THE BATTLE OF WILSON’S CREEK.—Concluded.
The Southern Side of the Story—The Part Taken by McCulloch’s
Army—Preparations for a March on Springfield—A Light Rain
Interferes—The Federal Attack—A Complete Surprise—McCulloch Thinks
it “Another of Rains’ Scares!”—The Fight Against Lyon—Order of
Battle—McCulloch Comes to the Rescue—The Missourians in
Battle—Detailed Account of the Fighting—The Beginning of the
End—Victory!—No Pursuit of the Retreating Federals—McCulloch’s
Destruction of Sigel—After the Famous Victory—Comparative Strength
and Losses of the Two Armies—The Federal Strength—The Confederate
Strength—Price’s Army by Divisions—The Federal Loss by Regiments
and Battalions—The Confederate Loss by Divisions—Disposing of the
Dead—The Home Guards at Springfield—The Retreat from
Springfield—Care of the Federal Wounded—The Army Sets out—Hundreds
of Citizens Follow it—The Confederates Enter
Springfield—McCulloch’s Proclamation—Price’s Proclamation—Joy and
Congratulations.
THE SOUTHERN SIDE OF THE STORY.
As one side, the Northern, or Federal, or Union side, of the battle of
Wilson’s Creek has been told it is but proper that the other, the
Southern or Confederate, or secession side, should be given. The
statements herein made have been derived from the most authentic sources
possible to be consulted. The writer returns his sincere thanks to those
Confederate officers, scattered from the Iowa line to the Rio Grande,
who have responded to his request for information so promptly and so
fully, and in such well written letters.
THE PART TAKEN BY M’CULLOCH’S ARMY.
It will be remembered that Gen. McCulloch had at last yielded to Gen.
Price’s persistent and positive demands, and had agreed to march against
Lyon at Springfield on the night of August 9th and attack him on the
morning of the 10th. The march was to be made in four columns and to be
begun at 9 o’clock at night.
Just after dark a light rain fell, and it was very dark and a heavy rain
storm seemed to be coming up. McCulloch well knew that many of the
Missouri troops were not supplied with cartridge boxes, or cartridges
either, and that if they moved out from under shelter and it rained
hard, as it promised to do, their ammunition would become wet and
unserviceable, carried, as much of it would be, in powder-flasks, cotton
sacks and shot-pouches. There was also danger that in the Egyptian
darkness that had settled down over the land the marching columns would
get lost or bewildered, and not come up to the proper place at the
proper time. Accordingly, just as some of the troops were preparing to
start, McCulloch countermanded the order to march at that time, and the
army lay down to sleep, holding itself in readiness to move, however,
the men with their guns by their sides. Not much sleep was had, however,
for lack of all proper accommodations, and because of the myriads of
mosquitoes on the warpath that night up and down the valley of Wilson’s
creek.
Had Gen. Price been left to himself the day of the 9th, he would have
taken “my Missouri boys” that night and marched toward Springfield over
the very route that Lyon took from Springfield to the Confederate camp,
_via_ the Mt. Vernon road and over the prairie, and the two armies,
Price’s and Lyon’s, would have met, to each other’s surprise, about
midnight, somewhere near the present site of Dorchester.
In his official report to the Confederate Secretary of War, Gen.
McCulloch states that his effective force at the battle of Wilson’s
Creek was 5,300 infantry, 6,000 cavalry, and fifteen pieces of
artillery. The majority of the cavalry were armed only with rifles,
revolvers, shot-guns, and old flint-lock muskets. There were hundreds of
other horsemen along with the army, that were so imperfectly armed as to
be of but little efficiency, and during the battle were only in the way.
THE FEDERAL ATTACK.
Col. T. L. Snead states that on the night of the 9th he sat up all night
at Gen. Price’s headquarters, which were on the side of the creek, at
the foot of the sloping, rocky, black-jack hills on whose summit the
main battle was fought. About daybreak Gen. Price got up in great
impatience and sent for McCulloch, who soon afterward arrived,
accompanied by Col. James McIntosh (of the 2d Arkansas Mounted
Riflemen), his assistant adjutant-general. “Gen. Price and I were just
sitting down to breakfast,” says Col. Snead, “and they sat down with
us.”
As the officers were eating, a messenger came running up from the front,
where Gen. Rains’ division was posted, a mile or more away, and said
that the Yankees were advancing, full 20,000 strong, and were on Rains’
line already, peppering his camp with musketry. “O, pshaw,” said
McCulloch, laughingly, “that’s another of Rains’ scares,” alluding to
the Dug Springs affair. “Tell Gen. Rains I will come to the front myself
directly,” he added. The three officers went on eating, and in a minute
or two another messenger came up and reported that the Federals were not
more than a mile away, and had come suddenly upon Rains’ men as they lay
on their arms and had driven them back. McCulloch again said, “O,
nonsense! That’s not true;” but just then Rains’ men could be seen
falling back in confusion. Gen. Price rose up and said to Col. Snead,
“Have my horse saddled, and order the troops under arms at once.” He had
hardly spoken when Totten’s battery unlimbered and sent its first shot,
and about the same instant Sigel’s guns opened.
Dispositions for battle were quickly made. Price was ordered to move at
once towards Rains with the rest of the Missourians. Pearce was ordered
to form on Price’s left. Very soon Totten’s battery was in plain sight
on the top of the hills in front and pounding away, while Sigel’s guns
in the rear plainly gave notice that the Federals were on all sides.
