"In Korea the Presbyterians have the strongest representation

of any religious denomination, with over three hundred

schools; and, what is still more striking, practically every

one of these schools is self-supporting. The Methodists follow

with over a hundred schools and over forty-two hundred

pupils."

_The Outlook,

May 2, 1908._

EDUCATION: NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905.

New Education Law, an issue in the elections.

See (in this Volume)

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.

EDUCATION: PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.

Schools as seen by President Roosevelt.

See (in this Volume)

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.

EDUCATION: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.

Denominational Education restored.

A resolution adopted by the Prussian Chamber of Deputies, in

May, 1904, restored the denominational school system which the

"May Laws" of the Kulturkampf, in 1873 and after had

abolished.

See (in Volume II. of this work)

GERMANY: A. D. 1873-1887.

Under those laws the schools were common to children of all

religious beliefs; under the new system they became either

Protestant or Roman Catholic according to the faith of the

majority of their pupils.

EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS:

The Will of Cecil John Rhodes, providing Scholarships at

Oxford for students from the British Colonies and the

United States.

The late Cecil John Rhodes, who played an eminent part in the

development of South Africa and in the extension of the

British dominion in that portion of the world, died on the

26th of March, 1902, leaving a will which contained the

following directions for the use to be made of one large part

of the great fortune he had acquired:

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904)

"Whereas I consider that the education of young colonists at

one of the universities in the United Kingdom is of great

advantage to them for giving breadth to their views, for their

instruction in life and manners, and for instilling into their

minds the advantage to the colonies as well as to the United

Kingdom of the retention of the unity of the Empire; and

{209}

"Whereas in the ease of young colonists studying at a

university in the United Kingdom I attach very great

importance to the university having a residential system, such

as is in force at the universities of Oxford and Cambridge;

for without it those students are at the most critical period

of their lives left without any supervision; and

"Whereas there are at the present time fifty or more students

from South Africa studying at the University of Edinburgh,

many of whom are attracted there by its excellent medical

school, and I should like to establish some of the

scholarships hereinafter mentioned in that university but

owing to its not having such a residential system as aforesaid

I feel obliged to refrain from doing so; and

"Whereas my own university, the University of Oxford, has such

a system, and I suggest that it should try and extend its

scope so as if possible to make its medical school at least as

good as that at the University of Edinburgh; and

"Whereas I also desire to encourage and foster an appreciation

of the advantages which I implicitly believe will result from

the union of the English-speaking people throughout the world

and to encourage in the students from the United States of

North America who will benefit from the American scholarships

to be established for the reason above given at the University

of Oxford under this my will an attachment to the country from

which they have sprung, but without, I hope, withdrawing them

or their sympathies from the land of their adoption or birth.

"Now, therefore, I direct my trustees as soon as may be after

my death and either simultaneously or gradually as they shall

find convenient, and if gradually, then in such order as they

shall think fit, to establish for male students the

scholarships hereinafter directed to be established, each of

which shall be of the yearly value of £300 and be tenable at

any college in the University of Oxford for three consecutive

academical years.

"I direct my trustees to establish certain scholarships and

these scholarships I sometimes hereinafter refer to as ‘the

colonial scholarships.’

"The appropriation of the colonial scholarships and the

numbers to be annually filled up shall be in accordance with

the following table;

[Transcribers note: "Do." probably means "ditto".

https://www.acronymfinder.com/DO.html]

Total To be tenable by students of or from Number of

number scholarships to

appropriated. be filled up in

each year.

9 Rhodesia 3 and no more

3 The South African College School in

the colony of the Cape of Good Hope 1 and no more

3 The Stellenbosch College School, Do.

in the same colony

3 The Diocesan College School of Do.

Rondebosch, in the same colony

3 St. Andrews College School, Do.

Grahamstown

3 The colony of Natal, Do.

in the same colony

3 The colony of New South Wales Do.

3 The colony of Victoria Do.

3 The colony of South Australia Do.

3 The colony of Queensland Do.

3 The colony of Western Australia Do.

3 The colony of Tasmania Do.

3 The colony of New Zealand Do.

3 The Province of Ontario, Do.

in the Dominion of Canada

3 The Province of Quebec, Do.

in the Dominion of Canada

3 The colony or island of Do.

Newfoundland and its dependencies

3 The colony or islands of the Bermudas Do.

3 The colony or island of Jamaica Do.

"I further direct my trustees to establish additional

scholarships sufficient in number for the appropriation in the

next following clause hereof directed, and those scholarships

I sometimes hereinafter refer to as ‘the American

scholarships.’

"I appropriate two of the American scholarships to each of the

present States and Territories of the United States of North

America, provided that if any of the said Territories shall in

my lifetime be admitted as a State the scholarships

appropriated to such Territory shall be appropriated to such

State, and that my trustees may in their uncontrolled

discretion withhold for such time as they shall think fit the

appropriation of scholarships to any Territory.

"I direct that of the two scholarships appropriated to a State

or Territory not more than one shall be filled up in any year,

so that at no time shall more than two scholarships be held

for the same State or Territory.

"The scholarships shall be paid only out of income, and in

event at any time of income being insufficient for payment in

full of all the scholarships for the time being payable I

direct that (without prejudice to the vested interests of

holders for the time being of scholarships) the following

order of priority shall regulate the payment of the

scholarships:

"(I) First, the scholarships of students of or from Rhodesia

shall be paid;

"(II) Secondly, the scholarships of students from the said

South African Stellenbosch Rondebosch and St. Andrews schools

shall be paid;

"(III) Thirdly, the remainder of the colonial scholarships

shall be paid, and if there shall not be sufficient income for

the purpose such scholarships shall abate proportionately; and

"(IV) Fourthly, the American scholarships shall be paid, and

if there shall not be sufficient income for the purpose such

scholarships shall abate proportionately.

{210}

"My desire being that the students who shall be elected to the

scholarships shall not be merely bookworms, I direct that in

the election of a student to a scholarship regard shall be had

to

(I) his literary and scholastic attainments;

(II) his fondness of and success in manly outdoor sports, such

as cricket, football, and the like;

(III) his qualities of manhood, truth, courage, devotion to

duty, sympathy for the protection of the weak, kindliness,

unselfishness, and fellowship, and

(IV) his exhibition during school days of moral force of

character and of instincts to lead and to take an interest in

his schoolmates, for those latter attributes will be likely in

after life to guide him to esteem the performance of public

duties as his highest aim. As mere suggestions for the

guidance of those who will have the choice of students for the

scholarships, I record that

(I) my ideal qualified student would combine these four

qualifications in the proportions of three-tenths for the

first, two-tenths for the second, three-tenths for the third,

and two-tenths for the fourth qualification, so that ac-

cording to my ideas if the maximum number of marks for any

scholarship were 200 they would be apportioned as follows:

Sixty to each of the first and third qualifications, and 40 to

each of the second and fourth qualifications.

(II) The marks for the several qualifications would be awarded

independently, as follows (that is to say): The marks for the

first qualification by examination, for the second and third

qualifications, respectively, by ballot by the fellow-students

of the candidates, and for the fourth qualification by the

head master of the candidate’s school, and

(III) the results of the awards (that is to say the marks

obtained by each candidate for each qualification) would be

sent as soon as possible for consideration to the trustees or

to some person or persons appointed to receive the same, and

the person or persons so appointed would ascertain by

averaging the marks in blocks of 20 marks each of all

candidates the best ideal qualified students.

"No student shall be qualified or disqualified for election to

a scholarship on account of his race or religious opinions.

"Except in the cases of the four schools hereinbefore

mentioned, the election to scholarships shall be by the

trustees after such (if any) consultation as they shall think

fit with the minister having the control of education in such

colony, province, State, or Territory.

" A qualified student who has been elected as aforesaid shall

within six calendar months after his election, or as soon

thereafter as he can be admitted into residence or within such

extended time as my trustees shall allow, commence residence

as an undergraduate at some college in the University of

Oxford.

"The scholarships shall be payable to him from the time when

he shall commence such residence.

"28. I desire that the scholars holding the scholarships shall

be distributed among the colleges of the University of Oxford

and not resort in undue numbers to one or more colleges only.

"29. Notwithstanding anything hereinbefore contained, my

trustees may in their uncontrolled discretion suspend for such

time as they shall think fit or remove any scholar from his

scholarship.

"30. My trustees may from time to time make, vary, and repeal

regulations either general or affecting specified scholarship

only with regard to all or any of the following matters, that

is to say:

"(I) The election, whether after examination or otherwise, of

qualified students to the scholarships, or any of them, and

the method, whether by examination or otherwise, in which

their qualifications are to be ascertained;

"(II) The tenure of the scholarships by scholars;

"(III) The suspension and removal of scholars from their

scholarships;

"(IV) The method and times of payment of the scholarships;

"(V) The method of giving effect to my wish expressed in

clause 28 hereof; and

"(VI) Any and every other matter with regard to the

scholarships, or any of them, with regard to which they shall

consider regulations necessary or desirable.

"31. My trustees may from time to time authorize regulations

with regard to the election, whether after examination or

otherwise, of qualified students for scholarships and to the

method, whether by examination or otherwise, in which their

qualifications are to be ascertained to be made:

"(I) By a school in respect of the scholarships tenable by its

students; and

"(II) By the minister aforesaid of a colony, province, State,

or Territory in respect of the scholarships tenable by

students from such colony, province, State or Territory.

"32. Regulations made under the last preceding clause hereof,

if and when approved of, and not before, by my trustees, shall

be equivalent in all respects to regulations made by my

trustees.

"No regulations made under clause 30 or made and approved of

under clauses 31 and 32 hereof shall be inconsistent with any

of the provisions herein contained.

"In order that the scholars past and present may have

opportunities of meeting and discussing their experiences and

prospects, I desire that my trustees shall annually give a

dinner to the past and present scholars able and willing to

attend, at which I hope my trustees, or some of them, will be

able to be present, and to which they will, I hope, from time

to time invite as guests persons who have shown sympathy with

the views expressed by me in this, my will."

The trustees are the

Earl of Rosebery,

Earl Grey,

Lord Milner,

Mr. Alfred Beit,

Dr. Leander Starr Jameson,

Mr. Lewis Loyd Mitchell, and

Mr. Bourchier Francis Hawksley.

EDUCATION: RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.

Great Educational Projects before the Duma.

Primary school-houses by the hundred thousand,

and Compulsory Education.

Increased opening to Jews.

A telegram from St. Petersburg, February 16, 1909, announced

that the Ministry of Education had introduced that day a bill

before the Duma providing for a building fund for the erection

of 148,179 new primary schools throughout the empire within

ten years. These schools are to be built and maintained by the

provincial authorities on government subsidy. The same

despatch reported that a statute providing for general

compulsory education would soon be discussed in the Duma.

{211}

On the 5th of October it was announced that the Tsar had

sanctioned a resolution of the Council of Ministers permitting

the admission of an increased percentage of Jews into the

secondary schools of the Crown. In the capitals 5 per cent. of

the total number of scholars may be Jews, in other parts of

the Empire 10 per cent., and in the special Jewish settlements

15 percent.

EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.

Mr. Carnegie’s great gift to the Universities and

their students.

The first of Mr. Andrew Carnegie’s great gifts to other

institutions of education than the public libraries, which he

has assisted in such numbers, was conferred on the

universities of Scotland, his native country, in 1901. It was

a gift of $10,000,000 (£2,000,000), placed in the hands of

trustees for two purposes, namely, to improve and expand the

teaching power of the universities, on one hand, and to put

their teaching, on the other hand, more within the reach of

all the young in Scotland who craved it. It was said to have

been the original wish of Mr. Carnegie to make the tuition of

the universities free; but he found that it would be wiser to

strengthen them for their work, leave it subject to proper

fees, and provide for an allowance of pecuniary assistance to

students, in the discretion of the trustees. The application

of the gift was so arranged, one-half of the net annual income

from the great fund being appropriated to buildings,

equipments, endowments of professorships and lectureships, and

the like uses for the betterment of the university work.

