of any religious denomination, with over three hundred
schools; and, what is still more striking, practically every
one of these schools is self-supporting. The Methodists follow
with over a hundred schools and over forty-two hundred
pupils."
_The Outlook,
May 2, 1908._
EDUCATION: NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905.
New Education Law, an issue in the elections.
See (in this Volume)
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.
EDUCATION: PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.
Schools as seen by President Roosevelt.
See (in this Volume)
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.
EDUCATION: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.
Denominational Education restored.
A resolution adopted by the Prussian Chamber of Deputies, in
May, 1904, restored the denominational school system which the
"May Laws" of the Kulturkampf, in 1873 and after had
abolished.
See (in Volume II. of this work)
GERMANY: A. D. 1873-1887.
Under those laws the schools were common to children of all
religious beliefs; under the new system they became either
Protestant or Roman Catholic according to the faith of the
majority of their pupils.
EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS:
The Will of Cecil John Rhodes, providing Scholarships at
Oxford for students from the British Colonies and the
United States.
The late Cecil John Rhodes, who played an eminent part in the
development of South Africa and in the extension of the
British dominion in that portion of the world, died on the
26th of March, 1902, leaving a will which contained the
following directions for the use to be made of one large part
of the great fortune he had acquired:
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904)
"Whereas I consider that the education of young colonists at
one of the universities in the United Kingdom is of great
advantage to them for giving breadth to their views, for their
instruction in life and manners, and for instilling into their
minds the advantage to the colonies as well as to the United
Kingdom of the retention of the unity of the Empire; and
{209}
"Whereas in the ease of young colonists studying at a
university in the United Kingdom I attach very great
importance to the university having a residential system, such
as is in force at the universities of Oxford and Cambridge;
for without it those students are at the most critical period
of their lives left without any supervision; and
"Whereas there are at the present time fifty or more students
from South Africa studying at the University of Edinburgh,
many of whom are attracted there by its excellent medical
school, and I should like to establish some of the
scholarships hereinafter mentioned in that university but
owing to its not having such a residential system as aforesaid
I feel obliged to refrain from doing so; and
"Whereas my own university, the University of Oxford, has such
a system, and I suggest that it should try and extend its
scope so as if possible to make its medical school at least as
good as that at the University of Edinburgh; and
"Whereas I also desire to encourage and foster an appreciation
of the advantages which I implicitly believe will result from
the union of the English-speaking people throughout the world
and to encourage in the students from the United States of
North America who will benefit from the American scholarships
to be established for the reason above given at the University
of Oxford under this my will an attachment to the country from
which they have sprung, but without, I hope, withdrawing them
or their sympathies from the land of their adoption or birth.
"Now, therefore, I direct my trustees as soon as may be after
my death and either simultaneously or gradually as they shall
find convenient, and if gradually, then in such order as they
shall think fit, to establish for male students the
scholarships hereinafter directed to be established, each of
which shall be of the yearly value of £300 and be tenable at
any college in the University of Oxford for three consecutive
academical years.
"I direct my trustees to establish certain scholarships and
these scholarships I sometimes hereinafter refer to as ‘the
colonial scholarships.’
"The appropriation of the colonial scholarships and the
numbers to be annually filled up shall be in accordance with
the following table;
[Transcribers note: "Do." probably means "ditto".
https://www.acronymfinder.com/DO.html]
Total To be tenable by students of or from Number of
number scholarships to
appropriated. be filled up in
each year.
9 Rhodesia 3 and no more
3 The South African College School in
the colony of the Cape of Good Hope 1 and no more
3 The Stellenbosch College School, Do.
in the same colony
3 The Diocesan College School of Do.
Rondebosch, in the same colony
3 St. Andrews College School, Do.
Grahamstown
3 The colony of Natal, Do.
in the same colony
3 The colony of New South Wales Do.
3 The colony of Victoria Do.
3 The colony of South Australia Do.
3 The colony of Queensland Do.
3 The colony of Western Australia Do.
3 The colony of Tasmania Do.
3 The colony of New Zealand Do.
3 The Province of Ontario, Do.
in the Dominion of Canada
3 The Province of Quebec, Do.
in the Dominion of Canada
3 The colony or island of Do.
Newfoundland and its dependencies
3 The colony or islands of the Bermudas Do.
3 The colony or island of Jamaica Do.
"I further direct my trustees to establish additional
scholarships sufficient in number for the appropriation in the
next following clause hereof directed, and those scholarships
I sometimes hereinafter refer to as ‘the American
scholarships.’
