ibid._, August 18.
[185] _Dalrymple_, i. 169.
[186] _Diary_, April 10, 1687.
[187] It appears to me that no impartial person, who reads Macaulay’s
defence of his own charges against Penn, in the last edition of the
_History of England_, can fail to see how unsatisfactory are the
arguments which he employs. The subject has been discussed afresh in
the Spring number of the _Quarterly Review_ for 1868.
[188] When the sister of these youths presented a petition on their
behalf, while waiting in the ante-chamber for admission to the Royal
presence, Lord Churchill, standing near the chimney-piece, said,
“Madam, I dare not flatter you with any such hopes, for that marble
is as capable of feeling compassion as the King’s heart.”--_Kiffin’s
Life_, quoted in _Wilson_.
[189] _Wilson’s Dissenting Churches_, i. 403–31.
[190] _Clarendon’s Correspondence_, ii. 506.
[191] _Autobiography of Sir John Bramston._--_Camden Society_, p. 280.
[192] _Autobiography of Sir John Bramston_, and _A Full and True
Relation_ of the Entry, reprinted in _Somers’ Tracts_, 2nd Edition.
[193] _State Trials_, iv. 250.
[194] _State Trials_, 258, _et seq._ “Dr. Fairfax is a very modest,
quiet-tempered man, of very few words, loves to be concerned in no
public business, and offered great violence to his own temper, to
appear now; but he has other apprehensions of the danger the Church
and State are in, than formerly he had, and so is far more tender
to the Dissenters for these last ten or twelve years than he was
before.”--_Entring Book_, June 11. _Morice MSS._
[195] Vol. iv. 265, _et seq._
[196] _State Papers, Dom. James II._ 1867, Sept. 9.
[197] _Life of James II._, ii. 120.
[198] “Penn went the progress with His Majesty, and earnestly pressed
the King to let the business of Oxford fall; for, he said, it would
prejudice his designs and purposes more than his Declaration had
advanced them.”--_Entring Book_, Sept. 3, _Morice MSS._
[199] _Neal_, iv. 588.
[200] _Mackintosh_, 246.
[201] See notice of Fowler’s writings in a subsequent chapter.
[202] Salmon, in his _Lives_, p. 212, states that Lake was useful in
the Church in maintaining order and decency, and tells a story of what
he did on a Shrove Tuesday, when Archdeacon of Cleveland. He went from
his seat in the choir, and pulled off the hats of a noisy mob, who
afterwards insulted him, and attacked his house.
[203] _Granger_, iv. 290.
[204] _Life of Ken_, by a Layman, 142. An entry appears in the list of
contributors to the rebuilding of St. Paul’s. “January 26, 1684/5. Dr.
Thomas Ken, Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells, in lieu of his consecration
dinner and gloves, £100.” _Ibid._, 148.
[205] _Diary_, 1687, March 20; 1688, April 1. This sermon for its
circumstances, ingenuity, eloquence, and power was one of the most
remarkable ever preached.
[206] _Hawkins’ Life of Ken_, 17, 99.
[207] _Life of Ken_, by a Layman, 62, 207.
[208] _Burnet’s Hist. of his Own Time_, i. 424, 429, 434, 446.
[209] See Burnet’s account of Lloyd’s conduct in reference to
Turbervill’s evidence against Lord Stafford. _Hist. of his Own Time_,
i. 488. Neither Lloyd nor Burnet appear to advantage in this business.
[210] _Philip Henry’s Life_, by Matthew Henry. Edited by Williams, p.
152. For particulars and remarks respecting Lloyd see _Wood, Burnet,
Salmon, Mackintosh’s Hist. of Revolution, Wharton’s Life_ in _Appendix
to D’Oyley’s Sancroft_, and _Rees’ Nonconformity in Wales_. There
were two other Bishops of the same name. The following extract in the
_Entring Book_, 1686, September 25, _Morice MSS._, refers to Dr. Lloyd,
Bishop of Norwich: “He, at his first going down thither, gave great
encouragement to religion, and set up evening exercises in his family
upon the Lord’s Days, in the evening, and explained _The Whole Duty of
Man_, and prayed and carried himself very respectfully to all. But of
late, he has set a day for all Dissenters to come to the Sacrament,
and if they do not come, then he will proceed against them with all
severity. Many of his own way always had and still have bad thoughts of
him.” The other Lloyd was Bishop of St. David’s, 1686–7.
[211] _D’Oyley’s Life of Sancroft_, i. 263.
[212] _Calamy’s Life_, i. 198.
[213] _Perry’s Hist. of the Church of England_, ii. 510.
[214] _State Papers_, 1682/3, Feb. 23.
[215] The significant Articles which he sent out to the clergy in July,
1688, will be considered in the next volume in connection with the
ecclesiastical history of the Revolution.
[216] _State Trials_, iv. 362. _Gutch Collect. Curiosa_, i. 335.
[217] _Patrick’s Autobiography_, 134.
[218] _D’Oyley’s Life of Sancroft_, i. 265–268.
[219] _Evelyn_, ii. 285, May 20, 1688.
[220] _Mackintosh_, 252. He observes, “perhaps the smaller number
refers to parochial clergy and the larger to those of every
denomination.” We are not aware that other denominations did read it.
[221] Buckden, May 29, 1688, _Baker MSS._, Cambridge University Library.
[222] In _James’s Memoirs_, ii. 158, the foolish step of committing
the Bishops is attributed to Jeffrey’s influence, and it is added,
“When the veil was taken off,” the King “owned it to have been a fatal
counsel.”
[223] _Reresby’s Memoirs_, 347.
“Sir Edward Hales, Lieutenant of the Tower, invited the Bishops to
dine on Lord’s Day; but being to receive the sacrament that day, they
desired to be excused. He sent them half a buck, and knowing that they
would be at church on Lord’s Day, being now sufferers, he, on Saturday
night, told Dr. Hawkins he had an express command to deliver to him
from the King, to read the Declaration in the Tower Church the next
Lord’s Day following. Hawkins, after expressing the most abject kind of
loyalty, refused.”--_Entring Book_, 1688, June 9, _Morice MSS._
[224] _Entring Book_, 1688, June 9, _Morice MSS._
[225] _Gazette_, May 3.
[226] _Mackintosh’s Hist. of the Revolution_, 253; also, _Ibid._,
_D’Adda_, 1/11 June.
[227] _D’Adda_, 15/22 June; _Mackintosh_, 262.