The surprise was perfect. Most of the Southern troops were asleep. The
few pickets that were out had mostly been called in to prepare for the
early march, and this enabled Lyon to get close to the line,—upon the
skirmishers, in fact,—before being discovered. The troops hurried out as
fast and as best they could. The majority of Price’s Missourians had
their horses with them. Nearly every secessionist, upon enlisting,
wanted to ride and did ride. The idea of walking was distasteful in more
ways than one,—it was laborious, to begin with, and it was considered
somewhat plebeian and disgraceful. And the horsemen, so many of them,
proved a serious disadvantage to the Southern cause. They stripped the
country in many parts of this State and west of the Mississippi, not
only of provisions but of forage and provender, cumbered the roads, and
often in battle did more harm than good. At Wilson’s Creek the horses
became frightened and unmanageable, and at one time they and some of
their riders came near stampeding the entire Southern army. Hundreds of
them tried to escape from the field by the Fayetteville road, but found
it held by Sigel and his Germans.
THE FIGHT AGAINST LYON.
The Missourians under Rains were first attacked by Lyon. Rains had his
division under arms and in line with commendable promptness. A great
many of his men scattered, it is true, but the majority were soon in
ranks and fighting the enemy. Rains’ division was a large one, including
all the men from the populous secession counties of Saline, Lafayette,
Jackson, Johnson, and Pettis, and it held that part of the line in front
of Totten’s battery. Gen. Price instantly ordered the other division
commanders,—Slack, McBride, Clark and Parsons,—to move their infantry
and artillery rapidly forward to the support of Rains. Rains’ second
brigade was in the extreme advance, and consisted of some 1,200 or 1,500
men, mounted and dismounted, temporarily under the command of Col.
Cawthorn.
Slack’s division of Northwest Missourians was the first to come up, and
under the personal direction of Gen. Price himself, who had come to the
front, took position on Rains’ left, and became instantly engaged. In a
few minutes afterwards came John B. Clark’s division and formed to the
left of Slack. Then came M. M. Parsons’ division, with Col. Kelly’s
regiment or brigade at the head, and went into line to the left of
Clark. Then came the division of Gen. J. H. McBride, who took position
on the left of Col. Kelly and commanded a flank movement on the right of
the enemy, which movement was unsuccessful. (It cannot be learned in
what part of the field the forces of Gen. A. E. Steen, of the 5th
division, Missouri State Guard, did duty.)
In this position, by Gen. Price’s orders, and led by him in person at
the first, the entire line advanced in the direction of the enemy, under
a continuous fire from Lyon’s infantry and Totten’s battery, until it
reached a position within range of its own guns when the Federal fire
was returned, the double-barreled shotguns getting in their work now
very effectively. After a few minutes steady firing the Missourians were
driven back.
M’CULLOCH COMES TO THE RESCUE.
Meantime Gen. McCulloch had hurried to the lower end of the valley where
his division was encamped, and the impetuous Texan chieftain speedily
brought out of camp Col. Hebert’s Louisiana regiment, and McIntosh’s
Arkansas mounted riflemen, and hastened to the rescue of the
Missourians. This force went to the east side of Wilson’s Creek and
coming up to the fence enclosing Ray’s cornfield, the Arkansas riflemen
dismounted, and they and the Louisianians leaped over the fence and
charged through the corn upon the Federals (Plummer’s battalion) and
drove them back upon the main line with loss. This fight in the
cornfield was one of the severest of the day, and when it was ended many
a corn blade and stalk and tassel had been torn with bullets, and many a
dead man lay in the furrows. For no sooner had the Federal infantry been
driven back than Dubois’ battery opened on the Confederates in the field
whose surface had never been disturbed by any thing ruder than Farmer
Ray’s plow. But now it was soon plowed by shot and shell, and death
gathered a full harvest where only the husbandmen had reaped before. The
two regiments were driven back with some loss and considerable
confusion, but soon reformed and taken charge of by McCulloch in person,
who led them to another part of the field.
McCulloch had also ordered up Woodruff’s battery, which had engaged
Totten and was doing excellent service. During the period of the fight
in the cornfield, Price’s Missourians were endeavoring to sustain
themselves in the center, and were hotly engaged on the sides of the
height upon which the enemy was posted. Early in the fight, the 1st
Regiment of Arkansas Mounted Rifles, which had been driven out of its
camp by Sigel, and had formed a few hundred yards to the north, was
brought up by Price’s order to the support of Gen. Slack, and formed on
his left. Here it fought during the battle, led in person by its
commander. Col. T. J. Churchill,[11] who had two horses killed under
him. The regiment’s loss was 42 killed and 155 wounded. One captain
(McAlexander) and three lieutenants were among the killed. The 2d
Arkansas Mounted Rifles, Col. B. T. Embry, also fought with the
Missourians against Lyon, losing 11 killed and 44 wounded.
Then came the “forward and back” period of fighting described in the
Federal account, which lasted for hours. Sometimes the advantage was
with one party, sometimes with the other. The firing, both of infantry
and artillery, was incessant. Many deeds of gallantry and heroism were
performed—enough to immortalize the memory of any one of the
perpetrators.
One unfortunate thing, brought about by the battle, was the fact that it
produced, or rather made conspicuous, a large crowd of liars who are yet
wont to brag and bluster about the various deeds of valor they performed
at Wilson’s Creek, while the chances are that instead of displaying any
remarkable quality of bravery or feat of extraordinary value, they were
skulking in the bushes or sitting securely under cover somewhere, not
firing a gun or harming an enemy. This is true of both sides. Pity ’tis
that any man who wore either the blue or the gray should be a liar, but
pity ’tis ’tis true. Deeds worthy of Rome or Sparta—aye, worthy of
America, _were_ rendered that day of battle on Wilson’s creek, but these
shameless liars one often meets with did none of them.