There were fears at first that the effect of so much easing of

the attainment of a university education might be injurious to

the spirit and character of the students who accepted the

helping hand; but seven years of experience, under the working

of the gift, do not seem to have justified the fear. In those

seven years over 8000 of the Scottish young people had the

benefit of Mr. Carnegie’s help to a college training, and the

trustees of the Fund, in their annual report of 1909,

pronounced the result good. "In the opinion of such men as

Lord Rosebery, Lord Elgin, Lord Balfour of Burleigh, Mr.

Balfour, and Mr. Haldane, who are all helping to administer

Mr. Carnegie’s charity," says a London correspondent of the

New York _Evening Post_, "Scotland has much to thank him

for."

EDUCATION: TURKEY AND THE NEAR EAST:

American Mission Schools.

"At present [1909] there are about twenty-five thousand native

students in American schools in this country. America can

boast to-day that she has, in Turkey, nine colleges, five

theological seminaries, fifty-seven boarding and high schools,

and 348 public schools. And, if we accumulate the work of

seventy-five years, it is a simple matter to understand how

many thousands have been educated in American ways and with

the American spirit.

"Missionaries came to this country to spread Protestant

Christianity among the Moslems. They failed in that. The

Mohammedan government was against them. They tried to make

Christian Greeks, Christian Armenians, Protestants. This did

not result in a marked success, but their schools, which they

opened as a medium of spreading religion, were eagerly sought

by young men and young girls of every race. Armenians form the

majority in this country of those who have received an

American education. Bulgarians and Greeks come next.

"Many I have met who have been thoroughly educated in

missionary institutions. Generally they are not Protestants,

neither much religiously inclined. But they are moral,

independent, and broad-minded.

"The Turkish mission, as it is written about in America, is

not, in fact, areal Turkish mission; not a Moslem has been

Christianized; not a single Turk is a member of mission

communities; yet native Christians have been widely helped by

the opportunity offered for education and the growth of a

spirit of civilization and humanity.

"Year after year young men graduated from American

institutions in Turkey to go forward among their compatriots

as teachers, journalists, and public officers. The building up

of brave little Bulgaria is the work of graduates of Robert

College of Constantinople. Stambouloff, who made Bulgaria what

it is to-day, was an alumnus of the same institution. Among

the Armenian revolutionary leaders, who worked hand-in-hand

with the Young Turks to bring about a political change in

Turkey, boys of Robert College and young men educated in

American universities are prominent. I know young girls,

graduates of the American College at Scutari, who took active

part in revolutionary work during the despotic days of the old

regime; and even joined in the conspiracy which led to the

throwing of a bomb at the Sultan during the Selamlik ceremony

a few years ago. … There are a number of Turkish girls to-day

at the college in Scutari, and it is a pleasure to any one to

see Turkish women discussing in fluent English politics,

economics, and history."

_Special Correspondence of the New York Evening Post,

Constantinople, March 20, 1909._

At Beirut is the Syrian Protestant College, under Presbyterian

control, one of the most enlightened institutions abroad.

Euphrates College at Harput in Asia Minor, with a thousand

students, is a Congregational institution. At Tarsus, the

Apostle Paul’s home, is, appropriately enough, St. Paul’s

Institute. Throughout Turkey the Congregationalists have over

four hundred schools, with over twenty-one thousand pupils. In

Syria the Presbyterians maintain about a hundred schools. The

Presbyterians (North) have no work in Egypt, but the United

Presbyterians are educating there no less than fifteen

thousand pupils, a total the more surprising when we recall

that the Government schools in Egypt have only eighteen

thousand pupils. More than four thousand have received

instruction at Assiut College, the center of the United

Presbyterian work. … As in Persia, the Presbyterians are the

strongest denominational force. Besides Urumia College, they

have about a hundred and twenty-five schools throughout the

country."

_American Schools Abroad

(The Outlook, May 2, 1908)_.

EDUCATION: THE INFLUENCE OF ROBERT COLLEGE.

"Two years ago one of the subjects given out for a thesis in

the Russian Theological Seminary at Kiev was, ‘The Influence

of Robert College in the Development of Bulgaria.’ Russia has

found the influence of that College there a factor which she

has had to take into serious account; indeed, it has been said

by Russian as well as by high Turkish officials that Robert

College really created Bulgaria. Its influence has also been

abundantly recognized throughout Europe and America. In

Bulgaria itself the first National Assembly, which met to

adopt a constitution and to choose a Prince, passed a

resolution expressing the gratitude of the new-born nation to

the College. Prince Alexander conferred a high decoration on

the President of the College to express his personal

appreciation, and last summer Prince Ferdinand did the same.

{212}

Robert College has not only been the backbone of Bulgaria; it

has been the greatest civilizing power in the Turkish Empire.

Sir William White, who knew that Empire better than has any

recent British ambassador, once remarked that the College had

accomplished more for the good of the Turks than had all the

representatives of the British Government; and Professor

Ramsey, of St. Andrews, who has spent many years in exploring

Asia Minor, says:

"‘I have come in contact with men educated in Robert College

in widely separate parts of the country, men of diverse

nationalities and different forms of religion—Greek, Armenian,

and Protestant—and have everywhere been struck with the

marvelous way in which a certain uniform type, direct, simple,

honest, and lofty in tone, has been impressed upon them. Some

had more of it, some less. But all had it to a certain degree,

and it is diametrically opposite to the type produced by

growth under the ordinary conditions of Turkish life.’

"The College is not organized for the purpose of missionary

propaganda. It is not denominational. It is Christian in the

broad sense in which Princeton, Yale and Harvard are Christian

Colleges. In its faculty it has a Mohammedan Professor of

Turkish language and literature, and an orthodox Greek

Professor of Greek language and literature. … It draws

students not only from Turkey, but also from Greece, Bulgaria,

Rumania and Russia, and has already educated nearly twenty-six

hundred. If the demands upon the College continue to increase

in the future as in the past, its endowment will have to be

doubled. Occupying one of the most beautiful sites on the

Bosphorus, the College has at present five buildings, besides

six houses for professors, a teaching staff of twelve

professors and twenty-five other instructors."

_The Outlook, January 21, 1905._

Robert College was founded at Constantinople in 1863 by James

H. and William B. Dwight, sons of an American missionary to

Turkey, the Reverend Harrison G. O. Dwight. It was named after

Christopher R. Robert, of New York, its main supporter, whose

gifts to it first and last amounted to $450,000. Its first

President was the Reverend Dr. Cyrus Hamlin, who presided over

it until 1877, when he resigned, and was succeeded by the

Reverend Dr. George Washburn.

In November, 1909, it received a bequest of $1,500,000, from

the late John Stewart Kennedy, of New York, and its work will

be greatly expanded.

EDUCATION: TURKEY: A. D. 1909.

Constitutional Amendment.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (MAY-DECEMBER).

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES:

The Trade Unions as a factor in the Assimilation and

Education of the foreign-born.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1898-1909.

The Annual Conferences for Education in the South.

Since 1898 a series of annual Conferences for Education in the

South, inspired, organized, and sustained especially by the

joint efforts of J. L. M. Curry and Robert C. Ogden, have been

held in various Southern cities, with notable effect. At the

twelfth of these conferences, in April, 1909, at Atlanta, Mr.

Ogden, presiding, said in his address:

"This conference holds its place as a part of an educational

renaissance. Its work can perhaps be definitely defined only

at a single point. It exists primarily to impress upon the

mind of the citizen, the people, the responsibility of the

individual for educational conditions, to support the claim

that every child in America, native or foreign born, is

entitled to a good English education, that it is the duty of

the State as representing the people to provide such

education, that in the words of the man that recruited me and

pledged my service, such as it is, to this work, J. L. M.

Curry, president of this conference in its second year,

‘Ignorance Cures Nothing.’ …

"Aside from the first mentioned special influence this

conference makes no direct claim save that it has by various

agencies assisted in the promotion and development of many

progressive educational ideas, and through the Southern

Educational Board, to which it is both mother and child, has

supplied methods and incidental support that have caused many

latent forces to germinate, flourish, and bring forth abundant

fruit that otherwise never could have existed. We simply have

planted seed that eventually produced large harvests.

"I am told, and I think the statement is accurate, that during

the last seven years the public appropriations for education

in the States under the influence of the Southern Education

Board have increased $16,000,000 per annum. These figures are

difficult of verification, but probably are greater than I

have stated. We have had something to do with this result, how

much may not be a subject for definite calculation. …

"The twelve years that measure the life of the conference for

education in the South have been years of great originality in

the development of American education."

EDUCATION: A. D. 1901.

The Washington Memorial Institution.

"In almost every Government department and bureau at

Washington, prolonged scientific investigations are

continually carried on, in order that governmental action

itself may be more intelligent and more efficient, and the

general welfare of the people promoted. … While the Congress

carries on this work for governmental purposes only, it

indicated as long ago as 1892, in a joint resolution approved

April 12 of that year, that the Government’s large collections

illustrative of the various arts and sciences, and its

facilities for scientific and literary research, were to be

held accessible to the investigators and students of any

institution of higher education then existing or thereafter

established in the District of Columbia. By an almost

unnoticed but most important provision incorporated in the

general deficiency bill passed at the second session of the

Fifty-sixth Congress, and approved March 3, 1901, the

privileges given by the joint resolution of April 12, 1892, to

investigators and students of institutions in the District of

Columbia were extended to ‘scientific investigators and to

duly qualified individuals, students, and graduates of

institutions of learning in the several States and

Territories, as well as in the District of Columbia, under

such rules and restrictions as the heads of the departments

and bureaus mentioned may prescribe.

… The new opportunities created a new need, and that need is

to be met by the Washington Memorial Institution, incorporated

on May 17, 1901, and formally organized on June 3.

{213}

"The Washington Memorial Institution is the direct outcome of

the activities of the Washington Academy of Sciences and of

the George Washington Memorial Association, the latter body

being an organization of women ‘to aid in securing in the city

of Washington, D. C., the increase of opportunities for higher

education, as recommended by George Washington, the first

President of the United States, in his various messages to

Congress.’ … The plan has been worked out in consultation with

representatives of the universities and other scientific

bodies, and with their hearty cooperation and approval. It has

the merits of simplicity and of not duplicating any existing

form of educational effort." The Institution "will ascertain,

year by year, just what the opportunities for students are at

Washington, and will publish them to the world; it will

receive and enroll students who offer themselves, and direct

them to the places which await them; it will record their work

and its results, and, when requested, will certify these to

any institution of learning. It will keep in touch with the

universities, scientific schools, and colleges on the one

hand, and with the departments and bureaus of the Government

on the other. In this way it will, it may be hoped, promote

the interests and the ideals of both."

_Nicholas Murray Butler,

The Washington Memorial Institution

(American Review of Reviews, July, 1901)._

EDUCATION: A. D. 1901-1909.

Changes at the Universities.

In October, 1901, on accepting a nomination to the mayoralty

of New York City, President Seth Low, of Columbia University,

resigned from that post, and Professor Nicholas Murray Butler

became acting President until the following January, when he

was elected to the Presidency by the unanimous vote of the

trustees.

For the first time in its history, the University of

Virginia—Jefferson’s creation—received a President in April,

1905, when Dr. Edwin Anderson Alderman was inducted in office

as its administrative head. The significance of the occurrence

was expressed at the time by Professor William P. Trent, when

he said: "The University of Virginia, so long, under its

chairmen of the faculty, faithful to its founder’s prejudices

against the concentration of executive power in the hands of

an individual, has been forced by pressure from within and

from without to align itself with its sister universities in

this essential feature of educational government, and in this

fact many will see another step in the slow but certain

nationalizing of the South, as well as an indication that in

the future the University of Virginia will be widely known as

a national institution of high standing."

In the summer of 1902, President Francis L. Patton, who had

been the successor of President McCosh at Princeton

University, retired and was succeeded by Professor Woodrow

Wilson, previously occupant of the chair of Jurisprudence and

Politics since 1890.