[228] _State Trials_, iv; _D’Oyley_, i. 297. The first part of the
defence was entrusted to Sawyer. That part which related to the
dispensing power was in the hands of Finch.
[229] _Reresby_, 348. A letter of Barillon (12 Juillet) leaves no room
for doubt as to the reason of their discharge.
[230] _Hunter’s Life of Oliver Heywood_, 163, 187, 219.
[231] _Life of Oliver Heywood_, 235.
[232] _Hunter’s Life of Heywood_, 244.
[233] _Hunter’s Life of Heywood_, 285–6.
[234] _Neal_, iii. 600.
[235] For preparations made in Oliver’s lifetime with a view to this
meeting, see _Church of the Commonwealth_, 514. For a notice of the
place of meeting, see the third volume of this history (_Church of the
Restoration_, i.).
[236] The Savoy Declaration is printed in _Hanbury’s Memorials_. Most
of the passages I have given are abridged.
[237] Mather remarks, “There is no Congregational man, but he reports
to the Church something of what the person desiring communion with them
has related to him, which the Presbyterian does not, only declares his
own satisfaction, and giveth the brethren a liberty to object against
the conversation of the _admittendi_.”--_Magnalia_, ii. 61. Such
reports may be found in the _Choice Experience of Mrs. Rebecca Combe,
and Mrs. Gertrude Clarkson_, printed in _An Abstract of the Gracious
Dealings of God, &c._, by Samuel James.
[238] _Life of Heywood_, 238.
[239] _Works_, xxi. 547.
[240] _Works_, v. 46.
[241] _Works_, xi. 452.
[242] Some very high views and strong expressions may be found in
_Jacomb’s Dedication_, 136.
[243] _Baillie’s Letters and Journals._ _Gould’s Introduction to the
Report of St. Mary’s Norwich Chapel Case_ cxiv. _et seq._
[244] I refer to what Crosby says of Mr. Spilsbury’s Church (i. 148;
iii. 41). A number seceded from Mr. Jessy’s Church in 1638, 1641, and
1643, and became Baptists before he did.--_Crosby_, i. 310.
[245] _Gould_, xxviii.
[246] See generally upon this subject _Underhill’s Confessions of
Faith_, and _Gould’s Introduction to St. Mary’s Case_. The latter
writer, who has carefully studied the subject, says, “The history of
the Baptists in England has yet to be written.”
[247] See p. 75 of this vol.
[248] _State Papers_, 1676, April 8. Appended to this document is an
unsigned letter, addressed to the same person, whose name was Warner,
expostulating with him for absenting himself from communion, because he
was dissatisfied with the writer.
[249] The history of the controversy is itself a subject of
controversy. I cannot notice it. The question is ably argued on both
sides in the _Report of St. Mary’s Norwich Chapel Case_. The character
and limits of this work prevent me from entering more fully into
Baptist affairs. The most learned representatives of that denomination
seem to be dissatisfied with all the books which relate their own
history.
[250] _Broadmead Records_, 189–221, 458, 459.
[251] _Hist. of Friends_, ii. 448 and 442.
[252] _Pope’s Life of Ward._
[253] _North’s Lives_, i. 296, 279.
[254] _Barwick’s Life_, 302. I find the following in the Cambridge
University Library:--“Negotium Consecrationis Sacelli palatio
Episcopali Norw. pertinentis.”
“May 16, 1672. The chapel was built and adorned at Bp. Reynolds’
expense, having been demolished in the Civil War. Consecration of the
reading-desk, pulpit, and altar. Sermon by Jno. Conant, D.D., the
Bishop’s son-in-law, the Bishop being disabled by illness.”--_Baker
MSS._, 40, 5. Cat. v. 478.
[255] _D’Oyley’s Life_, i. 145. Reynolds, Bishop of Norwich, zealously
assisted.--_Blomefield_, i. 585.
[256] _Webster’s Poetical and Dramatic Works_, i. 274. _Duchess of
Malfey_, a tragedy published in 1623.
[257] _John Evelyn’s Diary._ 1684, Dec. 7.
[258] _Entring Book_, March 3, 1681, _Morice MSS._
[259] _State Papers, Dom. Charles II._ Entry of Ecclesiastical
business. 1670, July 27.
[260] _Evelyn._ 1677, Sept. 10.
[261] _Cosin’s Works_, iv. 381.
[262] _Articles of Visitation_, in Appendix to Report of the Commission
on Ritual. Most of these requirements were in compliance with the
Canons of 1603.
[263] _Naked Truth._ _Somers’ Tracts_, iii. 346.
[264] _Lives of North_, i. 279.
[265] _State Papers._ Osborne to Williamson, March 27, 1675.
[266] _Lathbury’s Convocation_, 309.
[267] _Blomefield’s Norwich_, i. 413.
[268] _Ashmole’s Order of the Garter_, 357, 542.
[269] _Sandford’s Funeral of Monk._
[270] _Evelyn._ 1684, March 30.
In Sancroft’s form of “Dedication and Consecration of a Church or
Chapel, 1685,” this direction is found:--“So likewise, when a censer is
presented and received, they say, ‘While the King sitteth at his table,
my spikenard sendeth forth the smell thereof,’” &c. In the _MS. Life of
Ashmole_, Ashmole Museum, Oxford, he says--1675, Jan. 6--“I wore the
chain of gold sent me from the King of Denmark before the King in his
proceeding to the chapel to offer gold, frankincense, and myrrh.”
[271] _North’s Lives_, i. 296.
[272] _Wilkins’ Concilia_, iv. 590. June 4, 1670.
[273] _Naked Truth._ _Somers’ Tracts_, iii. 347.
[274] From an autograph letter addressed to Sancroft, shown in 1862 at
an exhibition of autographs in the Institution of the Incorporated Law
Society. See Catalogue.
[275] _Articles_ of Fuller, Bishop of Lincoln, 1671. Appendix to Second
Report of Commission on Ritual, 641.
[276] They are computed by the writer of _The Future Happy State of
England_ (109) as having amounted, in 1660, to between £300,000 and
£500,000 a year. The annual revenue of the whole nation he puts down at
eight millions.
[277] _Stowe._
[278] _Chamberlayne’s Angliæ Notitia._
[279] _Wood_, iv. 311. There is in the Record Office (1678, May) a
petition from Croft, Bishop of Hereford, in which he says the bishopric
is not worth, in rents, £700 a year. In sixteen years he had not raised
£2,000 in fines. There is also a letter from Bishop Barlow (Oxford, May
29, 1675), in which he writes, “Fees, first-fruits, &c., will cost me
£2,000 or £1,500 before I shall receive a penny from the bishopric.”