From nearly every quarter of Missouri had come the Missourians who this
day fought under the flag of the grizzly bears and against the stars and
stripes. Slack had men from off the Iowa line; John B. Clark had men
from the Northeast (properly belonging to Harris’ division, not then
south of the Missouri) whose homes were in sight of Hannibal and of the
great Mississippi farther to the north. Men fought who, when at home,
could stand in their door-yards and look westward over on the prairies
of the then territory of Nebraska. Many of McBride’s division were from
Southeastern Missouri, from the swamps of Pemiscot, from the cypress
forests of Dunklin. From the cities—from the warehouses, the
counting-rooms and the law offices of St. Louis, St. Joseph and other
Missouri towns, had come some men to fight against what they believed to
be Federal tyranny and usurpation, and for the honor of old Missouri and
the rights of the South. And men fought under Price that day whose feet
were on “their native heath,” whose homes were in this county, in sight
of the battle-ground.
And they all fought well, those in line, whether advancing or
retreating, firing or falling back. Not any better than the Federals,
perhaps, but fully as well. There were some stragglers on both sides—not
all of the cowards were in but one army.
When early in the engagement Gen. Clark sent a mile and a half to the
rear for his regiment of cavalry, Col. James P. Major, commanding, that
officer was attacked by Sigel at the moment of receiving the order and
driven back into the woods with all his force. After reforming and
starting toward the front where Lyon was, to join their own division,
Major’s men were all broken up by large bodies of other horsemen, who,
seeking to escape from Totten’s grape and Dubois’ shells and the Kansas
men’s musket balls, rode through Major’s ranks in all directions,
dividing the forces and communicating their own terror to those about
them, so that the colonel was left with only one company.
Assisted by Clark’s adjutant-general, Col. Casper W. Bell, of Brunswick,
Chariton county, and Capt. Joseph Finks, the colonel (Major) succeeded
in getting up some 300 men with whom he returned to the rear and
assisted in the defeat of Sigel. The remainder of those who could be
formed into line (and many of them could when they found that the only
road leading out of camp was held by Sigel), were taken charge of by
Lieut. Col. Hyde and advanced to the front where Lyon was, but while
preparing to charge the Federal left they were driven back by Dubois’
battery and some infantry.
At last, after Price’s line had advanced half a dozen times and been
driven back as often, and after the fight had been going on nearly six
hours and victory was not yet certain for either side, McCulloch came
back from whipping Sigel and brought with him the Louisianians,
Carroll’s (Arkansas) and the greater portion of Greer’s (Texas) cavalry,
Col. Tom P. Dockery’s 5th Arkansas infantry, McIntosh’s 2d Arkansas
rifle regiment, under Lieut. Col. Embry, Gratiot’s 3d Arkansas regiment,
and McRae’s regiment. Reid’s battery was also brought up.
THE BEGINNING OF THE END.
The terrible fire of musketry was now kept up along the whole side and
top of the hill on which the enemy was posted. Masses of infantry fell
back and again rushed forward. The summit of the hill was covered with
the dead and wounded. Both sides were fighting with all desperation for
the victory. Gens. Price and McCulloch were among their men animating
them by their voice, their presence, and their example. Price was
slightly wounded but would not leave the field.
To relieve the infantry McCulloch resolved to make a diversion in their
favor with the cavalry. Accordingly a portion of Carroll’s and Greer’s
regiments, and a mass of Missourians were formed to go up the valley and
fall upon the Federal left, but, as before stated, Dubois’ battery and
the Federal infantry scattered the horsemen before they could get fairly
into line.
VICTORY!
At this critical moment, when the fortunes of the day seemed at the
turning point, McCulloch ordered forward his reserves and threw them
into the scale. Forward came the rest of Pearce’s Arkansas division,
Gratiot’s and Dockery’s regiments, on the run and cheering. Into the
thickest of the fight and throwing away their “tooth-picks,” as their
huge knives were called relied solely on their muskets, and did most
effective work in the center of the line. Reid’s battery was also
ordered forward, and Hebert’s Louisianians were again called into action
on the left of it. Guibor’s battery, of Parson’s division, opened with
canister on the Federals, and terrible was the din and the slaughter.
Now the battle became general and violent and bloody. Hot as a furnace
was the hollow in which the Confederates fought, made so by the blazing
August sun overhead. Hot as a Tophet it became, made so by gunpowder,
and lead and iron, and sweat and blood. Probably no two opposing forces
ever fought with greater desperation, as the Confederate line was
advanced on the last charge. But Lyon was killed, Totten’s battery moved
to the rear, and soon the entire Federal force left the field in
possession of the Southerners.
The battle ended suddenly, “as quick as a clap of thunder ceases,” one
describes it, and for some time after the Federals had retreated it was
not certain to the Confederates how the battle had gone. Another attack
by the blue-coats was expected and prepared for. Gradually the ground in
front where Totten’s battery had stood was occupied, and then a line of
skirmishers, pushing cautiously to the front, discovered that the
victory was theirs. No attempt at pursuit was made, although McCulloch
had 6,000 cavalry, whose horses were fresh and rested, and had not sweat
a hair that day. That the Federals were not pursued, and in their jaded
and exhausted condition cut off from Springfield and captured on the
high prairies west of town, seems inexcusable, even to this day, to
those posted in the facts.
The Federal officers plainly assert that the reason they were not
pursued was because the Confederates were so badly hurt themselves that
they could not do so; and further it is claimed that had Lyon lived a
Federal victory would have been gained, and Price and McCulloch driven
from the field. It is certain (on the authority of Col. Snead), that
Price wished McCulloch to pursue, but the latter, for reasons of his
own, would not. Then Price resumed command of the Missouri State Guard,
and then _he_ would not pursue, for reasons of _his_ own.
M’CULLOCH’S DESTRUCTION OF SIGEL.