The President who had organized the University of Chicago at

its foundation, in 1891, and directed its successful

development through fifteen years of a remarkable success,

William Rainey Harper, died on the 10th of January, 1906, and

was succeeded by Professor Harry Pratt Judson, previously at

the head of the department of Political Science and Dean of

the faculties of Arts, Literature, and Science.

President Henry Hopkins of Williams College retired in 1907

and was succeeded by Harry A. Garfield, eldest son of the

former President of the United States, and lately Professor of

Politics at Princeton University.

In October, 1908, President Charles W. Eliot of Harvard

University made known his wish to retire in the following May

from the office which he had filled with so much distinction

for forty years. His resignation was accepted with profound

regret, and he vacated the Presidency of the great University

on the 19th of May, 1909. His successor, Professor Abbott

Lawrence Lowell, taken from the chair of the Science of

Government, in the Harvard faculty, had been elected in the

preceding January. President Lowell was inaugurated with much

ceremony on the 6th of October.

Dr. Richard C. Maclaurin was called from the department of

physics in Columbia University, New York, to the presidency of

the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, in November, 1908.

President Cyrus Northrup, of the University of Minnesota,

announced in 1908 his resignation to take effect the following

year.

A change in the Presidency of Dartmouth College took place in

June, 1909, Dr. W. J. Tucker resigning because of ill health,

and Professor Ernest Fox Nichols, formerly head of the

department of physics at Dartmouth, and latterly occupying a

chair at Columbia University, being elected to his place.

Having passed his eightieth year of life and the thirty-eighth

of his administration of the University of Michigan, President

James Burrill Angell was reluctantly permitted to retire from

active service to the University at the close of the academic

year in 1909. The acceptance of his resignation by the Regents

of the University was accompanied, however, by the tender to

him of the office of Chancellor, the duties to be such as "he

may be willing and able to perform; the salary for such office

to be $4000 per year, with house rent, light and fuel, so long

as he sees fit to occupy his present residence." Dean H. B.

Hutchins, of the law department was made acting President.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1902.

Founding of the Carnegie Institution of Washington,

for Original Research.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1902-1909.

The General Education Board.

Its stupendous endowment by Mr. Rockefeller.

Its plans and operations.

The General Education Board, destined to become so great an

educational power in the United States, had its birth on the

27th of February, 1902, at a meeting in New York to which Mr.

John D. Rockefeller had invited the following named gentlemen:

William H. Baldwin, Jr.,

Wallace Buttrick,

Hon. J. L. M. Curry,

Frederick T. Gates,

Daniel C. Gilman,

Morris K. Jessup,

Robert C. Ogden,

Walter H. Page,

George Foster Peabody,

John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and

Albert Shaw;

with Edward M. Shepard as counsel.

A conception of the general plan and purpose of the Board had

been, it is said, in Mr. Rockefeller’s thought for some time

past, and his guests gave hearty approval to the project in

which he asked them to join him. Then and there they became

organized temporarily under the name still borne, Mr.

Rockefeller pledging $1,000,000 to the support of their work,

which should specially be directed at the outset to the study

and improvement of educational conditions in the Southern

States.

{214}

Offices of the Board were opened in New York April 1, 1902. It

was incorporated by Act of Congress on the 12th of January,

1903, at which time a considerable number of new members was

added to the Board, chosen from the heads of important

universities and colleges, North and South. The Board was now

in active cooperation with the United States Department of

Agriculture, whose work of scientific and systematic

instruction in agriculture, by demonstration farms and

otherwise, it found to be dealing with the most pressing of

Southern needs. It found another field of useful cooperation,

with Southern universities and colleges, in promotion of the

founding and maintaining of high schools. Its main operations

were on these lines until the summer of 1905, when, on the

30th of June, Mr. Rockefeller expanded its forces immensely by

adding $10,000,000 to his original gift of $1,000,000.

In _The Independent_ of August 6, 1908, Mr. Wallace

Buttrick, secretary of the Board, described the enlargement of

undertakings which followed this increase of endowment,

saying:

"The income of this large foundation for higher education

enabled the board to extend its work throughout the whole

country, as contemplated in its charter. Studies had already

been made of the colleges in the Southern States, and such

studies were at once made of the colleges in other parts of

the United States. After such comprehensive study and the

careful consideration of how best to aid in the development of

an adequate system of colleges in all of the States of the

Union, the board adopted the following principles as defining

its general policy: To co-operate sympathetically and

helpfully with the religious denominations; to choose the

centers of wealth and population as the permanent pivots of an

educational system; to mass its funds on endowments, securing

in this work the largest possible local co-operation."

Less than two years later, on the 7th of February, 1907, Mr.

Rockefeller nearly trebled his previous endowment by an

enormous addition to the fund in the possession of the Board,

announced in the following letter from his son, Mr. John D.

Rockefeller, Jr.:

"My father authorizes me to say that on or before April 1st,

1907, he will give to the General Education Board

income-bearing securities the present market value of which is

about thirty-two million dollars ($32,000,000), one-third to

be added to the permanent endowment of the board; two-thirds

to be applied to such specific objects within the corporate

purposes of the board as either he or I may from time to time

direct, any remainder not so designated at the death of the

survivor to be added also to the permanent endowment of the

board."

Of what was being done by the Board with this stupendous fund

Mr. Buttrick gave details in The Independent as follows:

"Conditional appropriations have been made to forty colleges,

in the States of Maine, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York,

New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South

Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Tennessee,

Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin,

Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, Kansas and Colorado.

"Twenty-five of these colleges have secured subscriptions for

the supplemental sums required and but one has failed. The

remaining fifteen colleges report satisfactory progress. The

total amount thus appropriated by the board is $2,437,500; the

supplemental sums, when completed, will aggregate $10,397,000.

"From the original $1,000,000 gift to the board by Mr.

Rockefeller appropriations have been made to schools in the

South amounting to about $700,000, one-half of which has gone

to schools for the colored people. The high school propaganda

and the agricultural demonstration work have also been

supported from this fund.

"From the foregoing it will be seen that, in the Northern

States, the board devotes itself exclusively to the promotion

of higher education, having always in view the desirability of

aiding such institutions as, taken together, will constitute

an adequate system of higher education for each of the several

States, thus seeking to correct and prevent duplication and

waste and securing the highest efficiency.

"In the Southern States its work for colleges is similar to

that done in the North, and, in addition, it seeks to promote

public high schools through the State universities and the

State Department of Education, to promote elementary education

(or common schools) by increasing the productive efficiency of

rural life, and to aid in developing schools for the training

of leaders among the colored people."

But Mr. Rockefeller was not yet at the end of his gifts to

this great Foundation. On the 9th of July, 1909, the following

announcement was published:

"John D. Rockefeller has raised the total of his

contributions to the Rockefeller foundation of the general

education board to $53,000,000 by a gift of $10,000,000 which

will be passed to the credit of the board between now and

August 1. He has gone farther than that and has intrusted to

the membership of the board—as it may be constituted at some

future day—the responsibility of distributing the principal

of the fund among the educational institutions of the land if

it shall be deemed advisable.

"Under the regulations at present obtaining, this power of

final disposition would extend only to $33,000,000, inasmuch

as the board holds the other $20,000,000 in trust with the

power to dispose of the income, while Mr. Rockefeller and his

son, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., retain the right to dispose of

the principal during their lives. It was said to-day that it

always has been Mr. Rockefeller’s intention to make such a

provision for the final disposition.

"In making the announcement to-day, Chairman Gates said that

this large addition to the permanent funds of the board was

contributed because the income of the present funds

immediately available for appropriation had been exhausted and

it was found necessary to have an additional income in order

to meet the needs of ‘present great importance.’

"He said the board made it a rule never to exceed the

immediately available income—which might amount to $80,000 or

$90,000 a month—in its awards to the colleges and

universities, that something like 300 applications had been

received by the board beyond the number which it already had

acted upon, which was large.

{215}

"Mr. Gates said that at the same meeting last Wednesday

another communication had been received from Mr. Rockefeller,

authorizing and empowering the board and its successors

‘whenever, in their discretion, it should seem wise to

distribute the principal of funds contributed by him to the

board upon the affirmative vote of two-thirds of all those who

shall at the time be members of the board.’"

EDUCATION: A. D. 1905-1908.

The Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching.

After the founding of the Carnegie Institution, of Washington,

Mr. Carnegie’s next great gift to Education, made in 1905, was

in the sum of $10,000, 000, placed in the hands of trustees as

a fund the income of which may be applied "to provide retiring

pensions, without respect to race, sex, creed, or color, for

the teachers of universities, colleges, and technical schools

in the United States, the Dominion of Canada, and

Newfoundland," and "to provide for the care and maintenance of

the widows and families of the said teachers." The board of

trustees chosen by Mr. Carnegie for the administration of the

fund is made up of eminent educators from different parts of

America, with Dr. Henry S. Pritchett called from the

Presidency of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology to

become its executive head. The board was organized in

November, 1905, and in the following April it adopted a plan

of administration which had been formulated meantime by a

committee from its membership. It had then, by an Act of

Congress, approved by the President, March 10, 1906, been

incorporated under the title of "The Carnegie Foundation for

the Advancement of Teaching." Besides using the words quoted

above, in description of the authorized purpose of the

Foundation, the Act of Incorporation adds furthermore that it

is "in general, to do and perform all things necessary to

encourage, uphold, and dignify the profession of the teacher

and the cause of higher education." It is a further provision

of the Act that "retiring pensions shall be paid to such

teachers only as are or have been connected with institutions

not under control of a sect, or which do not require their

trustees, their officers, faculties, or students (or a

majority thereof), to belong to any specified sect, and which

do not impose any theological test as a condition of entrance

therein or of connection therewith."

As explained by President Pritchett in an article published

soon after the organization of their board, the Trustees had

three fundamental questions to determine: "First, What is a

college? second, What constitutes denominational control? and,

third, Should a private agency step in between the State and

one of its institutions and establish a system of retiring

allowances for university professors who are officers of the

State?" "The term college is used to designate, in the United

States, Canada, and Newfoundland, institutions varying so

widely in entrance requirements, standards of instruction, and

facilities for work that the term is no description of the

character of the institution. Of the seven hundred and more

institutions calling themselves colleges or universities, many

are such in name only." To rule their present action the

Trustees adopted the definition that is "now in use under the

revised ordinances of the State of New York, and which reads

as follows: ‘An institution to be ranked as a college must

have at least six professors giving their entire time to

college and university work, a course of four full years in

liberal arts and sciences, and should require for admission

not less than the usual four years of academic or high school

preparation, or its equivalent, in addition to the

pre-academic or grammar school studies.’ The trustees will

also require that an institution, to be ranked as a college

and to be dealt with as a college officially, must have a

productive endowment of not less than $200,000."

As for the institutions to be excluded from the benefits of

the retiring pension fund because of a sectarian connection

the Trustees were confronted with a still more difficult

question, since "a large majority of all the colleges of the

country have a connection more or less strong with

denominations." In the circumstances, no hard and fast rule of

exclusion could be formulated; but, said President Pritchett,

"it is evident that in many cases colleges must choose between

the advantages of this gift and the benefits of a

denominational connection."

So far as concerned State institutions, it was the original

conclusion of the Board that "the States may fairly be

expected to provide a retiring pension system for their own

professors, and it is certainly questionable whether such

wholesale action on the part of a private agency in the

endowment of State institutions might not do them an injury

rather than a kindness." Trustees and officers of the State

Universities appealed from this view, and submitted to the

Trustees cogent reasons why these institutions should

participate in the distribution of the Fund. The Trustees

replied that the Fund was not large enough for such an

extension of its use. That objection, however, was soon

removed by Mr. Carnegie, who made it known, in April, 1908,

that he would have pleasure in adding $5,000,000 to his

original gift in order to furnish retiring allowances for all

State Universities that may apply for them. The Carnegie

Foundation is now being administered accordingly.

Retiring allowances are determined by the following rules of

the Board:

"I. In reckoning the amount of the retiring allowance, the

average salary for the last five years of active service shall

be considered the active pay.