[280] _Granger’s Lives_, iii. 235.
[281] Notice of Morley in _Life of Ken_, 138, and _Le Neve_, 192.
According to another computation, Sheldon gave away £72,000.
[282] _Life, by Pope_, 57–63.
[283] _Life of Sancroft_, i. 147. _State Papers--Entring Book._
Ecclesiastical business, 1670–4. 1670, 13th June.
[284] _State Papers, Dom. Charles II._ 1678, May.
[285] _North’s Lives_, i. 289.
[286] _State Papers, Dom. Charles II._ 1667, Sept. 30.
[287] Dec. 18, 1669.
[288] March 12, 1672.
[289] _State Papers_, April 27, 1675.
[290] _Dom. Charles II._ April, 1675.
[291] _State Papers, Dom. Charles II._ Wood says (_Ath. Ox._ iv. 334),
“On the 22nd of April, 1675, being the very day that Dr. Fuller, Bishop
of Lincoln, died, after several discussions that passed between His
Majesty, and certain persons of honour then present, concerning the
person to be preferred, Dr. Barlow was introduced into the presence of
His Majesty, and had the grant of that see, and forthwith kissed His
Majesty’s hand for the same.” Coventry and Williamson were his friends.
[292] Parliamentary Return on _Ecclesiastical Appeals_, ordered by
the House of Commons April 3, 1868, p. xxviii.--_Oughton’s Ordo
Judiciorum_, vol. i. 219, _et seq._
[293] Act of 25th Henry VIII., c. 19, 1533.--_Parl. Return_, p. iii.
[294] _Parl. Return_, p. xxx.
[295] There were two Commissions on this case: the first contained four
Bishops and ten laymen--the second, five Bishops and ten laymen.
[296] There are papers relating to him in the Record Office.--_Dom.
Charles II._, 1673, October.
[297] The cases are given in the _Parliamentary Return_; they are
numbered:--53, William Duncke; 74, Edward Hirst (there are three other
cases for not resorting to parish church, 53, 70, and 76;) 78, Catherine
Gounter; 82, Jonathan Rutter. Duncke and Rutter were excommunicated.
[298] _Return_, p. viii.
[299] _Salmon’s Lives of the Bishops_, 310.
[300] I am not sure of the date in the 17th century when the Hall was
so used. A fine copy of _Baxter’s Christian Directory_ is preserved in
Dr. Williams’ Library, and is said to have been chained to some part of
the porch of the great meeting-house in the City of Coventry.
[301] _Offor’s Life of Bunyan, Works_, iii. lxix.
[302] _Thoresby._
[303] _State Papers, Dom. Charles II._, 1674, Nov. 4.
[304] _State Papers, Dom. Charles II._, 1674, Feb. 12.
[305] I find these anecdotes in a _MS. History of the Suffolk
Churches_, by the Rev. T. Harmer, author of _Observations on Scripture_.
[306] _History of England_, i. 294.
[307] The author, however, considers that the Bishops’ survey came
far below the mark,--he mentions a conjectural estimate of eight
millions.--_Happy Future, &c._, 116.
[308] _Happy Future, &c._, 281.
[309] _Dalrymple’s Memoirs_, Appendix, ii. 12.
[310] _Happy Future, &c._, 150.
[311] _Pope’s Life of Ward_, 148.
[312] _Pope’s Life of Ward_, 148.
[313] James II. said at Oxford, “he heard many of them used notes in
their sermons, but none of his Church ever did.”--_Wood_, quoted in
_Southey’s Common-Place Book_, iii. 496. The early Puritans greatly
disliked read sermons. See _Hooker (Keble)_, ii. 107.
[314] _Howe’s Works_, vi. 295.
[315] _Life_, 419. This was Bull’s advice after he became a Bishop in
1705.
[316] _Wood, Ath. Ox._--Ed. Bliss. iv. 619.--See at the end of chapter
xii. the Chancellor’s injunctions.
[317] _Worcester MS._ 1660, May 14. _State Papers_, 1666, Jan. 30.
[318] _Williams’ Life of Hale_, 106.
[319] _Kennet’s Register_, 154.
[320] These instances are gathered from the _State Papers_ and the
works of Sir Thomas Browne.
[321] _Diary and Correspondence of Dr. John Worthington_, i. 360,
August 20, 1661. Samuel Hartlib was the son of a Polish refugee who
lived in Prussia. He came to England in 1630, and devoted his time
and fortune to the promotion of literature and science. Milton speaks
highly of him in his _Treatise on Education_. Hartlib was reduced to
poverty soon after the Restoration.
[322] _Worthington’s Reply_, ii., Sept. 12, 1661.
[323] _Hunter’s Life of Heywood_, 162.
[324] _Hunter’s Life of Heywood_, 219, 252, 204.
[325] _Ibid._, 254.
[326] _Ibid._, 192.
[327] _Ibid._, 277.
[328] _Hunter’s Life of Heywood_, 276.
[329] Dean Stanley informs me, that his father, the Bishop of Norwich,
delighted to relate this anecdote of the connection between his
ancestors and Oliver Heywood.
[330] _Life of Philip Henry_, 120.
[331] _Turner’s Hist. of Remarkable Providences_, ch. lxv. p. 80.
[332] _Life of Heywood_, 215, 331.
[333] For the knowledge of this tradition, I am indebted to Mr. Parker,
of Wycombe.
[334] _Howe’s Works_, ii. 362, 369.
[335] _Ibid._, iv. 3, 47.
[336] _Life of Heywood_, 290.
[337] From an account entitled _The Singular Experience and Great
Sufferings of Mrs. Agnes Beaumont_, printed in _An Abstract of the
Gracious Dealings of God, &c._ Edited by Samuel James. 4th Edit., 1774,
p. 83.
[338] _Life by Dr. Pope._
[339] _Pope’s Life of Ward._
[340] _North’s Lives_, iii. 323, 324.
[341] _Ibid._, i. 275.
[342] _North’s Lives_, i. 242.
[343] Heneage Finch to his sister.--_State Papers_, Feb. 10, 1671/2.
[344] _Sabbatum Redivivum_, ii. 37.