"I appropriate two of the American scholarships to each of the
present States and Territories of the United States of North
America, provided that if any of the said Territories shall in
my lifetime be admitted as a State the scholarships
appropriated to such Territory shall be appropriated to such
State, and that my trustees may in their uncontrolled
discretion withhold for such time as they shall think fit the
appropriation of scholarships to any Territory.
"I direct that of the two scholarships appropriated to a State
or Territory not more than one shall be filled up in any year,
so that at no time shall more than two scholarships be held
for the same State or Territory.
"The scholarships shall be paid only out of income, and in
event at any time of income being insufficient for payment in
full of all the scholarships for the time being payable I
direct that (without prejudice to the vested interests of
holders for the time being of scholarships) the following
order of priority shall regulate the payment of the
scholarships:
"(I) First, the scholarships of students of or from Rhodesia
shall be paid;
"(II) Secondly, the scholarships of students from the said
South African Stellenbosch Rondebosch and St. Andrews schools
shall be paid;
"(III) Thirdly, the remainder of the colonial scholarships
shall be paid, and if there shall not be sufficient income for
the purpose such scholarships shall abate proportionately; and
"(IV) Fourthly, the American scholarships shall be paid, and
if there shall not be sufficient income for the purpose such
scholarships shall abate proportionately.
{210}
"My desire being that the students who shall be elected to the
scholarships shall not be merely bookworms, I direct that in
the election of a student to a scholarship regard shall be had
to
(I) his literary and scholastic attainments;
(II) his fondness of and success in manly outdoor sports, such
as cricket, football, and the like;
(III) his qualities of manhood, truth, courage, devotion to
duty, sympathy for the protection of the weak, kindliness,
unselfishness, and fellowship, and
(IV) his exhibition during school days of moral force of
character and of instincts to lead and to take an interest in
his schoolmates, for those latter attributes will be likely in
after life to guide him to esteem the performance of public
duties as his highest aim. As mere suggestions for the
guidance of those who will have the choice of students for the
scholarships, I record that
(I) my ideal qualified student would combine these four
qualifications in the proportions of three-tenths for the
first, two-tenths for the second, three-tenths for the third,
and two-tenths for the fourth qualification, so that ac-
cording to my ideas if the maximum number of marks for any
scholarship were 200 they would be apportioned as follows:
Sixty to each of the first and third qualifications, and 40 to
each of the second and fourth qualifications.
(II) The marks for the several qualifications would be awarded
independently, as follows (that is to say): The marks for the
first qualification by examination, for the second and third
qualifications, respectively, by ballot by the fellow-students
of the candidates, and for the fourth qualification by the
head master of the candidate’s school, and
(III) the results of the awards (that is to say the marks
obtained by each candidate for each qualification) would be
sent as soon as possible for consideration to the trustees or
to some person or persons appointed to receive the same, and
the person or persons so appointed would ascertain by
averaging the marks in blocks of 20 marks each of all
candidates the best ideal qualified students.
"No student shall be qualified or disqualified for election to
a scholarship on account of his race or religious opinions.
"Except in the cases of the four schools hereinbefore
mentioned, the election to scholarships shall be by the
trustees after such (if any) consultation as they shall think
fit with the minister having the control of education in such
colony, province, State, or Territory.
" A qualified student who has been elected as aforesaid shall
within six calendar months after his election, or as soon
thereafter as he can be admitted into residence or within such
extended time as my trustees shall allow, commence residence
as an undergraduate at some college in the University of
Oxford.
"The scholarships shall be payable to him from the time when
he shall commence such residence.