When Sigel came upon the southern end of the Confederate camp the troops
he encountered were Churchill’s Arkansas regiment, Greer’s Texas
Rangers, and about 700 mounted Missourians under command of Col. James
P. Major and Col. Benjamin Brown, of Ray county, the latter the
President of the Missouri State Senate. These troops, taken unawares,
were speedily pushed back up the valley across the Fayetteville road. It
was at this point of the line,—the Confederate right is faced toward the
east,—where McCulloch’s Confederates were stationed. When Lyon first
opened and alarmed the camp, McCulloch hastened back from Price
headquarters, and took up two of his best regiments (Hubert’s and
McIntosh’s), to the assistance of his comrade-commander. The absence of
these troops weakened the position of McCulloch very materially, and
Sigel had matters his own way for a time. Pearce’s division of Arkansas
State troops were put in position, somewhat in reserve.
When McCulloch became fully aware that the Federal attack on the south
or right was so formidable and so fraught with danger to the entire
army, he brought back the Louisiana and Arkansas regiments, and forming
them with some of Pearce’s division, and Major’s and Brown’s cavalry,
advanced to attack Sigel. The Louisianians and McIntosh’s regiment had
got the worst of it, in the end, in the fight in Ray’s cornfield, but
they came up to the work now in brave style. The attack was being made
on Sigel’s and Salomon’s regiments, and the four guns of Schaeffer and
Schuetzenbach. There was only scattering firing on the part of the
Federals, who mistook the character of the advancing hosts. It was no
fault of McCulloch’s men, however, that Sigel was deceived. The
Louisianians were not to blame that they were mistaken for the Iowa
regiment because of their dress.[12]
On they came, regardless of the short-sightedness of their foes, and not
knowing or caring anything about their enemies’ mistakes until they were
within almost grappling distance of Sigel’s cannon, when they sprang
forward, and with one well contrived and well managed charge swept
everything before them. Then followed the events heretofore
described—the vain attempts to rally—the disorderly panic-stricken
flight—the captures and the pursuit. It must not be forgotten that just
before the charge was made, Reid’s Arkansas battery opened on the
unsuspicious Federal Germans, and they were already in confusion when
the Confederate infantry and cavalry were precipitated upon them. Capt.
Hiram Bledsoe’s Missouri battery, from Lafayette county, with “Old
Sacramento,” a noted 12-pounder, and three other guns, also did
effective work against Sigel, under direction of Col. Rosser, or
Weightman’s brigade.
As soon as Sigel’s destruction had been fairly accomplished (which
occupied but a few minutes) McCulloch left the flying fragments to be
looked after by sundry detachments of the cavalry, and returned with his
infantry and a great deal of the cavalry to the assistance of Gen.
Price. In the last efforts against Lyon’s column, McCulloch’s troops
took a conspicuous part, as before detailed; and of course but for the
part taken by McCulloch’s and Pearce’s men the victory could not have
been won.
AFTER THE FAMOUS VICTORY.
_Dies iræ!_ O, the moaning and wailing that were all over the land west
of the great Fathers of Waters when the full tidings of the battle of
Wilson’s Creek were learned! From Dubuque and Baton Rouge, from Iowa and
Texas, from Louisiana and Kansas, and from every county of Missouri,
there went up a sobbing prayer from many a household for strength to
bear the bereavement of a father, a husband, a brother or a son slain
that 10th of August, 1861, down by the beautiful little stream in the
Ozarks.
There they lay, strewn all about over the ground, with faces white and
waxen, or clotted with blood, these men who had died to please the
politicians. In cosy, shady nooks where fairies might delight to dwell;
out in the glare of the blazing sun, festering and corrupting; in
cornfields with blade and tassel waving above them, in dells and glens,
and vales, and on the hillsides—dead men everywhere. With a tiny bullet
hole a baby’s finger might stop, marring no feature and mangling no
limb; with bowels torn out, with faces shattered, heads torn to pieces,
handsome countenances distorted into ghastly, grinning objects—dead men
everywhere.
Wounded men everywhere. Crawling about, delirious with pain and agony;
lying prone and almost motionless, staring up into the blue sky, dying
slowly and making no sign; shrieking, groaning, cursing, praying,
imploring help, begging for a bandage, for water, lying quietly,
laughing even,—wounded men everywhere. In hospitals, under trees, in
tents, in houses, in stables, with surgeons probing and cutting and
carving and sawing and clumsily bandaging; in ambulances jolting off
towards Springfield; limping along to hide and escape another
hurt—wounded men everywhere.
Blood everywhere. On the blades and the silks of the corn; on the leaves
of the pretty green bushes.
Great drops on the bunch-grass, but not of the dew;
Staining the velvet moss on the hillsides; purpling in puddles in the
pathways and by the roadsides; reddening the lucid waters of bonnie
Wilson’s creek; flecking the wheels of the guns and daubing the stocks
of the muskets; clinging in loathsome gouts to the stems of wild
flowers—blood everywhere—human blood—and the best blood of the Republic,
too.
COMPARATIVE STRENGTH AND LOSSES OF THE TWO ARMIES.
The strength of both of the contending armies at the battle of Wilson’s
Creek is here given as nearly as it has been possible to obtain it. It
is believed that the Federal strength has been very definitely learned;
that of the combined Southern forces has been approximated in regard to
two or three commands in McCulloch’s division.
FEDERAL STRENGTH.
According to the reports of the company commanders on the morning of the
9th of August, there were in the column that marched under Gen. Lyon
exactly 3,721 men of all arms, infantry, cavalry, and artillery, not
including the two companies of home guards under Capts. Wright and
Switzler.
Sigel’s column consisted of 17 companies of infantry (8 of the 3d
Missouri and 9 of the 5th Missouri), numbering 912 men; six pieces of
artillery, 85 men; and two companies of cavalry, 121 men;—Total of
Sigel’s column, 1,118.
Total Federal strength, 4,839—with Wright’s and Switzler’s home guards,
5,000.
CONFEDERATE STRENGTH.