[345] _Works_, iii. 102. Baxter’s doctrine was that the Jewish Sabbath
was abrogated, and that the Lord’s Day was instituted by Divine
authority.--_Works_, xiii. 369, _et seq._ According to Orme, there is
only another writer of the same period with Baxter who takes just the
same view of the subject, and almost the same ground. He alludes to
_Warren’s Jews’ Sabbath Antiquated_, 1659.
[346] _Exposition of the Hebrews_, ii. 453.
[347] _Taylor’s Works_, xii. 437.
[348] _Thorndike’s Works_, vi. 73; iv. 483–507.
[349] Cases of Conscience, _Sanderson’s Works_, v. 15.
[350] _Cosin’s Works_, i. 188.
[351] _Annals of Windsor_, ii. 404.
[352] Hooker paints the sacred year in magnificent colours.--Book V.,
c. lxx., s. 8.
[353] _Newcome’s Diary._
[354] Reeve’s Charity at Windsor is an example.--_Annals of Windsor_,
ii. 370.
[355] _Blomefield_, i. 412.
[356] _Faulkener’s History of Chelsea_, 153.
[357] Tillotson’s funeral sermon for Mr. Gouge, 62–64.
[358] _Life of Thomas Firman, late Citizen of London_, 1698.
Wesley prefaces the life of Firman in the _Arminian Magazine_ with
these words: “I was exceedingly struck at reading the following
life, having long settled it in my mind that the entertaining wrong
notions concerning the Trinity was inconsistent with real piety.
But I cannot argue against matter of fact. I dare not deny that Mr.
Firman was a pious man, although his notions of the Trinity were quite
erroneous.”--_Southey’s Life of Wesley_, ii. 68.
[359] _Life and Times_, pt. ii. 296–7.
[360] _Birch’s Life of Boyle_, Appendix. The New England Company is
still in existence. I hope to be able to give some account of its
proceedings in a future volume.
[361] The College referred to was Emmanuel.--_D’Oyley’s Life of
Sancroft_ i. 128.
[362] “The gradual exclusion of mental by physical science from
the circle of ‘philosophy’ as defined in the Cambridge Schools,
belongs to the first half of the 18th, not of the 17th century,”
says the author of _Thorndike’s Life_, but he justly adds that in
the 17th century ancient philosophy and languages were yielding “to
the continually-increasing influence of mathematics and natural
philosophy.”--_Works_, vi. 166.
[363] _State Papers, Dom._, 1667, Cal. 301.
[364] _North’s Lives_, iii. 362–367.
[365] _Cooper’s Annals_, iii. 549.
[366] Dated Oct. 8, 1674.--_Wilkins’ Concilia_, iv. 594. Letters
referring to Monmouth’s election as Chancellor, may be found amongst
the _State Papers_, (1674,) and a characteristic one from the Duke,
accepting this office in Lambeth Library, _Tenison MSS._ 674, fol. 5.
[367] Printed Copy of the programme in Latin:--“Quod se unusquisque,
post sex hebdomodas abhinc numerandas, coram Academicis Concionem, sive
Anglice, sive Latine habiturus, Illam, more majorum, a principio ad
finem, memoriter recitare tenebitur; ita ut, vel non omnino, vel saltem
perraro, nec nisi carptim, et stringente oculo, librum consulere opus
habeat.”--_State Papers, Dom._, 1674, Nov. 24.
[368] _Dom. Charles II._ 1666, Aug. 16, 17. There is a curious letter,
dated 1677, July 23, written by Joseph Addison’s father, Launcelot
Addison, begging preferment.
[369] _Autobiography of A. Wood_, quoted _Oxoniana_, ii. 23.
[370] _Ibid._, 89.
[371] Letter from Dr. Wallis, July, 1669, _Neal_, iv. 423.
[372] _State Papers._
[373] The letters are dated 1684, Nov. 6, 8, 12, 16, _Oxoniana_, ii.
205–210.
[374] See the Writings of William Penn.
[375] _Life, Works_, vi. 176, _et seq._
[376] _Works_, ii. 15.
[377] _Ibid._, ii. 88–100.
[378] _Ibid._, v. 488.
[379] _Works_, i. 118; iii. 246.
[380] Vol. ii. 424, 409, 471, 564.
[381] Vol. iii. 68, 80, 128. It is well to recollect, all through this
account of the Anglo-Catholic view of faith, what is the doctrine of
Roman Catholics upon the subject--“Jam vero Catholici agnoscunt quidem
vocabulum fidei, in divinis literis non semper uno, et eodem modo sumi
... tamen fidem historicam, et miraculorum, et promissionum, unam et
eandem esse docent, atque illam unam non esse proprie notitiam, aut
fiduciam, sed assensum certum, atque firmissimum, ob auctoritatem primæ
veritatis; et hanc unam esse fidem justificantem.”--_Bellarmin, De
Justificatione_, c. iv.
[382] Vol. iii. 173, 355.
[383] Vol. iii. 313.
[384] _Ibid._, 393, 496.
[385] Vol. iii. 541-547; chap. xxviii.–xxx.
[386] _Ibid._, 649.
[387] _Ibid._, 660.
[388] Any one who wishes to verify this may do so by consulting the
useful index to the Oxford Edition of _Thorndike’s Works_. It is
interesting and instructive, in connection with the study of Thorndike,
to read the deeply thoughtful sermon on Justification by Hooker
(_Works_, iii.). The divergence between them is manifest. Thorndike
could not consistently hold Hooker’s clear view of justification, as
distinguished from holiness. It may not be amiss here to observe that
the doctrine of justification by faith, though tenaciously held by the
Puritans, was not held by them alone. It was maintained by Reformers
who opposed Puritanism, and by some Roman Catholics before the Council
of Trent. There were anti-Lutherans who so far agreed with Luther.
Whether they were consistent is another question.
[389] Vol. iii. 695.
[390] _Life of Thorndike_, 224, 253.
[391] _Nelson’s Life of Bull_, 24.
[392] _Harmonia Apostolica_, 10.
[393] _Harmonia Apostolica_, 21, 22.
[394] _Harmonia Apostolica_, 58, 71, 76, 87–166.
[395] This quotation is taken from the _Tracts for the Times_, iv. 63.
The words in _Bull’s Apology_, sect. i., are not closely followed.
[396] _Nelson’s Life of Bull_, 191.
[397] _Bull’s Exam. Cens., &c._, Oxford Edit., 38–91.
[398] _Ibid._, 228.