" II. Any person sixty-five years of age, and who has had not

less than fifteen years of service as a professor, and who is

at the same time a professor in an accepted institution, shall

be entitled to an annual retiring allowance computed as

follows:

(_a_) For an active pay of sixteen hundred dollars or

less, an allowance of one thousand dollars, provided no

retiring allowance shall exceed ninety per cent. of the

active pay.

(_b_) For an active pay greater than sixteen hundred

dollars the retiring allowance shall equal one thousand

dollars, increased by fifty dollars for each one hundred

dollars of active pay in excess of sixteen hundred dollars,

(_c_) No retiring allowance shall exceed three

thousand dollars.

"III. Any person who has had a service of twenty-five years as

a professor, and who is at the time a professor in an accepted

institution, shall be entitled to a retiring allowance,

computed as follows:

(_a_) For an active pay of sixteen hundred dollars or

less, a retiring allowance of eight hundred dollars,

provided that no retiring allowance shall exceed eighty per

cent. of the active pay.

{216}

(_b_) For an active pay greater than sixteen hundred

dollars the retiring allowance shall equal eight hundred

dollars, increased by forty dollars for each one hundred

dollars of active pay in excess of sixteen hundred dollars,

(_c_) For each additional year of service above

twenty-five, the retiring allowance shall be increased by

one per cent. of the active pay.

(_d_) No retiring allowance shall exceed three

thousand dollars.

"IV. Any person who has been for ten years the wife of a

professor in actual service may receive during her widowhood

one-half of the allowance to which her husband would have been

entitled."

EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.

Change in the Headship of the Bureau of Education.

Dr. William Torrey Harris, after seventeen years of

distinguished service as United States Commissioner of

Education, accepted the first designation of a retirement

pension that was made by the trustees of the Carnegie

Foundation. Professor Elmer Ellsworth Brown, professor of the

Theory and Practice of Teaching in the University of

California, was appointed by the President to succeed him.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.

Celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding

of Tuskegee Institute.

The twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of Tuskegee

Normal and Industrial Institute, at Tuskegee, Alabama, by

Booker T. Washington, was celebrated in April, 1906, and made

the occasion of a notable gathering at Tuskegee of strong

friends of the institution and its founder from all parts of

the country. In _The North American Review_ of that month

Mr. Washington gave an interesting account of the rise of the

Institute from insignificant beginnings, of the aims pursued

in it and of the extent of their realization. It had sought to

promote among the negroes of the South an education which, as

he expressed it, "not only did not educate them out of

sympathy with the masses of their people, but made them

actively and practically interested in constructive methods

and work among their people." Its students "are expected to be

able to show the farmers how to buy land, to assist them by

advice in getting out of debt, and to encourage them to cease

mortgaging their crops and to take active interest in the

economic development of their community."

This wise leader and true statesman of his race has devoted

his life to the solving of the race-problem in the South on

the principle stated by him in these words: "There is nothing

for the negro to do but to remain where he is and struggle on

and up. The whole philosophy of the negro question can be

written in three words,—patience, persistence, virtue. The

really helpful thing about the situation is that on the whole

the negro has done, under the circumstances, the best he

could."

Of the planting and growth of Tuskegee Institute he wrote:

‘Starting in a shanty and a hen-house, with almost no property

beyond a hoe and a blind mule, the school has grown up

gradually, much as a town grows. We needed food for our

tables; farming, therefore, was our first industry, started to

meet this need. With the need for shelter for our students,

courses in house-building and carpentry were added. Out of

these, brick-making and brick masonry naturally grew. The

increasing demand for buildings made further specialization in

the industries necessary. Soon we found ourselves teaching

tinsmithing, plastering, and painting. Classes in cooking were

added, because we needed competent persons to prepare the

food. Courses in laundering, sewing, dining-room work, and

nurse-training have been added to meet the actual needs of the

school community. This process of specialization has continued

as the school increased in numbers, and as the more varied

wants of a larger community created a demand, and instruction

is now given in thirty-seven industries."

At the end of its first twenty-five years of existence, the

Institute has 1500 students; 156 officers, teachers, and

employees; 86 buildings; and various ramifications for

extensive work.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.

Segregation of Oriental children in the San Francisco schools.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1907.

Large gift for Rudimentary Schools for Southern Negroes.

A fund of $1,000,000 was created in the spring of 1907, by

gift from Miss Anna T. Jeanes, to be devoted to rudimentary

schools for Southern negroes. The fund is to be administered

by Principals Frissell, of Hampton, and Booker T. Washington,

of Tuskegee.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1907.

Re-dedication of the enlarged Carnegie Institute, at Pittsburg.

An account of the founding of the richly housed and equipped

Carnegie Library at Pittsburg, opened in 1895, is given in

Volume VI. of this work (see Libraries). To that fundamental

institution Mr. Carnegie began soon to add auxiliaries, in

technical schools, lecture hall, music hall, art galleries,

and museum of science, until a great Institute, on which no

less than $18,000,000 had been expended and bestowed by the

founder was complete. A rededication of this splendid Carnegie

Institute, in 1907, was made an impressive event by the

presence of a remarkable number of distinguished guests,

invited from Great Britain, Germany, France, Holland, Belgium,

and the United States. The interesting exercises of the

occasion were opened on the 10th of April and continued

through three days.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.

Wanted, in Massachusetts:

The right leader for an Educational Revolution.

The State Board of Education in Massachusetts is said to have

arrived, as a body, at the conviction, which has been taking

possession of many minds in late years, that in the whole

educational work of the present day, from primary school to

university, "there is much time wasted in learning things of

little help in after life, and failure to get the essential

character-building"; that conditions are changed so greatly

from what they were when the last great educational revolution

was led in Massachusetts by Horace Mann, and others, that a

new revolution is the imperative need of the day. Hence the

State Board of Education is reported to be searching anxiously

for a man to fill the lately created office of State

Commissioner of Education, who is equal to a revolutionary

undertaking. "He must be," says a recent Boston letter, "a

broad man, of the right sort to realize the unusual

opportunity open to-day." "There is no limit to the salary

which the board may offer." "There has been no politics in the

board, and there shall be none.

{217}

All that the Commissioner wants in the way of coöperation to

carry out his views he will have." "The board feels that this

is a crisis. If the right man can be found, the State’s system

will take a step forward toward a better practice, which shall

remove the present dissatisfaction and the feeling that the

public schools are not fitting children to be good producers

or citizens." This opening seems a great one for the right

man, if he can be found.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.

Election of a woman to the Superintendency of

the Chicago schools.

Mrs. Ella Flagg Young, elected Superintendent of the public

schools of Chicago by the City’s Board of Education, in July,

1909, is the first of her sex to occupy so important an

administrative position. Her election is said to have been due

entirely to her manifest superiority in qualification over

other suggested candidates. The school system she will

administer is second only in magnitude to that of the City of

New York.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1910.

Gift to Yale University by Mrs. Sage.

The following is announced from New Haven on the 10th of

January, 1910:

"The recent gift of $650,000 by Mrs. Russell Sage of New York

city for the purchase of the Hillhouse property and its

transfer free of encumbrance to Yale University releases a

corresponding amount without restriction for the use of the

university corporation. Important meetings will be held this

week, one by the board of Sheffield Scientific School trustees

and the other a special meeting of the Yale Corporation to act

upon the disposition of the funds released by the Sage gift.

It is generally understood that the plan proposed is the

erection upon the Hillhouse property of a large biological

laboratory, and perhaps the appointment in connection with it

of a university professor in biology upon a new foundation."

----------EDUCATION: End--------

EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:

Proclamation of additional titles.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (NOVEMBER).

EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:

His illness and deferred Coronation.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JUNE-AUGUST).

EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:

His agency in bringing about the Entente Cordiale between

Great Britain and France.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:

His influence as a diplomatist.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:

His Death after a brief illness.

Succession of his son, George V.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (MAY).

EGYPT: A. D. 1901-1905.

The founding of schools for girls.

Training of native teachers.

See (in this Volume )

EDUCATION: EGYPT.

EGYPT: A. D. 1902 (DECEMBER).

Completion of the Assuan Dam.

The great Assuan Dam, to control the waters of the Nile, was

opened with formal ceremony on the 10th of December, 1902, in

the presence of the Duke and Duchess of Connaught, the

Khedive, Lord and Lady Cromer, and other distinguished

personages. Earlier in the year the value of this important

work of engineering had been enhanced by a treaty with the

Emperor of Abyssinia or Ethiopia, which forbids constructions

on the upper waters of the Nile, within the Abyssinian

territory, which would arrest the flow of their waters.

See (in this Volume)

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

EGYPT: A. D. 1904.

Declarations of England and France concerning Egypt

in the Agreements of the Entente of 1904.

Explanatory despatch.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

EGYPT: A. D. 1905-1906.

Pan-Islamic preaching.

Pro-Turkish movement.

Turkish encroachments on the Sinai frontier.

The Tabah incident.

British fleet at Phalerum.

British garrisons reinforced.

"Whether ordered by the Sultan or the result of an instinctive

religious wave, anew and definite crusade began to affect

Egypt in the summer of 1905. Preachers appeared mysteriously

in Cairo and spread rapidly through the country, giving a new

and stricter interpretation to texts from the Koran, and

preaching in strong terms the wickedness of obeying the

infidel. These preachers mixed with the people in their houses

and cafes, and in the infinite leisure of a prosperous

Oriental country doubtless found no lack of occasion for

instilling their new doctrines. Then the Arabic native Press

began to preach the same lesson, applying it specially to the

Macedonian crisis and the piteous plight of the harassed

Sultan. A new spirit came suddenly into political controversy.

Any native defender of British rule was marked as a ‘bad

Moslem,’ or ‘a traitor to Egypt.’ Argument was impossible; for

any doubt of the Sultan was simply impiety. So the work went

on bravely through the summer and autumn of 1905, while the

British authorities looked on in surprise and perplexity.

Lonely residents up country began to notice a change in the

tone of the people. They felt the under-swell of a new and

mysterious movement of religious feeling. Europeans who

understood Arabic heard insolent remarks in the cafes as they

passed by, and doctors in charge of invalids in lonely hotels

noticed with alarm the sullen looks of their Arab servants,

and their keen excitement over the Sultan’s struggle. A spirit

of nervous apprehension began to spread abroad among

Europeans.

"Then in January, 1906, the Sultan suddenly showed his hand;

and the smouldering fire burst out into the flame of the

famous Tabah incident. The events that followed became

conspicuous to the whole world—the seizure by Turkish troops

of villages on the Egyptian side of the Sinai frontier, the

threat to fire on an Egyptian cruiser, the defiant resistance

to the English successor, the peremptory order to Egypt to

evacuate Faroun Island, and, finally, the claim of Mouktar

Pasha to a frontier-line west of Suez. The behaviour of Turkey

seemed to bear out Rudyard Kipling's description of the

ethical atmosphere that lies east of that port. Even where

‘there ain’t no ten commandments,’ indeed, the little villages

that sparkle like a grain of salt in the empty desert of the

wanderings of Israel might be thought tempting to no man. But

the line of the frontier had been drawn east of Tabah by the

treaty which established Mehemet Ali in the Khedivate in 1840

[see in Volume I. of this work, Egypt: A. D. 1840-1869], and

the claim to this limit had been prudently re-asserted by Lord

Cromer in 1892, when the present Khedive ascended the throne.

Any tampering with these written arrangements, even to the

extent of a single village, would have been the end of our

authority in Egypt. There was, therefore, no room for

compromise. If Sir Edward Grey had hesitated to force a

surrender from Turkey in May by the only possible method of

moving the fleet to Phalerum [and demanding the immediate

evacuation of Tabah], we might just as well have left the

Nile.

{218}

"For the real significance of these events lay in what was

going on in the mosques and newspapers of Egypt itself. As the

crisis grew, these voices grew more and more daring. The

preachers were as tempestuous as those who fulminated at St.