Without giving exact details, Gen. McCulloch says, in his official
report to Gen. Cooper, Adjutant General of the Confederate States: “My
own effective force was 5,300 infantry, Woodruff’s and Reed’s batteries,
and 6,000 horsemen.” Total, about 11,550.
Gen. Price’s division was composed of the following subdivisions:—
Division. Infantry. Cavalry. Total.
Gen. J. S. Rains’ 1,306 1,200 2,506
Gen. W. Y. Slack’s 659 234 884
Gen. J. H. McBride’s —— —— 605
Gen. M. M. Parsons’ 256 406 662
Gen. John B. Clark’s (sr.) 376 250 626
3,193 2,090 5,283
And Bledsoe’s and Guibor’s batteries, probably 150
Grand total of Price’s Missourians.[13] 5,433
July 30, at Cassville, Gen. McCulloch reported his force and that of
Gen. Pearce, as numbering in aggregate 5,700, “nearly all well armed.”
(Rebellion Records, vol. 3, series I, p. 622). Gen. Pearce loaned the
Missourians six hundred stand of arms. Afterwards, McCulloch received
Greer’s South Kansas Texas cavalry of 1,100 men, and one or two
independent companies from Arkansas, making his and Pearce’s forces
combined, number about 7,000 men. In round numbers the Southern troops
numbered about 12,000 at the battle of Wilson’s Creek; the Federal or
Union forces, 5,000.
THE FEDERAL LOSS.
As officially reported, and on file at this day, was as follows:
Command. Killed. Wounded. Missing.
First Kansas Volunteers, 77 187 20
Second Kansas Volunteers, 5 59 6
First Missouri Volunteers, 76 208 11
First Iowa Volunteers, 13 138 4
Capt. Plummer’s Battalion, 19 52 9
Company D, 1st Cavalry, Capt. Elliott, 0 1 3
Capt. Steele’s Battalion, 15 44 2
Capt. Carr’s Company, 0 0 4
Capt. Wood’s Company Kansas Rangers, 0 1 0
Capt. Wright’s Dade County Home Guard, 0 2 0
Capt. Totten’s Battery, 4 7 0
Capt. Dubois’ Battery, 0 2 1
Col. Sigel’s Regiment, 3d Missouri, 13 15 27
Col. Salomon’s Regiment, 5th Missouri, 13 38 15
Total 235 754 102
Of the wounded forty-eight are known to have died of their injuries
afterward, making the _actual_ loss in killed 283.
The principal Federal officers killed were Gen. Lyon; Capt. Carey Gratz,
1st Missouri; Capt. A. L. Mason, 1st Iowa.
_Wounded._—Gen. Sweeney; Col. Deitzler, 1st Kansas, (twice); Col.
Mitchell, 2d Kansas; Lieut. Col. Merritt, 1st Iowa; Lieut. Col. Andrews,
1st Missouri; Adjt. Waldron, 1st Iowa; Capt. Plummer, of the regulars.
CONFEDERATE LOSS—PRICE’S ARMY.
_Gen. Slack’s Division._—Col. John T. Hughes’ brigade, killed 36;
wounded 70 (many mortally); missing 30. Among the killed were C. H.
Bennett, adjutant of Hughes’ regiment; Capt. Chas. Blackwell, of Carroll
county, and Lieut. Hughes. Col. Rive’s brigade lost 4 killed, and 8
wounded; among the killed were Lieut. Col. Austin, of Livingston county,
a member of the Legislature, and Capt. Engart.
_Gen. Clark’s Division._—Infantry loss, 17 killed and 71 wounded;
cavalry loss, 6 killed and 5 wounded. Among the killed were Capts.
Farris and Halleck and Lieut. Haskins. Among the wounded were Gen. Clark
himself, and Col. Burbridge, both severely, and Capt. D. H. McIntyre,
now attorney general of the State.
_Gen. Parsons’ Division._—Infantry loss, 9 killed and 38 wounded;
cavalry loss, 3 killed and 2 wounded; artillery, Guibor’s battery, 3
killed and 7 wounded. Among the killed was Capt. Coleman, of Grundy
county. Col. Kelly, commanding the infantry, was wounded in the hand.
_Gen. McBride’s Division._—Total loss, 22 killed, 124 wounded. Among the
latter were Col. Foster, and Capts. Nichols, Dougherty, Armstrong, and
Mings.
_Gen. Rains’ Division._—Weightman’s brigade, 35 killed 111 wounded.
Cawthorn’s brigade, 21 killed and 75 wounded. Among the killed were Col.
Richard Hanson Weightman, commanding 1st brigade, and Major Chas.
Rogers, of St. Louis.
Two other prominent officers were killed,—Col. Ben Brown, of Ray county,
commanding cavalry with McCulloch’s army, and Col. George W. Allen, of
Saline county, of Price’s staff. The latter was shot down while bearing
an order, and was buried on the field. Col. Horace H. Brand, of Price’s
staff, was taken prisoner but released soon afterward.
The total of Price’s loss, according to the official reports,
was—killed, 156; wounded 609; missing 30.
_McCulloch’s Army._—The losses of McCulloch’s army in the aggregate was
109 killed, 300 wounded and 50 prisoners. Among the officers killed were
Capt. Hinson, of the Louisiana regiment; Capt. McAlexander, and Adjutant
Harper, of Churchill’s regiment; Capts. Bell and Brown, and Lieuts.
Walton and Weaver, of Pearce’s division. Some of the severely wounded
were Col. McIntosh (by a grapeshot), Lieut. Col. Neal, Major H. Ward,
Captains King, Pearson, Gibbs, Ramsaur and Porter, and Lieuts. Dawson,
Chambers, Johnson, King, Raney, Adams, Hardister, McIvor, and Saddler.
The aggregate Southern loss was not far from 265 killed, 900 wounded and
80 prisoners. A little heavier than that of the Federals, owing to the
long range muskets and rifles of the latter and their more efficiently
served artillery. All agree that the Confederate and secession batteries
as a rule were not well handled.