[399] Preface to _Exam. Cens._
[400] See for example his defence of Origen, _Def. Fid._, i. 190, 196,
200. Notice, also, what Hallam says of Bull, _Introduction to Lit._,
iv. 152. Hooker (in the _Eccl. Polity_, book v. s. 42) speaks of the
Deity of our Lord Jesus Christ--the co-equality and co-eternity of the
Son with the Father--as contained but not opened in the former Creed
(the Apostles’). I would call attention to a pregnant remark of that
great Divine:--“Howbeit, because this Divine mystery is more true than
plain, divers having framed the same to their own conceits and fancies,
are found in their expositions thereof more plain than true.”--_Ibid._,
s. 52. May I add, that he seems to forget his own remarks in s. 56.
[401] _Bull’s State of Man_, ii. 96; _Jackson_, iii. 117; _Ellicott’s
Destiny of the Creature_, 172.
[402] _Theologia Veterum_, 407.
[403] The word _being_ is used by Pearson and Heylyn in the same way as
we use the word _since_. The quotation is from p. 251, in the 12th fol.
edit. of _Pearson’s Exposition_. For Heylyn’s opinions, see _Theol.
Vet._, 255. The contrast between the tone of Pearson and Heylyn is very
striking.
[404] _Works_, ii. 241-255.--_Life of Christ_, first published in 1649,
afterwards “with additionals,” 1653.
[405] _Taylor’s Works_, ix. 424.--_Real Presence_, 1654.
[406] See Sect. iii. iv. v. vi. of the _Real Presence_, ix. 436, _et
seq._
[407] _Taylor’s Works_, i., p. ccxxviii.
[408] _Taylor’s Works_, vi. 271. _Sermons._
[409] _Taylor’s Works_, ii. 323.--_Life of Christ._
[410] _Ibid._, vi. 279.--_Sermons._
[411] _Taylor’s Works_, vii. 444.--_Liberty of Prophesying_, 1647.
[412] _Ibid._, 445.
[413] _Works_, i. ccxi.
[414] _Life_, clxxxiii.
[415] _Hooker’s Works_, book iii., sect. 3.
[416] _Life_, clxxxv.
[417] _Cosin’s Works_, vol. v., pref. xix.
[418] _Bingham_, in his _Antiquities_ (v. 358, _et seq._), expends
much learning upon proofs that the Fathers believed in the continued
substantial presence of bread and wine. In _Hooker_, there is a
clear description of the Anglican view as distinguished from other
views.--_Eccl. Polity_, v.c. lv., &c.
[419] “Nam multi ex antiquissimis patribus, ut Justinus Martyr,
Tertullianus, Clemens Romanus, Lanctantius, Victorinus Martyr, et alii,
non putabant animas justorum hinc recta ad cœlos ire: sed in sinu
Abrahæ, vel in aliquo alio refrigerii loco usque ad ultimi judicii
diem detineri; adeoque interea Beatificæ visionis, seu perfectæ
felicitatis, ex Dei promissione et Christi merito illis debitæ,
expertes esse. Quare cum sic judicarent non abs re erat Deum illorum
nomine orare, ut maturaret illum diem, quem coronandis Sanctis suis in
plenitudine Redemptionis destinâsset.”--_Epistolaris Dissertatio_, &c.,
18.--Compare _Tracts for the Times_, No. 72.
[420] _Works_, Oxford Edit., iv. 507.--Preface to the “Catching of
Leviathan,”--this preface is very clever and amusing.
[421] _Walton’s Lives: Pierce’s Letter._ For an account of
Sublapsarianism, &c., see _Burnet_ on the _Articles_, xvii.
[422] _Walton’s Lives_: Pierce’s letter, 52.
[423] _Sermons_, 60.
[424] Some account has been given of Hammond in the _Church of the
Commonwealth_. A letter, from which a quotation is inserted on p. 333,
has been incorrectly supposed to refer to him. Hammond was unmarried.
[425] _Practical Catechism_ (published in 1662), p. 78. Oxford Edit.,
1847.
[426] _Practical Catechism_, 34, 79, 25. His minor Theological Works
are controversial.
[427] _Exposition_, 337, 345.
[428] _Exposition_, 348, 364, 365, 366.
[429] _Works_, ii. 85, 117, 131.
[430] _Works_, ii. 113.
[431] _Ibid._, 128.
[432] _Works_, ii. 337.
[433] _Ibid._, 13, 15.
[434] _Ibid._, 16.
[435] _Works_, ii. 533.
[436] _Thorndike’s Works_, ii. 4; iv. 910.
[437] _Bull’s Works_, ii. 187.
[438] _Theologia Veterum_, 450.
[439] _Theologia Veterum_, 417.
[440] _Preface to Dissuasive from Popery._--_Works_, x., cxviii.
[441] _Works_, i. 72.
[442] _Bramhall’s Vindication of Grotius_, quoted in _Tracts for the
Times_, No. 74.
[443] _Cosin’s Latin Confession._--_Works_, iv. 525.
[444] _Treatises._ _Answer to Father Cressy_, 31.
[445] _Thorndike’s Works_, v. 20; i. 622, 530.
[446] _Works_, iv. 923, 173.
[447] _Cosin’s Works_, iv. 527.
[448] Hallam speaks of the testimony brought forward as consisting of
“vague and self-contradictory stories, which gossiping compilers of
literary anecdote can easily accumulate.”--_Const. Hist._, i. 216.
[449] Compare this with what I have said in vol. iii., p. 81.
[450] _Register_, 386.
[451] _Thoresby’s Diary_, i. 61.
[452] I have before me the 20th edition of the _New Whole Duty of Man_,
authorized by the King’s most excellent Majesty, in which there is
a decided attack made upon the old _Whole Duty of Man_. Some of the
author’s criticisms are scarcely fair.
[453] The first edition was published 1659. In Aubrey’s _Letters_, ii.
125–134 there is an interesting discussion respecting the authorship
of the book. It has been ascribed to Lady Packington, to Archbishop
Frewen, to Archbishop Sancroft, and to Woodhead, who, after the
Restoration, became a Roman Catholic.
[454] He is to be distinguished from Samuel Clarke, the Puritan.
Walton’s Polyglott is noticed in _Ecclesiastical Hist._, vol. ii.
[455] _Hallam_, _Introduction_, &c., iv. 149. See note to this chapter
in the Appendix. It is too long for insertion here.