Paul’s Cross in our own Reformation times. Every move of the

Sultan in those tortuous negotiations was accompanied by an

obligato of sympathy from the Pan-Islamic Press. The native

journals in Egypt are small sheets, cheaply produced. During

the last eighteen months they multiplied exceedingly, fed by

mysterious channels. The new journals preached the new

doctrine—the doctrine of Pan-Islamism. …

"A Turkish raid on the Suez Canal or Nekl might have caused an

outburst of fanaticism in Egypt and seriously divided and

embarrassed the Army of Occupation. It was impossible to be

sure that the Egyptian army of 16,000 men, though officered by

Englishmen, could be trusted to fight against the Turks. Hence

the reinforcement of the British garrison, reduced to some

2000 men, by an addition of some 3000. These began to arrive

in May, and the agitation calmed quickly after their arrival.

They are now to stay on at the expense of Egypt. Thus the

first effect of the Sultan’s interference has been a

deplorable setback from Lord Cromer’s ideal of governing Egypt

by means of British-officered native policemen."

_Harold Spender,

England, Egypt and Turkey

(Contemporary Review, October, 1906)._

EGYPT: A. D. 1907 (January).

State of the country.

General satisfaction of the people.

The disaffected a minority.

Transformation effected by English rule.

Testimony of a French writer.

Those who know the real situation in Egypt can easily

understand how almost the whole population, with the exception

of an insignificant minority, are satisfied and desire no

change. It is enough to compare the present state of the

country—even rapidly and superficially—with that existing in

1882, to perceive the perfect satisfaction of all classes and

the greatness of the work achieved by England; and the more

profoundly this question is studied, the greater the

admiration that must be accorded to Lord Cromer and to all

those who during the past twenty-five years have worked under

his orders at the regeneration of Egypt. The situation of that

country in 1882 may be briefly summed up in the following

manner:

"The Government was then in the hands of a band of rebels at

the head of whom was the cowardly and worthless colonel,

Arabi. The exchequer was empty; Egypt owed (almost entirely to

Europe) nearly five millions sterling. The revenue was

insufficient to pay the interest on her debts, or even to meet

the expenses of government. The public works were all in such

a state of neglect and disuse as to be no longer of any

service. Commerce was paralysed and industry at the last gasp.

The fellaheen, to whose labour Egypt owes her agricultural

wealth, had stopped working, for, left at the mercy of the

Pashas, who extorted from them everything possible down to the

last farthing, they died of hunger, whether they worked or

not. If we add that their leaders told the unfortunate people

that their suffering all these privations was solely the fault

of the Christian devils who were exacting mountains of gold

from Egypt, it is easy to see that fanaticism and poverty

combined were helping to make the situation a critical one for

Europeans. It was into this fiery furnace that England entered

and France refused to follow her. …

"This is now a tale of the past, and on the curtain being

raised we behold a transformation so marvellous, so grand,

that it is almost incredible. We find Egypt rich and

prosperous; a great portion of her debt paid, an admirably

adjusted budget; her revenues increasing enormously, regularly

every year—and that in the face of large and important public

works, works which daily augment the wealth of the country.

Agriculture is advancing by leaps and bounds, while commerce

and industry develop and increase with a rapidity unparalleled

in the history of the world. A well-organised network of

railroads, steam navigation, telegraphs, telephones, and

excellently maintained canals, spreads over the country.

Schools of every kind have been opened—primary, secondary, and

higher schools, technical, commercial, and medical schools.

The fellah works quietly and happily on his land, and the

townsman is growing rich, while business prospers increasingly

from one end of the country to the other. From the mouths of

the Nile, from Alexandria to the great lakes of Central

Africa, all across Egypt, Nubia, and the Soudan, peace and

quiet reign everywhere. And—strange as it may seem—all these

results have been obtained, not by increasing the taxes, but,

on the contrary, by reducing and even in some cases abolishing

them altogether.

"In less than twenty-five years England has accomplished all

this and much more still. She has effected the marvellous

achievement of remaining in Egypt with the unanimous consent

of the Powers of Europe, to the great satisfaction of the

Egyptians themselves and the foreigners dwelling in Egypt, and

finally of living there as a friend, almost as an ally of

France! …

"The honesty of the Government in all its branches, the

impartiality with which all abuses have been punished, and

finally the honourable example which during five-and-twenty

years the English have set before the Egyptians, have

certainly borne good fruit. To be ‘honest’ is no longer an

empty expression on the banks of the Nile, and the entire

population understands to-day what that word signifies. I

think of how absolutely unknown it was in 1882! To sum up,

Egypt and the Egyptians have now become _clean_, both

physically and morally. We may say that England has cleansed

and disinfected them, externally and internally."

_A. B. de Guerville,

The Situation in Egypt

(Fortnightly Review, February, 1907)._

In his work on "Modern Egypt," published since his retirement

from the British administration in Egypt, Lord Cromer speaks

as follows of the change which has come over Egypt since the

British occupation took place. Though an interested witness,

Lord Cromer is one well trusted by the general opinion of the

world: "A new spirit," he wrote, "has been instilled into the

population of Egypt. Even the peasant has learnt to scan his

rights. Even the Pasha has learnt that others besides himself

have rights which must be respected. The courbash may hang on

the walls of the Moudirieh, but the Moudir no longer dares to

employ it on the backs of the fellaheen.

{219}

For all practical purposes, it may be said that the hateful

corvee system has disappeared. Slavery has virtually ceased to

exist. The halcyon days of the adventurer and the usurer are

past. Fiscal burthens have been greatly relieved. Everywhere

law reigns supreme. Justice is no longer bought and sold.

Nature, instead of being spurned and neglected, has been wooed

to bestow her gifts on mankind. She has responded to the

appeal. The waters of the Nile are now utilized in an

intelligent manner. Means of locomotion have been improved and

extended. The soldier has acquired some pride in the uniform

which he wears. He has fought as he never fought before. The

sick man can be nursed in a well-managed hospital. The lunatic

is no longer treated like a wild beast. The punishment awarded

to the worst criminal is no longer barbarous. Lastly, the

schoolmaster is abroad, with results which are as yet

uncertain, but which cannot fail to be important."

EGYPT: A. D. 1908.

Gordon Memorial College at Khartoum.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: EGYPT.

EGYPT: A. D. 1909.

Completion of the Esneh Barrage.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: EGYPT.

EGYPT: A. D. 1909 (May).

The Nationalist agitation, excited by the Turkish Revolution.

A correspondent of the New York _Evening Post_, writing

from London of the agitation for national independence in

Egypt, under date of May 8, 1909, remarks that it has been

affected in two ways by the recent revolutionary movements in

the East. They have "weakened as well as strengthened the

cause. For a number of half-educated native thinkers to see

Turkey with a Parliament is to make them feel they should have

one, too. The British agent points out that the youth of

Egypt, upon whom must rest all hopes of eventual autonomy, are

becoming demoralized by such propaganda. They have been

clamoring on every occasion for a Constitution." They have

been incited by a virulent press. "When, a few months ago, Mr.

Haldane announced that the British army of occupation was to

be increased to the same strength as the force in South

Africa, disgusting diatribes were indulged in against the

British army. Officers were described as monsters of low

breeding, ill manners, cowardice, and multifarious vice. As a

result of this kind of thing, and also through the pressure of

the moderate native press, the old Press law of 1881 was

revived—a law providing that after three warnings a paper may

be suspended by the Council of Ministers by an administrative

order, and not through the courts of law.

"Since then the Nationalists have arranged frequent

demonstrations, some of them resulting in encounters with the

police, which have been magnified by part of the English press

into serious riots. Serious riots are not got up by

schoolboys, who, according to the best information, seem to

have been entirely responsible for the physical part of these

demonstrations in Cairo and elsewhere. They have now been

strictly forbidden to take part in any public political

discussion."

EGYPT: A. D. 1909 (September).

Young Egypt Congress.

The party of Young Egyptians, so called, held a Congress at

Geneva in September—the second of such assemblies—which was

attended by several sympathetic members of the British

Parliament, Mr. Keir Hardie and others, representing the Labor

and Irish parties. A telegram was sent from the Congress to

the House of Commons in England, stating that the

representatives of the intellectual elements of organized

Egyptian political parties gathered in congress at Geneva on

the occasion of the anniversary of the entry of the English

troops into Cairo saluted very respectfully the

representatives of Great Britain, recalled the reiterated

promise of the British Government to evacuate Egyptian

territory, and inasmuch as the reasons given by Mr. Gladstone

for the occupation no longer existed, asked the House for the

honour of the English nation to secure the withdrawal of the

troops from Egyptian territory. A similar telegram was

despatched to the Grand Vizier, Hilmi Pasha, asking him to use

his influence with England to secure the withdrawal of the

troops.

This was sent on the 14th of September, the 27th anniversary

of the British occupation of Egypt, and on the same day the

Prime Minister of Great Britain, Mr. Asquith, received the

following telegram from Cairo:

"A meeting of 6,000 Egyptians assembled here to-day desires to

convey to your high personage the unanimous and energetic

protest of the Egyptian people against the occupation, and

from to-day demands the evacuation, relying upon the

engagements and solemn oaths of the Queen’s Governments.

Moreover, to gain our friendship is more preferable for

English honour than to lose our hearts and support."

The protest was also sent to the Grand Vizier in

Constantinople and to the Young Egypt Congress in Geneva.

EHRLICH, Paul.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

EHR-LUNG-SHAN FORT, Capture of.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

EIGHT HOUR LABOR DAY.

See(in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

ELECTIONS, Political:

Contributions from Corporations prohibited.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY).

----------ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Start--------

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1906.

Universal Suffrage adopted in Austria.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Belgium: A. D. 1902.

Opposition to the Plural Suffrage defeated.

See (in this Volume)

BELGIUM: A. D. 1902, and 1904.

See in Volume I. of this work,

CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM.

See in Volume VI. of this work,

BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: China: A. D. 1908.

The Constitutional Promise.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.

{220}

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: England: A. D. 1909.

Second reading of the Representation of the People Bill,

extending the Suffrage to Women and others.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Germany: A. D. 1906.

Extensions of popular rights in some parts of the Empire.

A comedy of election reform in Prussia.

"The agitation for the extension of popular rights is vigorous

in many parts of the Empire. The Kingdom of Würtemberg has

just reformed its antique constitution by eliminating from the

Lower House the privileged members, ‘knights’ and clergymen,

and substituting members elected by popular vote. Baden has

introduced universal suffrage, and Bavaria has changed from

indirect to direct voting. In the Kingdom of Saxony, which a

decade ago remodeled its election law in a plutocratic

direction, the government is now trying to retrace its steps.

The Oldenburg government has committed itself to universal

suffrage; and in Saxe-Weimar the Liberal parties and the

Socialists have formed a compact to establish it. In the midst

of this democratic movement Prussia has just carried through a

slight revision of its election laws. …

"The government [Prussian] came forward last spring with a

scheme of election reform which is nothing short of comical in

its bureaucratic narrowness. Several huge city districts were

divided, and ten new seats in the Chamber created,—not,

however as a recognition of the rights of the urban

population, but in order to facilitate the mere formalities of

balloting. The number of electors in such districts had

outgrown the capacity of any hall to hold them."

_W. C. Dreher,

The Year in Germany

(Atlantic Monthly, November, 1906)_.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: India:

Slight exercise of local self-government.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: India:

Introduction of popular representation in

the Legislative Councils.

See INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Persia:

Under the recent Constitution.

See (in this Volume)

CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Philippine Islands.

Provisions of election law.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Porto Rico:

Change of qualifications for the suffrage.

See (in this Volume)

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901-1905.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Proportional Representation: England:

The subject under discussion.