DISPOSITION OF THE DEAD.
The dead at Wilson’s Creek were not well disposed of. All were given
hasty and rude sepulture. Of course the Confederate slain fared the
better, being buried by their own comrades. The Union dead were put
under ground as soon as possible, and with but little ceremony. In an
old well, near the battle field, fourteen bodies were thrown. In a
“sink-hole” thirty-four of their bodies were tumbled. The others were
buried in groups here and there, and the burial heaps marked. In many
instances, a few Federal soldiers were present when the burials were
made, and identified certain graves. Some of the bodies whose graves
were so marked, were afterwards disinterred and removed to their former
homes. A number of the Federal dead were never buried; this was
particularly true regarding Sigel’s men. Dr. Melcher says he saw
portions of the bodies of the German Federals along the line of Sigel’s
retreat, several days after the battle, strewn along near the road,
having been torn by dogs and hogs and buzzards. Skulls, bones, etc.,
indicating that at least a dozen corpses had been left above ground were
gathered up. The doctor’s statement is corroborated by citizens who
lived in the neighborhood.
The weather was hot—oppressively so. Putrefaction soon set in; there was
a scarcity of coffins and coffin-makers, and coffin-maker’s materials,
and perhaps the Confederates did the best they could. Their own dead
were, in many instances, given imperfect burial.
In 1867, six years afterwards, when the National Cemetery at Springfield
was established, the contractor for the removal of the dead bodies of
the Union soldiers on the battle ground, took up and removed, and
received pay for 183 bodies, as follows: Out of the “sink-hole,” 34; out
of the old well, 14; from other portions of the field, 135.
THE HOME GUARDS AT SPRINGFIELD.
Back in Springfield there was a large force of Home Guards, numbering
about 1,200, under Col. Marcus Boyd, from Greene and adjoining counties,
all under arms, and all ready and willing to fight. But Gen. Lyon held
their fighting qualities in such poor esteem—having no confidence that
any other sort of troops but regulars would fight well—that he had
refused to allow them to go to the field, saying that they would break
at the first fire and demoralize the rest of the troops, and perhaps
cause him to lose the fight.
But in all probability—no reason appearing to the contrary—if these
1,200 men had been taken out to Wilson’s Creek they would have fought
well—as well as the volunteers, who fought as effectively as the
regulars—and perhaps (who knows?) would have turned the scale in favor
of the Federals. Gen. Lyon made a mistake, certainly, in not employing
against the enemy in his front every man who could be induced to fire a
musket; but his anxiety to not leave his rear and base wholly
unprotected from a cavalry dash or sudden movement of some sort, led to
his leaving this large force in Springfield, which stood in arms all of
the forenoon and heard their comrades fighting so hard away to the
southwest, and, anxious as they were to go to their relief, were
forbidden to do so.
It is related of a certain doughty captain of the Home Guards then and
now a resident of Springfield, that on his reporting to Col. Boyd for
orders the morning of the battle, the colonel sent him out on the Mount
Vernon road, directing him to observe closely the country to the
westward and to report promptly every half hour should anything
extraordinary occur. In a few minutes after the opening of Totten’s
battery, back came the captain ambling along on a little brood mare,
which he was industriously larruping with a lath, and reining up his
steed in front of Col. Boyd, he made a military salute and announced:—
“Colonel Boyd, _Sir_! The _cannings_ is a-firing!” As the roar of every
gun had been plainly audible to everybody, this was not a very new piece
of information, but Boyd replied, “All right, captain; go back to your
post.”
Flourishing his lath as before, the captain rode away, and promptly in
half an hour—still in his hand the lath, which was doing double service,
as a sword and a riding-whip—he returned:—
“Colonel Boyd, _Sir_! The cannings is _still_ a-firing!” And so every
half hour, until the “cannings” had ceased to thunder, when he returned,
and making the same military salute, the faithful lath still in his
grasp, he announced:—
“Colonel Boyd, _Sir_! The cannings is ceased a-firing!”
THE RETREAT FROM SPRINGFIELD.
Upon reaching Springfield the Federal army rested a brief time and got
itself ready for flight. A conference of the principal officers was
held, and the command of all the forces given to Col. Sigel, of whom it
is reported Maj. Sturgis said he was not altogether successful in
attack, but was “h—l on retreat.” The citizens were notified, and
hundreds of them began packing up and preparing to follow the army.
These were Union people who dreaded the approach of the Southern troops.
The Home Guards also got ready to move as a part of the army. Many
citizens of the county, living outside of Springfield, got their effects
together and were ready to go.
A vast amount of money belonging to the bank had been made ready for
shipment, by Lyon’s order, and was being guarded by a Home Guard
company. Merchandise of all kinds was loaded into wagons and certain of
the officers “pressed” teams for the occasion to load commissary and
quartermasters’ stores into.
Sigel’s ordnance officer destroyed a considerable quantity of powder
because there were no means of transporting it. The 1st Iowa also burned
a portion of its baggage for the same reason. The town was full of
frightened men, women, and children, wagons, teams, horses, mules, milch
cows, soldiers, infantry, cavalry, and artillery, and there was the
greatest confusion all of the evening and till long after dark, even up
to the time when the hegira commenced. The public square was a perfect
jam of cannon carriages, army wagons, farm wagons, buggies, etc.
CARE OF THE UNION WOUNDED.
By 10 o’clock in the forenoon the wounded Federals had begun to arrive
from the front, where the battle was raging, with the news that Lyon was
driving the enemy at all points, the Union people cheered, and bestirred
themselves to take care of the stricken. The new court-house (the
present) and the sheriff’s residence were taken for hospital purposes,
and by midnight contained 100 men; the Bailey house was filled; the
Methodist church building was similarly occupied. Ambulances, carriages,
butchers’ wagons, express wagons, every sort of vehicle with wheels and
springs, plied between the battle field and the town all day and until
after dark, bringing off the wounded.