[456] See vol. i. of this history for particulars in Chillingworth’s
life.
[457] Chap. iv.
[458] _John Smith’s Select Works_, 333.
[459] _John Smith’s Select Works_, 344, 349.
[460] _Golden Remains_, 157.
[461] _Ibid._, 95.
[462] _Ibid._, 257.
[463] _Ibid._, 114.
[464] _Farindon’s Sermons_, iii. 171.
[465] _Farindon’s Sermons_, iii. 285, 286.
[466] _Ibid._, 562.
[467] _Farindon’s Sermons_, i. 71.
[468] _Phenix_, ii. 505.
[469] _Life and Times_, ii. 386.
[470] _Hist. of his Own Times_, i. 188.
[471] _Works_, v. 316.
[472] _The Principles and Practices of Certain Moderate Divines of the
Church of England_, by Edward Fowler, 89.
[473] _Ibid._, 114.
[474] _The Principles and Practices of Certain Moderate Divines of the
Church of England_, 126, 161.
[475] _The Principles and Practices of Certain Moderate Divines of the
Church of England_, 213, 228.--Compare with this extract what is said
hereafter respecting the opinions of Richard Baxter.
[476] _A Discourse of Christian Liberty_, Sect. II. chap. viii.
[477] Sect. III., chap. xv.; see also chap. xiii. _Fowler’s Discourse
on the Principles of certain Moderate Divines, &c._, was published
1679. In 1671, he published _The Design of Christianity_, in which
he dwelt upon the restoration of righteousness in man as the chief
purpose of the Gospel. He was answered in the following year by
John Bunyan. The reply is entitled, “A defence of the doctrine of
justification by faith in Christ Jesus; showing true Gospel holiness
flows from thence; or Mr. Fowler’s pretended _Design of Christianity_,
proved to be nothing more, than to trample under foot the blood of
the Son of God; and the idolizing of man’s own righteousness: as also
how while he pretends to be a minister of the Church of England, he
overthroweth the wholesome doctrine contained in the 10th, 11th, and
13th of the Thirty-nine Articles of the same, and that he falleth in
with the Quaker and Romanist against them.” The bad temper of the book
is indicated in this long title. Bunyan points out Fowler’s defects,
and defends important doctrines which Fowler impugns; but he deals in
a good deal of fierce and coarse invective. In this respect, Fowler
equalled him, when he published a rejoinder.
[478] _Intellectual System_, 61, 597, 619.
[479] _Ibid._, 191.
[480] _Intellectual System_, 676.--We may gather from the passage,
how Cudworth would have treated the Darwinian hypotheses of natural
selection and struggle for life.
[481] _Burnet_, i. 189, includes him when describing the
Latitudinarians.
[482] _Origines Sacræ_, 539.
[483] _Kitto’s Cycl., Art. Patrick._--It is many years ago since I
consulted Patrick, but my impressions are of the kind stated above.
Of Lightfoot’s learning I am not a competent judge, but I follow the
current of opinion as I find it in the best critics.
[484] _Whewell’s Inductive Sciences_, ii. 112.
[485] See _Letters by Stubbe_, in _Birch’s Life of Boyle_, 189–200.
[486] See his _Lex Orientalis_, _Sadducismus Triumphans_, and _Vanity
of Dogmatizing_, Ed. 1661.
[487] _Plus Ultra_, 88.--Glanvill answered Stubbe’s attack. No love was
lost between them; most bitterly did they abuse one another.
[488] In the _Plus Ultra_, p. 141, is a passage which might have been
written by a modern controversialist.
[489] _Philosophia Pia_, particularly pp. 81 and 119. This treatise
and others, published under new titles, may be found in his volume of
_Essays_, published in 1676. He was addicted to the habit of reprinting
old treatises under new titles. There is, in Dr. Williams’ Library, a
good collection of Glanvill’s works, including the first and second
editions of _The Vanity of Dogmatizing_, now very scarce.
[490] _Joshua de la Place_ (_Placæus_) died 1655; _Claude Pagon_, 1685.
They were leaders in this direction.
[491] Spener commenced his ministry in 1662, and died in 1705.
[492] See Andrew Rivet, _Isagoge_, &c., 1627, xx. “Nullum esse hominum
cœtum, nullum hominem quantacunque dignitate polleat, qui sensus
Scripturæ aut controversiarum fidei, sit judex supremus et judici
infallibalis.”
[493] Descartes died 1650; Spinoza, 1677.
[494] _Christian Doctrine_, translated by Sumner, 85–89, 135.
[495] Chap. xiv.-xxiii. One of the most extraordinary charges which
party spirit ever created was that of Milton being a Papist.
[496] _Biddle’s Confession of Faith touching the Holy Trinity._
[497] _Works_, viii. 83, _et seq._ In the Lambeth Library, Tenison
MSS., 673, is a curious volume containing “Original papers, which a
cabal of Socinians in London offered to present to the Ambassadors of
the King of Fez and Morocco, when he was taking leave of England in
1682.” The agent of the Socinians is said to have been Monsieur de
Verze.
[498] _De Carne Christo._--_Adv. Prax._, c. vii.
[499] Quoted in _Bancroft’s Hist. of the United States_, ii. 373.
[500] _Works_, i. 150, 151, 157, 167, 209, 215, 231.
[501] _A Discourse of the General Rule of Faith and
Practice._--_Works_, i. 294.
[502] _Works_, i. 310.
[503] See his _Sandy Foundation_.--_Works_, i.
[504] _Works_, i. 62, 262, 267.
[505] See Penn’s _Great Case of Liberty of Conscience_, published
1670.--_Works_, iii.
[506] See _Truth Exalted_.--_Works_, i.
[507] _Third Proposition concerning the Scriptures._ See pp. 142–146,
204.
[508] _Apology_, 204 (abridged).
[509] _Ibid._, 207, 226, 241.
[510] _Sparkles of Glory_, 145, 200.
[511] _Sterry’s Sermons_, 17.
[512] Gale insists upon the sense of religion in barbarous
nations.--Part iv., 238.
[513] _Howe’s Works_, iii. 37. He refers to Cudworth. See remarks on
the argument in _Rogers’ Life of Howe_, 368.
[514] _Works_, iv. 416, _et seq._
[515] _Works_, ii. 144, _et. seq._--I have, in speaking of Thorndike,
mentioned the distinction which he makes between degrees of
inspirations. But that was a turn of thought which seems to have been
rarely taken in those days. I have searched Pearson, and Taylor, and
Goodwin, and even Baxter, besides others, in vain for any indication
of their having contemplated any such controversy on the subject as
exists in our day. The complete inspiration of the Bible was believed.