The practicability and desirability of proportional

representation has been under investigation in the United

Kingdom, during 1909, by a Royal Commission, which has had

frequent sessions for hearings at Whitehall. At a hearing in

October Lord Hugh Cecil, who represents Oxford in the House of

Commons, argued with great force in favor of proportional

representation, as a means of moderating the constraint

exercised over independent opinion by party ties. He said that

the present system was not satisfactory. It greatly hindered

free discussion in the House of Commons, and tended to

exaggerate there the intensity of feeling and the rigidity of

the party system. Majorities were generally large, and often

it was merely a trial of endurance. The empty condition of the

House on many occasions proved that discussion never

influenced divisions, and there was an elimination of

independent opinion. Decisions were on party issues, except

when new subjects such as the fiscal question, were brought

forward. With smaller majorities independent opinion—specific

rather than general—would have more opportunity, and that

would be a gain. There was a growing tendency to lift foreign

politics and, to a lesser degree, Colonial politics beyond

party, and to a large extent the Government could count on the

support of moderate opponents when foreign and Colonial

matters were considered. He did not think the effect of

proportional representation would be to form any more groups

than they had at present, but his desire was that there should

be members who were not absolute party men, and independent

members would have more chance of getting returned. He

considered that desirable, and did not apprehend the return of

faddists. Even now faddists were easily elected to Parliament,

where for the most part they were disregarded. He did not

agree that practically all sections of the community were

represented under the existing system. A very large and

important section between the two parties was never

represented, having always to choose between one or the other

extreme.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: South Africa:

The Principle in Practice.

The principle of proportional representation was brought into

practice in the municipal elections of the Transvaal in

October, 1909. The Constitution of the South Africa Union,

which goes into effect in the spring of 1910, applies it,

also, to the election of senators in the Union Parliament.

"The proportional method chosen is, in each case, that of the

single transferable vote, and the Johannesburg elections will

furnish an example of the use of this system on a larger scale

than any hitherto attempted, whilst the senatorial elections

will furnish examples of its application to very small

electorates. The duty of the voter, both in the senatorial and

in the municipal elections, will be the same. He must place

the figure 1 against the candidate for whom he desires to

vote, and, in addition, he may and should place the figures 2,

3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and so on against the names of the other

candidates in the order of his preference. The numbering of

additional preferences, if not so vital as that of marking the

first choice, is of extreme importance, and the elector should

continue to indicate preferences until he has exhausted his

powers of choice. The object, in marking preferences, is to

prevent the waste of voting power. For, if the elector’s first

choice has obtained more votes than are necessary to secure

his election, or if his first choice has obtained so few votes

as to be hopelessly out of the running, the returning officer

will carry forward these votes in accordance with the wishes

expressed by the electors, as indicated by the preferences

marked. … The vote is always credited to the first choice and

is not transferred save in the contingencies named. If,

however, no effective use can be made of the vote in the

return of the elector’s first choice the returning officer, in

the absence of any instructions from the voter, will be unable

to carry the vote forward, and the vote will therefore have no

influence in determining the result of the election. Electors

should therefore exercise to the full their privilege of

marking preferences."

_The State

(South African National Magazine),

October, 1909._

{221}

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Prussia: A. D. 1909.

Rejection of proposed Reforms.

The result of new proposals for reforming the intolerable

class-system of voting in Prussia (see CONSTITUTION OF PRUSSIA

in Volume VI. of this work), proposals of more sincerity than

those of 1906, described above,—was thus reported in a Press

despatch from Berlin, January 26, 1909:

"The debate upon the motions regarding reform of the Prussian

franchise was concluded in the Lower House of the Diet to-day.

After two more speeches had been delivered the Conservatives

moved and carried the closure, and the various reform

proposals were put to the vote. All the motions were rejected.

Against most of the proposals so large a hostile majority was

shown when the Deputies were invited to rise from their seats

that no counting of votes was necessary. A motion in favour of

the substitution of direct for indirect election was rejected,

upon a division, by 168 votes against 165—a majority of three.

Upon this question, and also upon the main question—the

introduction of a universal and equal franchise with secrecy

of the ballot—most of the Centre Party Deputies voted with the

Left, and the majority consisted almost entirely of

Conservatives and Free Conservatives, who under the existing

system, possess an absolute majority in the Diet."

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Prussia: A. D. 1910.

A bill brought forward by the Government in February, 1910,

professing to reform the elective franchise, gave less than no

satisfaction to the mass of the people, who resented it as an

insult to their rights. The measure was reported to make no

change in the three-class system of voting, which ensures to

wealth its political domination, and it refused the secret

ballot. It conceded nothing of reform except a direct instead

of an indirect election of representatives, and provoked

formidable demonstrations of popular indignation in Berlin and

other cities.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Russia: A. D. 1906.

The Franchise as exercised in the election of the Dumas.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 and 1907.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Sweden: A. D. 1909.

Franchise Reform Law.

See (in this Volume)

SWEDEN: A. D. 1909.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Turkey: A. D. 1908.

Under the Constitution regained by Revolution.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: United States:

Direct primary nomination of candidates.

After a long and unsatisfactory experience in the United

States of the nomination of candidates for public office by

conventions of delegates, the people have been rapidly

discarding that system within the last few years, replacing it

by the institution of primary elections, at which candidates

for the subsequent _election_ are _selected_ by

direct vote. The old delegate system tended irresistibly to

give the picking of candidates (between whom the people had

finally a narrow choice) to little handfuls of men who make

manipulative party management their main business in life,

with objects of self profit, either in money or political

power. Effective revolt against this evil-working system began

in the Western States and is now strong in the East. The

following summary statement of what it had accomplished, up to

the spring of 1909, is from a pamphlet then published by the

Citizens Union of New York City, in support of a "Direct

Primary Bill" which was pending at the time in the Legislature

of the State of New York:

"The direct primary is now the most usual system of making

nominations in the United States, and in no case has a state,

a county, or a town turned back from direct nominations to the

convention system. It is no longer an experiment, having been

tried out under varying conditions in so many states that it

is possible to be guided by experience in avoiding the dangers

of an imperfect direct primary law.

"Fourteen states [Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana,

Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Oklahoma,

Oregon, South Dakota, Texas, Washington, and Wisconsin], with

a total population of 25,323,039, have _mandatory_ laws

_requiring_ the use of this plan in selecting candidates

of the principal parties for practically all offices. Three

other states [Minnesota, Ohio, Pennsylvania] have mandatory

laws covering practically all except the state offices. Five

other states [Indiana, Massachusetts, Michigan, New Jersey,

Tennessee] have _mandatory_ laws covering certain

localities or offices. Five states [Alabama, Florida,

Kentucky, Michigan, Tennessee], including two of the above,

have optional laws covering practically all officers, the

provisions of which laws have been largely taken advantage of.

There are direct nominations laws of a weaker sort, some of

them of little or no value, in many other states. Party rules

have established direct nominations for at least the majority

party in nearly all of the Southern states not mentioned

above.

"About one-half of the states, including those in which the

system has been established by party rules, use direct

nominations for practically all elective offices. The states

in which the system is established by mandatory law for

practically all elective offices have about thirty per cent.

of the population of the United States.

"Of the thirty-one United States senators elected last fall,

seventeen were nominated by direct primaries. Fifteen out of

thirty-two governors of states were so nominated. There is a

strong movement for direct primaries in states which do not at

present use this system to any considerable extent, namely:

Vermont, Connecticut, New Hampshire, New York, California,

Colorado, Idaho and Utah. In New Hampshire, both Republican

and Democratic parties declared for it in their party

platforms last fall, and the Republican Governor has

recommended it to the Republican Legislature. In California,

two direct nominations laws have been passed, but declared

unconstitutional. Last fall, an amendment to the constitution

of that state permitting the legislature to enact a direct

nominations law was passed by a vote of the people.

"A brief outline of how direct nominations originated and how

the system has been extended until it has been substituted for

the convention system by a majority of the American people

furnishes a strong argument in its favor. It is an American

system, and a product of the struggle of the American people

for the control of their government.

"Direct primaries originated in Crawford County, Pennsylvania,

where the so-called Crawford County System was established by

action of a Republican County Committee in 1860 and has been

in force ever since. On two occasions, the question of whether

it should be retained was put before the Republican voters and

overwhelmingly decided in the affirmative, the last of these

votes being taken after the system had been in force for

nineteen years. Its popularity led to its adoption throughout

the entire Congressional district for all nominations.

{222}

"The Minnesota direct primary law for the city of Minneapolis,

Hennepin County, was enacted in 1899. After it had been tried

in the city for two years, public sentiment, because of the

excellent results achieved under the new law in Minneapolis,

insisted upon its being extended, and other localities were

brought within its provisions. Minnesota at present has a

mandatory state-wide law applying to practically all except

state offices. The newspapers of Minneapolis all declared for

it, and no man of prominence in the state took a stand against

it after it had been tried in the city.

"Michigan adopted direct primaries in 1903 for use in Grand

Rapids, Kent County. The result was the defeat for

re-nomination of the Mayor under whose administration the

so-called water scandal had developed. Two years later,

candidates in Kent County were requested to go on record as to

whether they favored a general direct primary law for the

state. All who recorded their positions declared for such a

law, and it was commonly reported in the newspapers that

opposition to direct primaries would mean defeat for any

candidate who took so unpopular a stand.

"Thereafter direct nominations spread rapidly through the

middle western states. Mandatory laws were substituted for

optional laws, and state-wide laws for laws applying to

certain localities or offices."

The movement for direct primary voting, to supersede delegated

conventions in the nomination of candidates for office, was

inspired and invigorated powerfully in New York by Governor

Hughes (see, in this Volume, NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910),

soon after his second term in the executive administration

began. He saw that nothing else could emancipate the political

parties of the State from their "boss"-ridden servitude, and

make them real organs of expression for the mind and will of

the people. The whole force of his great influence then went

to the help of the advocates of this reform, and it produced a

public wakening on the subject which years of ordinary

agitation might have failed to bring about. He brought,

moreover, to the movement an inborn statesmanship of judgment

and an intellectual training which gave it the wisest

direction it had yet received. The Bill which he assisted to

frame, embodying his official recommendations, was designed

more carefully than the legislation in other States had been,

not only to avoid any weakening of the organization of

political parties, but to give them the strength of a

leadership conferred truly and freely by its followers. The

measure was opposed desperately by the existing "organization"

of the party in power, and that combination was represented in

the Legislature so much more effectively than the people were

that it compassed the defeat of the Bill, in the session of

1909.

Four times the people of Illinois have extorted acts from

their Legislature providing for direct nominations, and thrice

the enactments, badly framed, have been pronounced

unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the State. The fourth

of these pieces of legislation, produced in February, 1910, is

not yet tested.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:

Disfranchising Amendment to the Maryland Constitution defeated.

A disfranchising amendment to the Constitution of Maryland,

designed not only to exclude many colored people from the

suffrage, but to give the now dominant political party a

complete mastery of the ballot box, was rejected by the people

when submitted to them at the election of November, 1909.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:

Short Ballot Reform.

A movement that will gain force if the grave reasons for it

can be duly impressed on the popular mind has been assuming

organized form of late. The prime mover in it is Mr. Richard

S. Childs, of New York, who began missionary work for it in a

convincing magazine article on "The Doctrine of the Short

Ballot," published in 1908. Printed afterwards in a small

pamphlet, this impressive argument has had wide circulation

and has drawn many men of influence into league with the

author for urging the subject on public attention. The aim is

to reduce elective offices in State, county and town to such a

limited number that the average voter can acquaint himself

with the comparative merits of candidates and make a fairly

intelligent choice, which he cannot do when the number is

large. "We must shorten the ballot," wrote Mr. Childs, "to a

point where the average man will vote intelligently without

giving to politics more attention than he does at present."

"Voting a straight ticket is not a matter of party loyalty so

much as of not knowing what else to do, and split tickets will

become common as soon as the list is reduced to a point where

each candidate becomes in the mind of the voter a definite

personality instead of a mere name on a long list. To make

public office conspicuous can only be accomplished by making

it stand out in solitude before the gaze of the voter. Let all

the encumbrances in the shape of minor offices disappear from

the ballot and be made appointive. Or at the very least

prevent the few offices from overshadowing the many. Make all

the candidates conspicuous by letting no one be more

conspicuous than another."

A digest of the "short ballot" doctrine is offered in the

following propositions:

"To the average American voter most of the long ballot is a

mere list of names. He registers a genuine personal opinion

only on certain conspicuous offices—the rest he necessarily

delegates by default to organizations of ‘political

specialists.’