Many of the ladies of the town volunteered their services and became
hospital nurses. Maj. Sturgis left with Dr. E. C. Franklin, of the 5th
Missouri, the sum of $2,500 in gold, with which to purchase supplies for
the wounded left behind, to care for Gen. Lyon’s body, and for other
necessary expenses. This is upon the authority of Dr. Franklin himself.
The doctor was given general charge of the Federal wounded.
THE ARMY SETS OUT.
At last all was ready and the army set out for Rolla, with a train of
wagons three miles long and a huge column of refugees, men, women, and
children, black and white, old and young, in carriages, wagons, carts,
on horseback, on foot, “anyway to get away,” as it has been expressed.
The march was begun at midnight, and by daybreak the head of the column
was outside of the county. No attempt was made on the part of the
Southern troops to pursue and capture the column with its $2,000,000 in
money and stores, and it was not molested in any way—as, it would seem,
it should have been. Sigel was not disturbed until near the crossing of
the Gasconade.
Before crossing this river Col. Sigel received information that the ford
could not be passed well, and that a strong force of the enemy was
moving from West Plains towards Waynesville, to cut off the retreat. He
was also aware that it would take considerable time to cross the
Robidoux and the two Pineys on the old road. To avoid these
difficulties, and to give the army an opportunity to rest, Sigel
directed the troops from Lebanon to the northern road, passing Right
Point, in the southeastern part of Camden county, and Humboldt, Pulaski
county, and terminating opposite the mouth of Little Piney, where in
case the ford could not be passed, the train could be sent by Vienna and
Linn to the mouth of the Gasconade, while the troops could ford the
river at the mouth of the Little Piney to reinforce Rolla. To cross over
the artillery he ordered a ferryboat from Big Piney Crossing to be
hauled down on the Gasconade to the mouth of Little Piney, where it
arrived immediately after the army had crossed the ford. Before reaching
the ford, however, Sigel had given up the command of the army to Maj.
Sturgis, who marched it into Rolla August 19th, where it went into
temporary camp, the first encampment being named “Camp Cary Gratz,” in
honor of the captain of the 1st Missouri, killed at Wilson’s Creek. In a
few days the Missouri and Kansas troops and the 1st Iowa, whose term of
service had long before expired, were sent to St. Louis to be mustered
out.
THE CONFEDERATES ENTER SPRINGFIELD.
The battle of Wilson’s Creek ended at about noon of August 10; but not
until about 11 o’clock of the next day, or nearly 24 hours after the
close of the battle, did the first Confederate troops (save a few
prisoners), set foot within the town of Springfield. Sturgis, with the
remains of Lyon’s corps, was not pursued at all. Sigel’s “flying
Dutchmen” were chased but a few miles, while no attempt at formidable
pursuit or to follow up the victory was made by either McCulloch or
Price. Whether this was because, as the Federals claimed, that the
Southerners themselves were so badly damaged as to be unable to follow
the Federals, but had to wait and allow them to go out of the country
before moving camp, or whether Gen. McCulloch himself expected to be
attacked, or had other good reasons for sitting quietly by, cannot here
be stated.
Lyon’s body had been sent in. Certain citizens of Springfield had gone
from town to the Southern camp, and back and forth had ridden many a
man, but no movement was made until late Sunday morning. At about 11
o’clock some Missouri and Texas cavalry rode into town and halted. No
pursuit worthy of the name was attempted after the vast crowd of
citizens and soldiers and citizen-soldiery making its exodus from Greene
county, in some respects like unto that crowd of fugitives led by the
Jewish Lawgiver and guided by a pillar of cloud by day and a pillar of
fire by night. Soon the town was pretty well filled with troops, and
Price and McCulloch came in. The stores were visited and the proprietors
interviewed, and there was great activity in mercantile circles for a
time; thousands of dollars worth of goods changed hands in a few hours.
Everything was paid for on the spot,—_in Confederate or Missouri scrip_.
The 11th was Sunday, but, as Gen. McCulloch remarked, “it was just as
good as any other day in war time,” and so the troops were distributed
around, encampments laid out, and preparations made to permanently
occupy the land. On the next day, Monday, the 12th, Gen. McCulloch
issued the following proclamation, which was distributed not only
through this county but throughout the greater portion of the southern
part of the State:—
PROCLAMATION OF GEN. M’CULLOCH.
Headquarters Western Army,
Camp near Springfield, Mo., August 12, 1861.
_To the People of Missouri_:—Having been called by the Governor of
your State to assist in driving the National forces out of the State
and in restoring the people to their just rights, I have come among
you simply with the view of making war upon our Northern foes, to
drive them back and give the oppressed of your State an opportunity of
again standing up as free men and uttering their true sentiments. You
have been overrun and trampled upon by the mercenary hordes of the
North; your beautiful State has been nearly subjugated, but those true
sons of Missouri who have continued in arms, together with my forces,
came back upon the enemy, and we have gained over them a great and
signal victory. Their general-in-chief is slain, and many of their own
general officers wounded. Their army is in full flight; and now, if
the true men of Missouri will rise up, rally around our standard the
State will be redeemed. I do not come among you to make war upon any
of your people, whether Union or otherwise; the Union people will all
be protected in their rights and property. It is earnestly recommended
to them to return to their homes. Prisoners of the Union army, who
have been arrested by the army, will be released and allowed to return
to their friends. Missouri must be allowed to choose her own destiny,
no oath binding your consciences. I have driven the enemy from among
you; the time has now arrived for the people of the State to act. You
can no longer procrastinate. Missouri must now take her position, be
it North or South.