The Lutheran theologians of the seventeenth century maintained the
inspiration of every word, and also that the Hebrew vowel points are
original.--_Hagenbach Hist. of Doctrine_, ii. 231.
[516] _Herbert’s De Veritate_ was published in 1624.
[517] For the doctrine of the Eternal Generation, see _Goodwin’s
Works_, v. 547; _Owen’s Works_, viii. 112, 291. For the doctrine of
the Trinity: _Goodwin_, iv. 231; _Owen_, ii. 64, 175; _Orme’s Life of
Baxter_, 470.
[518] See Howe’s mode of speaking about the covenant in contrast with
Thorndike’s.--_Works_, iii. 448.
[519] _Works_, viii. 4, 257, 459, 546; ii. 234; viii. 288.
[520] _Works_, ix. _Discourse of Election._
[521] See _Ibid._, 154, 160, 344. He mentions a good woman, who said
to her wicked son, “Well, I shall one day rejoice that thou shalt be
damned, and take part with the glory of God therein.” The conviction of
so high a grace in her soul he declares was the means of breaking the
man’s heart, and converting him.
Such things had been said by the schoolmen. Thomas Aquinas, in his
_Summa_ (pt. iii. sup. quest. 94, art. i.), alludes to the bliss of the
saved being increased by the sight of the lost.
[522] _Works_, iii. 15.
[523] _Ibid._, iii. 15; iv. 64, 9.
[524] Vol. VI. bk. ii.
[525] _Owen’s Works_, xi. 203, 209.
[526] _Owen’s Works_, ix. 198.
[527] _Works_, v. 325 _et seq._ They are sixteen in number, and
are stated in such a way that it is impossible to condense them
satisfactorily.
[528] _Ibid._, 267, 308, 318.
[529] _Imputatio Fidei_ (1642), pp. 7, 17. Nothing can exceed the
clearness and precision with which the whole case is stated at the
beginning of the Treatise.
[530] _Redemption Redeemed_, (1651), 433.--This point he pursues at
great length in chapters v., viii., xvi., xx. He argues, that if Christ
died _sufficiently_ for all, He died _intentionally_ for all.--p. 95.
Although I agree with Goodwin, so far as to believe that Christ died
for all men, I may observe that sometimes his reasonings against the
Calvinistic doctrine of election, as for instance in chap. xviii. sec.
4 and 7, are as unsatisfactory as they are intricate. He frequently
attributes to his opponents implications in argument, and consequences
of doctrine, which they would indignantly repudiate. It is a common
vice in controversy.
[531] _Ibid._ Preface.
[532] _Calamy’s Account_, 484. _Cont._ 632.
[533] _Ibid._, 35.
[534] _Baxter’s Life and Times_, i. 107.
[535] _Ath. Ox._ iv. 784. Even Wood seems to have been a little touched
by this beautiful statement, for after calling Baxter the late pride
of the Presbyterians, he remarks, “he very civilly returned me this
answer.”
[536] _Works_, vii. 312, 315.--_Treatise on Conversion_, 1657. The
first chapter of the _Saint’s Everlasting Rest_, published in 1649, is
Calvinistic.
[537] _Ibid._, viii. 119. He says, however, in his _End of Doctrinal
Controversies_, published in 1691 (p. 160): “Christ died for all, but
not for all alike, or equally; that is, He intended good to all, but
not an equal good, with an equal intention.” See also extracts from his
_Catholic Theology_ (1675), _Orme’s Life of Baxter_, p. 477. In the
Appendix to _Baxter’s Aphorisms_ (1649), there are Animadversions on
Owen’s views of Redemption.
[538] _Polano’s History of the Council of Trent_, 212.
[539] See p. 347 of this volume.
[540] _Aphorisms of Justification_, 44.
[541] _Works_, xviii. 503.
[542] It is interesting here to observe, that as the Anglicans differed
from the Romanists, so did the later Puritans from the Reformers, as
to the nature of faith. “Quid est fides? Est non tantum notitia qua
firmiter assentior omnibus, quæ Deus nobis in verbo suo patefecit,
sed etiam certa fiducia, a Spiritu Sancto, per Evangelium in corde
meo accensa, qua in Deo acquiesco, certò statuens, non solum aliis,
_sed mihi quoque remissionem peccatorum, eternam justitiam et vitam,
donatam esse_, idque gratis ex Dei misericordia propter unius Christi
meritum.”--_Cat. Rel. Christ. quæ in Eccl. et Scholis Palitinatus_, p.
8. Bull, in his _Harmonia Ap._, Diss. I., cap. iv. s. 6, attributes
this doctrine of personal assurance as the essence of faith, to the
Reformers generally. Owen admits, “Many great Divines at the first
Reformation, did (as the Lutherans generally yet do) thus make the
mercy of God in Christ, and thereby the forgiveness of our own sins,
to be the proper object of justifying faith, as such.”--_Justification
by Faith._--_Works_, xi. 104. Owen’s idea of justifying faith did
not include assurance. As we have noticed already, Goodwin’s, at
any rate, was much more comprehensive. The Romanists regarded faith
as _Credence_; the Reformers as _Assurance_; the Anglicans and the
Latitudinarians as _Obedience_; the Puritans as _Reliance_.
[543] _Rogers’ Life of Howe_, 21.
[544] The new edition of _Howe’s Works_, published by the Tract
Society, has done much, not only to make them accessible to the public,
but to make the reading of them more easy and pleasant. Professor
Rogers, by an improved punctuation and arrangement of paragraph, has
provided the latter advantage. The work of an Editor is too often
in the present day mere pretence, but in this case there has been
an amount of painstaking, which renders these volumes, in point of
accuracy, worthy of a place by the side of _Keble’s Hooker_.
[545] _Works_, i. 30, _et seq._ _The Blessedness of the Righteous_ was
published in 1668.
[546] _Howe’s Works_, iv. 322.
[547] _Rogers’ Life of Howe_, 389.
[548] _Life of Arnold_, ii. 67.
[549] The remark, I believe, was made by the late Bishop of Lichfield.
[550] _Goodwin’s Works_, iv. 41; ix. 82, 362. _Owen’s Works_, ii. 247,
513.
[551] _Works_, v. 364.