"These political organizations, if victorious, sink into the

control of their worst members, since these members having

most to gain and being least scrupulous can generally win

within the organization. Then these men run public

administrations as badly as they dare.

"But we get good men for any conspicuous office where there is

adequate public scrutiny of the candidate, and even Tammany

offers us satisfactory public servants in such places.

"_Therefore_, if we make most offices appointive so as to

_shorten the ballot_, till the voter can master his whole

task, and every elected officer becomes conspicuous before his

constituents, political machines will become impotent and

merit will become the most important asset for a candidate.

"The result will be uniform clean government as in England,

Canada, etc., where they have 'The Short Ballot’ already."

{223}

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:

Suffrage Amendment to the Georgia Constitution adopted

by popular vote.

A suffrage amendment to the Constitution of the State of

Georgia, adopted by an overwhelming popular vote in October,

1908, provides that, in order to register and vote according

to the provisions of this amendment, a man must, besides

meeting certain requirements as to residence and the payment

of his taxes, have one of the following qualifications: Either

(1) he must have served in the land or naval forces of the

United States or the Confederate States or the State of

Georgia in time of war, or be lawfully descended from one who

has done so; _or_

(2) he must be a person of good character, satisfying the

registrars of election that he understands the duties and

obligations of citizenship; _or_

(3) he must correctly read in the English language any

paragraph of the United States Constitution or the State

Constitution, and, unless physically incapacitated from doing

so, correctly write the same when read to him; _or_

(4) he must be the owner of at least forty acres of land in

the State in which he resides, or the owner of five hundred

dollars’ worth of property in the State assessed for taxation.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Woman Suffrage:

At Large: Present extent of the movement.

"We rejoice in the immense progress made by women in the last

60 years. In 1848 women had votes nowhere in the world except

the school vote in Kentucky by widows with children of school

age, and a very limited franchise in some parts of Europe.

Today women vote for all elected officers in Finland, Norway,

Federated Australia, New Zealand, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah and

Idaho: they have municipal suffrage in England, Scotland,

Ireland and Wales, in Canada, Kansas, Sweden, Denmark and

Iceland; tax suffrage in Louisiana, Montana, Iowa and New

York, and school suffrage in one-half the States of the Union.

When that first convention met, only one College in the United

States admitted women; now hundreds of colleges do so. Then

there was not a single woman physician, or ordained minister,

or lawyer; now there are 7000 women physicians and surgeons,

3000 ordained ministers, and one thousand lawyers. Then only a

few poorly paid employments were open to women; now women are

in more than 300 occupations, and comprise 80 per cent. of our

teachers. Then there were scarcely any organizations of women;

now such organizations are numbered by thousands. Then the few

women who dared to speak in public, even on philanthropic

questions, were overwhelmingly condemned by public opinion;

now the women most opposed to equal suffrage travel about the

country making public speeches to prove that a woman’s only

place is at home. Then a married woman in most of our States

could not control her own person, property or earnings; now in

most of the States these laws have been largely amended, and

it is only in regard to the ballot that the fiction of women’s

perpetual minority is still kept up. Most of the demands made

by the convention of 1848, which then seemed so revolutionary,

have been already granted, and are now looked upon as matters

of course. … We rejoice in the increasingly rapid progress of

the woman suffrage cause. Every year shows some gain. Since

our last annual meeting Parliamentary suffrage has been

extended to the women of Norway; municipal suffrage to the

women of Denmark; Sweden has made women eligible to municipal

office; Russia has given women of property a proxy vote for

members of the Douma; and Great Britain, with only 15

dissenting votes, has made women eligible as Mayors, Aldermen

and County and Town Councillors. We congratulate the women of

Great Britain upon their gallant fight for the franchise."

_Resolutions of the 40th Annual Convention of the

National American Woman Suffrage Association,

at Buffalo, New York, October, 1908._

In Europe "there is the curious anomaly that in its two

so-called republics the cause of woman suffrage is more

backward than in almost any of the other countries. In

Switzerland every man over twenty may vote. A National Woman

Suffrage Association has lately been organized which is

supported by many public men. …

"In France, all men twenty-one years old have the franchise.

The National Council of Women, composed of 55 associations

with about 70,000 members, has recently joined forces with the

National Suffrage Union, thus assuring strong and systematic

effort for the enfranchisement of women. In 1906, a Committee

for the Defence of the Rights of Women was formed in the

Chamber of Deputies, to secure the social, civil and political

rights of women."

_Ida H. Harper

North American Review,

September. 1907._

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Australia.

The Constitution of the Commonwealth of Australia, in its 41st

clause provides as follows:

See (in Volume VI. of this work)

CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

"No adult person who has or acquires the right to vote at

elections for the more numerous House of the Parliament of a

State, shall, while the right continues, be prevented by any

law of the Commonwealth from voting at elections for either

House of the Commonwealth."

Inasmuch as two of the Australian States, South Australia and

Western Australia, had already extended the suffrage to women

when this federal constitution was adopted, they gained at

once, by its terms, the right of voting at federal elections

in those States. An account of their first appearance in

Australian Federal politics was given subsequently by one of

the women who participated,—in part as follows:

"The political incentive is now the possession of the women of

Australia, and its influence was a potent factor in the recent

Federal elections. The women of South Australia and West

Australia have had the suffrage for some years, so that they

are accustomed to voting, but to the women of the other States

the whole business was new; nevertheless, they voted in as

large numbers proportionally as the men in a majority of the

constituencies, while in some they cast a heavier vote than

the men. The total vote was only 52 per cent. of the voting

strength, the low percentage being due to the fact that the

people as a body have not yet grasped the Federal idea.

Federation has not completely scotched provincialism in

politics, though it is fast doing so, if for no other reason

than the enormous cost of government in this country. The

people are beginning to realize that we are paying the

political piper heavily—fourteen Houses of Parliament and

seven viceroyalties for four millions of people! It is too big

an order, and common sense, as well as the state of our

finances, demands that we should simplify our legislative

machinery. It is right here, as the Americans say, that the

women’s influence will tell.

{224}

During the election campaign, it was most evident that a very

large section of the women favoured those candidates who urged

economy in public expenditure. Individual women, with no idea

of the value of money, may be extravagant, but most women are

compelled by circumstances to be economical, and have a horror

of wasteful expenditure. Therefore the growing demand for less

expensive legislative machinery will find devoted adherents

amongst the women voters. …

"The elections had an added interest in the appearance of four

women candidates in the field—Mrs. Martell, Mrs. Moore (New

South Wales), myself (Victoria), standing for the Senate; and

Miss Selina Anderson (New South Wales) for the House of

Representatives. All were defeated, but the defeat was not

unexpected, as we were well aware that it would be altogether

phenomenal if women were to succeed in their first attempt to

enter a National Parliament. …

"There were eighteen candidates in the field, and, while

unsuccessful, my record of 51,497 votes, when 85,387 were

sufficient to secure election, is most gratifying. I polled

more heavily than one candidate who has been Premier of

Victoria, and than another who had been for twenty-six years a

member of the State legislature, defeating the one by 24,327,

the other by 32,436 votes—51,000 odd votes, in spite of the

opposition of the powerful daily papers, and the prejudice

that a pioneer always has to encounter, is nothing less than a

triumph for the cause that I represent, the cause of women and

children."

_Vida Goldstein,

The Political Woman in Australia

(Nineteenth Century, July, 1904)._

"The argument that women will not vote is completely disproved

by Australian experience. They not only vote, but they vote in

continually increasing numbers as time goes on, and they

become educated up to a sense of their political

responsibilities and all that these imply. Not all the states

discriminate in their returns between men and women voters,

but those that do show something like the following: In South

Australia, at the last general election, 59 per cent. of the

men on the rolls voted, and 42 per cent. of the women; in

Western Australia, 49 per cent. of the men and 47 per cent. of

the women voted; at the last Federal election, 56 per cent. of

the men voted, and 40 per cent. of the women. None of the

Australian states has yet reached the extraordinary record of

New Zealand, where, in 1902, nearly 75 per cent. of the women

electors recorded their votes, as against 76 per cent. of

their brothers.

"It is unnecessary to add that the conservative woman votes.

Her husband or father and their newspaper take good care that

the duty of doing so is well impressed upon her, even though

abstractly they may all three disapprove of woman in politics,

and have striven to avert her appearing in that arena as long

as they possibly could. …

"Among the measures that can be traced to woman suffrage

within the last ten years are prematernity acts, acts raising

the age of consent, family maintenance acts, and many acts

improving children’s conditions by extending juvenile courts,

limiting hours of work, providing better inspection,

forbidding sale to children of drink, drugs and doubtful

literature."

_Alice Henry,

The Australian Woman and the Ballot

(North American Review, December 21, 1906)._

Writing in the New York _Evening Post_ of February 10,

1909, Mrs. Ida Husted Harper makes the following statements:

"The recent announcement that the upper house of Parliament in

Victoria, Australia, had passed a woman suffrage bill by a

vote of 23 to 5, marked the gaining of complete suffrage for

women in all of Australasia. Since 1902 women have had a vote

in Australia for members of the national Parliament, and for a

number of years the vote for State officials in all the States

except Victoria. There the lower house, or Assembly, has

fifteen times passed a bill giving this vote to women only to

have it rejected by the upper house, or Council. The Assembly

is elected by popular vote; the Council is not. … With their

municipal and national franchise the women were able to make

things decidedly uncomfortable for the opponents, in which

they were encouraged and aided by the labor unions. At last

the council surrendered unconditionally, and the vote of

twenty-three to five showed that most of them tried to get

into the band wagon. The five who voted ‘no’ were probably ‘in

for life,’ and not afraid of the consequences. … Australia has

thoroughly tested woman suffrage, first in municipal affairs,

and then in those of State and nation. There is not one

objection made against it which is not refuted by the actual

experience of that country. All the talk about who will take

care of the baby and what will become of the home, its men

would brush aside as so much chaff."

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Denmark:

Its first exercise in Municipal Elections.

Danish municipal elections in March, 1909, were conducted

under a new law which gives every woman who either pays direct

taxes or whose husband does so the right to vote. The law also

provides for a system of proportional representation. "There

was naturally much discussion beforehand," wrote a newspaper

correspondent from Copenhagen, "as to what would be the result

of this first experiment in woman suffrage in Denmark. The

Conservatives, indeed, protested for a long time before they

yielded to its claims. As far as can now be ascertained the

relative strength of the parties in the councils will be

practically unchanged, that is to say, the Conservatives will

still have a slight majority. This is at all events the case

in and around Copenhagen, where the women took a very active

part in the voting, nearly 75 per cent. of those who were

entitled to vote having done so."

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: England:

Qualification for County and Borough Councils.

The following are the provisions of an Act of Parliament

approved in August, 1907:

"A woman shall not be disqualified by sex or marriage for

being elected or being a councillor or alderman of the council

of any county or borough (including a metropolitan borough):

Provided that a woman if elected as chairman of a county

council or mayor of a borough shall not by virtue of holding

or having held that office be a justice of the peace."

{225}

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:

The Campaign of the Militant Suffragists or "Suffragettes."

The cause of the women who desire and demand equal political

rights with men seemed to be advancing fast toward complete

victory in Great Britain, in 1906-1907, when the impatient among

them began resorting to militant methods of agitation. It is

probably safe to say that no other movement by any part of any

people in any country, for obtaining an extension of political

rights, had ever been carried by rational discussion and

appeal to a point of more encouragement than the woman

suffrage movement in the United Kingdom had then attained. For

everything elective in local government the vote had been won

for women, and the opening of county and borough offices to

them was on the eve of being written into law. Representation

in Parliament, only, had not been secured, but the disposition

to concede it was growing from day to day. It was at this

stage of promising progress in the movement that an impatient

section of its promoters became persuaded that some

disturbance of the public peace and some troubling of the

Government would hasten the final triumph of their cause. Why

they were led to that conclusion was explained to an American

audience in New York by their leader, Mrs. Pankhurst, in

October, 1909, as follows:

"The Liberals failed to put woman suffrage in their Newcastle

programme. We waited on Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, leader

of that party, and who would be prime minister, but he said he

was too busy seeing voters to attend to women. The other

parties acted in the same way, so we were forced to other

action. A. J. Balfour, the Tory leader, upon whom we called,

declared that he was in favor of equal suffrage, but was

honest enough to add that no statesman would propose a bill to

give it unless it were made a practical question of politics.