Ben McCulloch,
Brig. Gen. Commanding.
This proclamation was well received by the people of the county,
especially the Union portion, who expected nothing else that they were
to be treated with great severity. All looked forward to a season of
security, if not absolute peace. It is painful to be compelled to state,
however, that Gen. McCulloch’s proclamation was not long observed.
Despite its declarations Union men were arrested and their property and
that of their secession neighbors seized and appropriated whenever it
pleased the subordinate Confederate officers to do so.
In connection with his proclamation, and on the same day McCulloch
issued the following congratulatory order to the troops under his
command over the result of the battle of Wilson’s Creek:—
GEN. M’CULLOCH’S ORDER.
Headquarters Western Army,
Near Springfield, Missouri, August 12, 1861.
The General commanding takes great pleasure in announcing to the army
under his command, the signal victory it has just gained. Soldiers of
Louisiana, of Arkansas, of Missouri, and of Texas, nobly have you
sustained yourselves. Shoulder to shoulder you have met the enemy and
driven him before you. Your first battle has been glorious and your
general is proud of you. The opposing forces, composed mostly of the
old regular army of the North, have thrown themselves upon you,
confident of victory; but, by great gallantry and determined courage,
you have routed them with great slaughter. Several pieces of artillery
and many prisoners are now in your hands. The commander-in-chief of
the enemy is slain, and many of the general officers wounded. The flag
of the Confederacy now floats near Springfield, the stronghold of the
enemy. The friends of our cause who have been in prison there are
released. While announcing to the army the great victory, the general
hopes that the laurels you have gained will not be tarnished by a
single outrage. The private property of citizens of either party must
be respected. Soldiers who fought as well as you did the day before
yesterday cannot rob or plunder. By order of
Ben McCulloch,
General Commanding.
James McIntosh, Capt. C. S. A. and Adjutant General.
General Price was also seized with the proclamation fever and a few days
after the occupation of Springfield, that is to say on August 20th,
published the following:—
GEN. PRICE’S PROCLAMATION.
To the People of Missouri:—_Fellow-citizens_: The army under my
command has been organized under the laws of the State for the
protection of your homes and firesides, and for the maintenance of the
rights, dignity and honor of Missouri. It is kept in the field for
these purposes alone, and to aid in accomplishing them, our gallant
Southern brethren have come into our State. We have just achieved a
glorious victory over the foe, and scattered far and wide the
well-appointed army which the usurper at Washington has been more than
six months gathering for your subjugation and enslavement. This
victory frees a large portion of the State from the power of the
invaders, and restores it to the protection of its army. It
consequently becomes my duty to assure you that it is my firm
determination to protect every peaceable citizen in the full enjoyment
of all his rights, whatever may have been his sympathies in the
present unhappy struggle, if he has not taken an active part in the
cruel warfare, which has been waged against the good people of this
State, by the ruthless enemies whom we have just defeated. I therefore
invite all good citizens to return to their homes and the practice of
their ordinary avocations, with the full assurance that they, their
families, their homes and their property shall be carefully protected.
I, at the same time, warn all evil disposed persons, who may support
the usurpations of any one claiming to be provisional or temporary
Governor of Missouri, or who shall in any other way give aid or
comfort to the enemy, that they will be held as enemies, and treated
accordingly.
Sterling Price,
Maj.-Gen. Commanding Mo. State Guard.
August 20, 1861.
It will be observed that the terms of Gen. Price’s proclamation differed
somewhat from McCulloch’s. The latter declared that prisoners of the
Union army would be released and allowed to return to their friends,
while Gen. Price declared that no man who had taken an active part in
the “cruel warfare which had been waged against the good people (_i.e._,
the secession good people) of the State” should be protected in his
rights. And yet Gen. Price was as much a friend of the Union people and
Union troops as Gen. McCulloch, and showed them as many favors.
JOY AND CONGRATULATIONS.
The news of the battle of Wilson’s Creek was received with great joy
throughout the Southern Confederacy and everywhere that the Confederate
cause had sympathizers, and the event did much for that cause in
Missouri, by stimulating recruiting and causing many an undecided
individual to come down off the fence and stand on the Southern side.
Some time afterward, November 4, 1861, when the “Claib. Jackson
Legislature” (as the Legislature that passed the Neosho ordinance of
secession was called), was in session at Cassville, it passed the
following resolution, introduced by Mr. Goodlett, under a suspension of
the rules:—
_Resolved by the Senate, the House of Representatives concurring
therein_: That the thanks of the State of Missouri are hereby
cordially given to Major-General Price and Brigadier-Generals Parsons,
Rains, Slack, Clark, McBride, and Steen, and the officers and troops
of the Missouri State Guard under their command, and to
Brigadier-General McCulloch and officers and the troops of the
Confederate States under their command, for their gallant and signal
services and the victory obtained by them in the battle of
Springfield.
The following resolutions were introduced into the Confederate Congress
on the 21st of August, by Mr. Ochiltree, of Texas, and were passed
unanimously:—
Whereas, It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe to the arms of the
Confederate States another glorious and important victory, in a
portion of the country where a reverse would have been disastrous, by
exposing the families of the good people of the State of Missouri, to
the unbridled license of the brutal soldiery of an unscrupulous enemy;
therefore
_Be it Resolved by the Congress of the Confederate States_, That the
thanks of Congress are cordially tendered to Brig.-Gen. McCulloch and
the officers and soldiers of his brave command for their gallant
conduct in defeating after a battle of six and a half hours a force of
the enemy equal in numbers and greatly superior in all their
appointments, thus proving that a right cause nerves the heart and
strengthens the arms of the Southern people, fighting as they are for
their liberty, their homes and friends, against an unholy despotism.
_Resolved_, That in the opinion of Congress, Gen. McCulloch and his
troops are entitled to and will receive the grateful thanks of all our
people.