I cannot enter upon a formal discussion of the many questions in dispute
concerning this great event in the apostolic period. I can only briefly
sketch my own interpretation of the part played by James on this
occasion.[28] In brief, it is here maintained that in Galatians 2:1-10
Paul gives a report of the private interview with the leaders in
Jerusalem after the first public meeting (Acts 15:3 f.; Gal. 2:2) was
adjourned because of the violent opposition of the Judaizers (Acts
15:5). In this private conference Paul, though anxious to win the public
support of James and Cephas and John, “the reputed pillars” (Gal. 2:9),
yet was not willing to compromise the great issue at stake, “our liberty
which we have in Christ Jesus” (2:4) and “the truth of the gospel”
(2:5).
Paul reveals a certain amount of embarrassment in his references to the
three great leaders in Jerusalem, as is manifest in the long and broken
sentence in verses 6-10. He roundly asserts his independence of them and
affirms that they imparted nothing to him (2:6). It seems clear that
some of the more timid brethren were quite disposed to surrender to the
Judaizers for the sake of peace and in particular to agree that Titus, a
full-fledged Greek convert in Paul’s company, should be circumcised. But
Paul gave “the pillars” to understand that he would not have peace on
those terms. It is quite possible that James, here mentioned before
Cephas (Peter) and John as the real leader of the group,[29] had not
till now clearly understood Paul’s true position.
The Judaizers had in all probability counted on James to take their side
against Paul, “but contrariwise, when they saw[30] that I had been
entrusted with the gospel of the uncircumcision, even as Peter with the
gospel of the circumcision ... they ... gave to me and Barnabas the
right hands of fellowship, that we should go unto the Gentiles, and they
unto the circumcision” (2:7-9). It is much easier to think of James as
the author of chapter 2 in his epistle before this event than after this
pact with Paul. Note also in verse 9, “and when they perceived the grace
that was given unto me....” Now the coast is clear, and Paul is sure of
victory in the open Conference. The stipulation about the poor (2:10)
was in harmony with Paul’s previous practice (Acts 11:29 f.).
In the second meeting of the general Conference James evidently presides
and sums up the situation in favor of Paul, after Peter (Acts 15:7-12)
has shown how they had already agreed to Gentile liberty in the case of
Cornelius and his household. James, with due deliberation (15:13),
concludes (15:12-21) with a pointed endorsement of Simon Peter’s speech
and acceptance of the work at Caesarea and among the Gentiles generally
as a visitation of God. He clinches the whole matter by showing that the
prophets (as Amos 9:11 f.) agree with this position that the Gentiles
are to be saved. “Wherefore my judgment is,” he says as the president of
the Conference, practically offering a resolution for the vote of the
Conference, “that we trouble not them that from among the Gentiles turn
to God” (Acts 15:19). He has put the matter in a very happy form. Surely
Jewish Christians could but rejoice to see Gentiles “turn to God.”
James proposes the writing of an epistle to the Gentile Christians to
this effect, with the added warning “that they abstain from the
pollution of idols, and from fornication, and from what is strangled,
and from blood.” It is at least open to question whether “what is
strangled” is genuine here, since it is wanting in D (Codex Bezae),
Irenæus, Tertullian, and Cyprian, as also in 15:28. If so, the
prohibition is against idolatry (idol feasts), murder (blood), and
immorality (fornication), the great vices of heathenism. But with the
text as it stands, “things strangled,” we seem to have a concession to
the Jewish ceremonial law and to Jewish prejudices on that point. James
is not uneasy about Moses, for he is read in the synagogues every
sabbath (Acts 15:21), a reference to the habit of the Christians still
to worship in the Jewish synagogues (cf. James 2:2).
The “wisdom” of James is manifest in this masterly address, which held
conviction to such an extent that the resolution of James was carried
unanimously by the body of “the apostles and the elders, with the whole
church” (Acts 15:22), a remarkable outcome when the bitterness of the
Judaizers is considered and a distinct tribute to the influence of
James. We may assume that the Judaizers were silent, since they saw that
they were hopelessly defeated.
The epistle which was sent to the church at Antioch (15:23-29) embodies
the ideas of James and was probably written by him, since the style is
like that of his speech and the epistle that bears his name. The letter
expressly disclaims responsibility for the conduct of the Judaizers at
Antioch (15:24), pointedly condemns their behavior, commends “our
beloved Barnabas and Paul” (vv. 25 f.), refers to the messengers Judas
and Silas, claims the guidance of the Holy Spirit in the stand for
Gentile freedom (v. 28), and repeats the stipulations in the speech of
James about the special Gentile sins (v. 29).
There can be no question that James here entered fully into sympathy
with the contention of Paul that the yoke of Jewish ceremonialism should
not be imposed upon the Gentile Christians. James is a champion of the
Pauline doctrine of grace as opposed to works. It is interesting to note
the phrase “the perfect law of liberty” (James 1:25). It is difficult to
see how, after this Conference, James and Paul could misunderstand or
oppose each other. As we shall see, the real explanation of the apparent
conflict between James 2 and Romans 3 is quite other than this
unnecessary hypothesis. James has now given the great weight of his
character and influence among the Jewish Christians to the endorsement
of the work of Paul among the Gentiles. James is a Jewish Christian but
not a Judaizer. He does not wish to impose the burden of the Mosaic
ritual upon the Gentiles, though he still observes it himself, as do the
other Jewish Christians, including Paul.