[552] _Ibid._, v. 46; _Christian Directory_, 1673.
[553] _Works_, v. 346.
[554] _Ibid._, vii. 517.
[555] _Howe’s Works_, iii. 460.
[556] _Goodwin’s Works_, vii. 311.
[557] _Baxter’s Works_, iv. (_Christian Directory_), 315.
[558] _Works_, xviii. 301.
[559] _Baxter’s Works_, v. 346. Compare _Origen_, _cont. Celsum_;
_Hooker_, _Eccl. Polity_, ii. 310; and _Thorndike’s Works_, iv. 39.
[560] _Baxter’s Works_, v. 287, _et seq._, 400.
[561] Compare this with what has been said at p. 117.
[562] _Orme’s Life of Baxter_, 659.
[563] _Sermons_, 12.
[564] _Orme’s Life of Baxter_, 589. These passages I have before
referred to.
[565] _Orme’s Life of Owen_, 234.
[566] _Works_, xx. 74, 113.
[567] _Works_, xvi. 256.
[568] I confine myself here to books published before the Revolution,
and of course must omit numbers worthy of mention.
[569] _Orme’s Baxter_, 552.
[570] Brook gives an account of the book in his _Lives of the
Puritans_, iii. 213.
[571] It is a significant fact that John Goodwin’s work on _The Spirit_
is included in Nicholl’s series of _Puritan Divines_.
[572] I cannot but refer, and that with sincere pleasure, to a Sunday
evening spent at Pontresina, in the Engadine, the summer before last,
when, together with a Nonconformist friend, I united in such a service,
with representatives of different sections of the Establishment.
[573] _The Christian Poet._
[574] Himself and his brothers.
[575] _Diary_, i. 15.
[576] Memoir prefixed to _Diary_, p. xviii.
[577] Memoir prefixed to _Silva_, i. 15.
[578] My rule has been to select characters who died before the
Revolution, but it is necessary to notice Evelyn’s life in connection
with Margaret Godolphin; and although he survived the Revolution so
many years, he may fairly be taken as a type of religious life before
that period. A MS. by him was published in the year 1850, in two
volumes, entitled, _A Rational Account of the True Religion_. The first
volume treats of natural theology. In the second, besides a description
of Judaism, primitive Christianity, and the decadence and corruption
of religion, Evelyn “professes to explain the true doctrines of Holy
Scripture and of the Church of England.” The chief interest attaching
to the work will be found to consist in its value “as an impartial
interpretation of her Articles and her Liturgy; conveyed too in a
manner which shows he was not propounding new views, but merely stating
them as understood by her members in his time.”--p. xi. In other
words, Evelyn explains the doctrines of the Church of England from an
Anglo-Catholic point of view. The book indicates the intelligence and
devoutness of the author.
[579] One of the Blagge family was Gentleman of the Privy Chamber to
Henry VIII., and a great favourite with the King, who, for some reason,
called him his pig. “He was a Sacramentarian; and when Wriothesley and
Gardiner, in 1546, commenced their persecution on the Statute of the
Six Articles, Blagge was clapped up in Newgate, and, after a hurried
trial, condemned to be burnt. But the moment the King heard of it, he
rated the Chancellor for coming so near him, even to his privy chamber,
and commanded him instantly to draw out a pardon. On his release,
Blagge flew to thank his master, who, seeing him, cried out, ‘Ah, my
_pig_, are you here safe again?’ ‘Yes, Sire,’ said he, ‘and if your
Majesty had not been better than your Bishops, your _pig_ had been
_roasted_ ere this time.’”--_Tytler’s England under Edward VI. and
Mary_, i. 146.
[580] _The Life of Mrs. Godolphin_, by Evelyn, edited by the Bishop of
Oxford. p. 104. The year of the marriage is not given.
[581] _Ibid._, 106.
[582] _The Life of Mrs. Godolphin_, 176.
[583] Paley.
[584] These quotations from Hale’s writings are found in his _Life_ by
Sir J. B. Williams. See also _Life_ by Burnet.
[585] These passages are taken from a work entitled _Mastix_.
[586] _Campbell’s Essay on Poetry_, 245.
[587] _More’s Dialogues._
[588] _Ward’s Life of More_ gives a full account of this excellent man.
See also _Willmot’s Lives of the Poets_.
[589] See the thought expanded in More’s _Letters on Several Subjects_.
[590] _Sir T. Browne’s Works_, i. liv.
[591] _Ibid._, iv. 420.
[592] _Ibid._, ii. 6.
[593] _Sir T. Browne’s Works_, ii. 12.
[594] _Ibid._, ii. 27, 81, 82; i. xlvii.
[595] _Sir T. Browne’s Works_, ii. 117.
[596] _Lives_, ii. 172.
[597] _Aubrey’s Letters_, ii. 255.
[598] _Birch’s Tillotson_, 75.
[599] _Morice MSS., Ent. Book_.
[600] _Clarendon, Hist._, 493.
[601] _Tomkins’ Piety Promoted_, quoted in _Pattison’s Rise and
Progress of Religious Life in England_, 248.
[602] See _Stanford’s Life of Alleine_.
[603] _Broadmead Records_, 97.
[604] _Stockton MSS., Diary_, Dr. Williams’ Library.
[605] _Life_, 43.
[606] _Life_, 24, 26, 59, 147. Stockton bequeathed £500 and his
valuable library to Gonville and Caius College.
[607] _Calamy._
[608] _Burnet’s Hist. of his Own Time_, i. 381.
[609] Such illustrations occur in Dr. Swainson’s valuable Hulsean
Lectures on _The Creeds of the Church_, 58.
[610] There is, in Glamorganshire, an extra-parochial district called
Llan-vethin.
[611] _At_ was first struck out, and _on_ written over it, then _on_
was altered into _at_.
[612] Appears as if _midst_ had been altered into _body_.
[613] _On_ altered into _at_.
[614] I examined the books once with Dr. Swainson, and once with the
Dean of Westminster.
[615] _Documents_, 177.
[616] I find this stated by Dr. Vaughan, and I have no doubt of its
correctness; but in looking over the _Rejoinder_, I cannot lay my
finger on the passage.
[617] Father Huddlestone.
[618] The Queen’s Priests.
[619] Petre, Bath, and Feversham.
[620] In the Somers’ copy it is “‘the Duke and Lords’ withdrew into the
closet for the space of an hour and a half.”
Transcriber’s Note:
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