"You have heard much of our methods. You have condemned them,

but whether they were right or wrong, objectionable or not,

they have certainly accomplished our object of bringing the

question before the British public as a practical political

question. … My grandmother was a Chartist, and so I determined

to follow in her footsteps.

"It was at Manchester, almost on the site of the Peterloo

franchise riots, when the yeomen, with their bayonets, cut

down the men seeking votes, that our agitation began. Sir

Edward Grey was closing the great Liberal revival in

Lancashire by a great meeting. Women were admitted to meetings

in England in those days; it is not so now. We decided to be

there with a banner on which we would inscribe the motto ‘Will

the Liberal government give working women the vote?’ Annie

Kenny, an officer of the Cotton Workers’ Trade Union, was

chosen to put the question to Sir Edward Grey. She accepted on

condition that my daughter, Christobel Pankhurst, would

accompany her and hold her hand. We tried to get them seats in

the front of the balcony, where they could unfurl the banner.

We failed in this, so we got seats in the area, and had to

change the banner. The new one was made on my dining-room

table with a piece of calico and some black paint and

contained the now world-wide motto: ‘Votes for Women.’

"Sir Edward Grey delivered a great speech, but there was

nothing in it about giving women votes. Several questions were

put to him, and he answered as all public speakers should, and

as they always do in England. When he was done, more questions

were in order. Annie Kenny rose and unfurled her banner,

holding it up in a hand from which she had lost a finger while

at work in the mills at an age when girls should not be

allowed to work—especially when they are intended for

motherhood. Holding her companion’s hand, she put her

question: ‘Will the Liberal government give working women

votes?’ Instantly the stewards pounced upon her; hands were

pressed over her mouth, and she was forced to sit down. She

was told to write her question, and it would be answered. A

vote of thanks was proposed, and Sir Edward Grey answered.

"When he failed to answer her question, Annie Kenny rose and

insisted on an answer. She was pounced upon; six men dragged

her hat off and pulled her to the door, but her last words as

she was thrown out were: ‘Sir Edward Grey, answer my

question.’ My daughter took up the task, and repeated the

question. She, too, was set upon and dragged past the stage,

upon which sat men who had known her from childhood, who had

voted for her father; but so strong is party spirit that they

allowed her to be thrown out without protest.

"They held a meeting outside and were arrested for obstructing

the police. They were fined, and went to jail. But we had

gained what we wanted. The press, which had ignored us,

heralded our cause. We were giving them good copy."

In the early period of the campaign of public disturbance

which the militant suffragists had thus planned, their

operations were directed mainly to the interruption of

speakers at political meetings, not only by questions, but by

bell-ringing and the like, provoking forcible ejection, arrest

and fine, or commitment to jail. Presently some resorted to

the device of chaining themselves to seats, prolonging the

disturbance and heightening its sensational character. The

crowning sensation of this description was achieved on the 8th

of November, 1908, when two daring suffragettes who had gained

admission to the women’s gallery in the House of Commons

chained themselves to the metal lattice work in front of it

and opened a fire of questions and demands on the dismayed law

makers below. In the previous month the House had been

besieged by a great mob of women who attempted to force their

way into its well-guarded chambers, under Mrs. Pankhurst’s

lead. She and others of the leaders, arrested on this

occasion, refused to give bonds to keep the peace, and were

sentenced to imprisonment for three months.

From this time on, the devices of public disturbance and of

annoyance to Parliament and Ministers became more and more

ingeniously sensational. One performance, on the 27th of

April, 1909, was thus described by a London newspaper of the

morning after:

"St. Stephen’s Hall is built upon the site of the old

Parliament, its dimensions in length and width are the same,

its memories embalm the great Parliamentary tradition, it is

the place where the liberties of the people have been won.

This is the place which was chosen yesterday by woman

suffragists for a degrading exhibition of disorder. On either

side of the hall are two rows of wonderful statues, like white

ghosts of the old Parliament. To the legs of four of these

statues as many women yesterday afternoon fastened themselves,

after their practice, with chains, and remained there, a

centre of disturbance, until an end was put to their mimic

slavery by the police. The statues were those of Selden,

Walpole, Somers, and Falkland; and it is matter for great

regret that Falkland’s statue, in its pathetic grace the most

charming of them all, has been wantonly injured by this rough

usage."

{226}

On the 24th of June the lobby of the House of Commons became

the scene of another performance in the same spirit by a

single dauntless actor,—thus related: "Miss Wallace Dunlop,

who was intercepted the other day in an attempt to deface with

indelible ink the walls of the lobby of the House of Commons

with an appeal on behalf of ‘Votes for Women,’ succeeded

yesterday in accomplishing her object. Disguised as an elderly

lady and carrying a brown handbag, she eluded the vigilance of

the police till well within the lobby of the House. Drawing

from her handbag a small wooden stencil, or board, with felt

attached and saturated with indelible purple ink, she

succeeded in placing it against the wall of the lobby at a

conspicuous spot. The ink was at once absorbed into the

surface of the wall. The words written were:--‘Women’s

Deputation, June 29th. Bill of Rights. It is the right of the

subjects to petition the King, and all commitments and

prosecutions for such petitioning are illegal.’ Miss Wallace

Dunlop was taken to Cannon-row Police-station, and after being

detained two hours was charged with doing wilful damage. She

will be brought before the magistrates at Bow Street this

morning."

Miss Dunlop received a sentence of imprisonment, and

inaugurated in prison a more heroic protest against and

defiance of the tyranny of which she believed herself to be a

victim. It is described in the following manifesto, published

by the National Women’s Social and Political Union (the

principal organization of the militant suffragists) on the

14th of July:

"The women who have been sent to prison in connexion with

woman suffrage disturbances have, from the beginning, demanded

treatment as political prisoners, and have appealed to the

Home Secretary to accord them the rights and privileges to

which political prisoners are entitled in every part of the

world. As this appeal has been disregarded, women have now

decided to take the law into their own hands, and, by carrying

on a revolt in prison, to force the hands of the authorities

to concede them what they have refused to give as a matter of

justice.

"The first action taken in the matter was that of Miss Wallace

Dunlop, sent to prison on Friday, July 2, for imprinting an

extract from the Bill of Rights upon one of the walls in the

House of Commons. Political treatment being refused to her,

and being ordered to wear prison clothes and eat prison food,

Miss Wallace Dunlop determined to strike a blow for her rights

by refusing absolutely to eat the food offered to her. After

91 hours of starvation—during which time communications were

constantly passing between the Governor of the prison and the

Home Office—the authorities decided to give in, and Miss

Wallace Dunlop was released.

"The 14 members of the Women’s Social and Political Union who

were sent to prison on Monday, July 12, in connexion with the

stone throwing at the Government buildings on June 29, have

determined to carry out a further revolt. Before leaving for

prison they informed the officers of the union that it was

their intention, if denied the rights of political prisoners,

to carry out an effective protest in prison. When ordered to

take off their own clothes and to put on prison clothes they

intended to refuse to do so, and standing all together they

would refuse to be put into cells of the second division. If

put into their cells by force and undressed, they would refuse

in the morning to get up and dress excepting into their own

clothes. They also informed members of the union that they

would refuse to obey the rule of silence, but would talk to

one another whenever they liked and would sing aloud during

retention.

"In making this protest the women claim that they are fighting

for the preservation of the rights of political prisoners,

which were not denied even in the Bastille."

Miss Dunlop’s heroic protest, by refusing prison food, was

taken up at once and repeated by numbers of her imprisoned

sisters; until the prison authorities met it by forcibly

administering food, in the manner of treatment applied

sometimes to desperate convicts or to the insane; and this, of

course, is more than repugnant and distressing to the feeling

of everybody. The whole unexampled situation is repugnant and

distressing, however it may be viewed. The cause involved is

so pitifully stripped of its dignity, simply for the reason

that the sex whose cause it is has nothing in body or mind to

qualify it for effectual rioting. A mob of men can invest its

mischievous doings with the impressiveness of terror, which

crushes laughter and contempt. A mob of such women as the

champion suffragists are cannot do so, and the riot they

attempt is but a travesty, which challenges jeers, and sadly

smirches the after heroism of the self-starved rioters in

their prison cells. The difference between a political

insurrection of men and the insurgency of Mrs. Pankhurst and

her followers is the difference between a menace that alarms

and a nuisance that annoys and provokes. With what effect the

cause of woman suffrage has been made a public nuisance in

England remains to be seen. The advantage to it is dubious, to

say the least. On this point Mr. Winston Churchill, President

of the Board of Trade, spoke his mind plainly to a deputation

of suffragettes who called on him at Dundee on the 18th of

last October. He said:

"I saw the beginning of what you call the militant tactics.

They broke out in my late constituency, North-West Manchester,

and during the four years that have passed I have fought three

by-elections, and have made a great many speeches about the

country. So, I suppose, I have come very nearly as much in

contact with them as any other Cabinet Minister. … You have

come to me in a deputation, and I am bound to give you my

candid and truthful opinion that your cause is in a worse

position now than it was four years ago. I do not mean by that

that anything has been done which will prevent the ultimate

success of the movement. I do not think that is so, but I am

quite sure that, while these tactics of silly disorder and

petty violence continue, there is not the slightest chance of

any Government that will be called into power, or of any House

of Commons which is likely to be elected, giving you the

reform which you seek. That is my honest, unprejudiced view."

{227}

The National Union of Women Suffrage Societies, of which Mrs.

Henry Fawcett is President, represents a large body of women

claimants of the suffrage who distinctly disapprove of and

disclaim responsibility for the proceedings of their militant

allies. In a statement which this National Union communicated

to the Prime Minister on the 2d of October, 1909, they set

forth the following facts in evidence of the strength of the

popular support given to their claims: Since the beginning of

1908 the National Union had taken part in 31 by-elections in

Great Britain. "These have been contested by 69 candidates, of

whom 26 were Liberals, 32 Unionists, and 11 Labour, Socialist,

or Independent. Of these 69 candidates, only nine declared

themselves opponents of woman suffrage. The rest in varying

degrees accepted the principle of the enfranchisement of

women. A few merely stated that they were not hostile, but the

overwhelming majority frankly accepted it, some even pledging

themselves to oppose any further extension of the franchise to

men so long as it was withheld from women."

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Finland:

The great victory of 1906.

"The great victory for woman suffrage in 1906 was won in

Finland, where women were enfranchised on exactly the same

terms as men, and made eligible to all offices, including

seats in Parliament. This gives the vote at once to about

300,000 women. Preceding and during the revolution, in the

attempt to throw off the Russian yoke, the women shared with

the men the work, the hardships and the dangers; and, when the

triumph came, there was not a thought on the part of men of

excluding women from any portion of the rewards, the most

important of which was the suffrage. But they themselves had

long been preparing the ground. The Finnish Women’s

Association to work for equal rights was founded in 1884 by

Baroness Alexandra Gripenberg and never ceased its efforts. In

1892 the Woman’s Alliance Union was organized, more democratic

and aggressive in its character. … After the vast national

strike in the autumn of 1905, while a body of leading men were

drawing up a Declaration of Rights to be presented to the

Tsar, Dr. (Miss) Tekla Hulsin, a member of the National Bureau

of Statistics, made an eloquent plea in behalf of the women,

and they were included in its demand for universal suffrage. …

The Tsar signed it in November, giving his consent to the

proposed reforms. Immediately the women set to work,

lecturing, organizing, getting up petitions, and finally held

another huge mass-meeting in Helsingfors, demanding that the

Diet carry out this measure. All of the political parties put

it in their platforms. On May 28th, 1906, the Diet with only

one dissenting vote passed the bill giving the suffrage to all

men and women twenty-four years old. This was signed by the

Tsar on July 20th."

History for ready reference, Volume 7 · 第 13 / 50 章