"28. I desire that the scholars holding the scholarships shall
be distributed among the colleges of the University of Oxford
and not resort in undue numbers to one or more colleges only.
"29. Notwithstanding anything hereinbefore contained, my
trustees may in their uncontrolled discretion suspend for such
time as they shall think fit or remove any scholar from his
scholarship.
"30. My trustees may from time to time make, vary, and repeal
regulations either general or affecting specified scholarship
only with regard to all or any of the following matters, that
is to say:
"(I) The election, whether after examination or otherwise, of
qualified students to the scholarships, or any of them, and
the method, whether by examination or otherwise, in which
their qualifications are to be ascertained;
"(II) The tenure of the scholarships by scholars;
"(III) The suspension and removal of scholars from their
scholarships;
"(IV) The method and times of payment of the scholarships;
"(V) The method of giving effect to my wish expressed in
clause 28 hereof; and
"(VI) Any and every other matter with regard to the
scholarships, or any of them, with regard to which they shall
consider regulations necessary or desirable.
"31. My trustees may from time to time authorize regulations
with regard to the election, whether after examination or
otherwise, of qualified students for scholarships and to the
method, whether by examination or otherwise, in which their
qualifications are to be ascertained to be made:
"(I) By a school in respect of the scholarships tenable by its
students; and
"(II) By the minister aforesaid of a colony, province, State,
or Territory in respect of the scholarships tenable by
students from such colony, province, State or Territory.
"32. Regulations made under the last preceding clause hereof,
if and when approved of, and not before, by my trustees, shall
be equivalent in all respects to regulations made by my
trustees.
"No regulations made under clause 30 or made and approved of
under clauses 31 and 32 hereof shall be inconsistent with any
of the provisions herein contained.
"In order that the scholars past and present may have
opportunities of meeting and discussing their experiences and
prospects, I desire that my trustees shall annually give a
dinner to the past and present scholars able and willing to
attend, at which I hope my trustees, or some of them, will be
able to be present, and to which they will, I hope, from time
to time invite as guests persons who have shown sympathy with
the views expressed by me in this, my will."
The trustees are the
Earl of Rosebery,
Earl Grey,
Lord Milner,
Mr. Alfred Beit,
Dr. Leander Starr Jameson,
Mr. Lewis Loyd Mitchell, and
Mr. Bourchier Francis Hawksley.
EDUCATION: RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.
Great Educational Projects before the Duma.
Primary school-houses by the hundred thousand,
and Compulsory Education.
Increased opening to Jews.
A telegram from St. Petersburg, February 16, 1909, announced
that the Ministry of Education had introduced that day a bill
before the Duma providing for a building fund for the erection
of 148,179 new primary schools throughout the empire within
ten years. These schools are to be built and maintained by the
provincial authorities on government subsidy. The same
despatch reported that a statute providing for general
compulsory education would soon be discussed in the Duma.
{211}
On the 5th of October it was announced that the Tsar had
sanctioned a resolution of the Council of Ministers permitting
the admission of an increased percentage of Jews into the
secondary schools of the Crown. In the capitals 5 per cent. of
the total number of scholars may be Jews, in other parts of
the Empire 10 per cent., and in the special Jewish settlements
15 percent.
EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.
Mr. Carnegie’s great gift to the Universities and
their students.
The first of Mr. Andrew Carnegie’s great gifts to other
institutions of education than the public libraries, which he
has assisted in such numbers, was conferred on the
universities of Scotland, his native country, in 1901. It was
a gift of $10,000,000 (£2,000,000), placed in the hands of
trustees for two purposes, namely, to improve and expand the
teaching power of the universities, on one hand, and to put
their teaching, on the other hand, more within the reach of
all the young in Scotland who craved it. It was said to have
been the original wish of Mr. Carnegie to make the tuition of
the universities free; but he found that it would be wiser to
strengthen them for their work, leave it subject to proper
fees, and provide for an allowance of pecuniary assistance to
students, in the discretion of the trustees. The application
of the gift was so arranged, one-half of the net annual income
from the great fund being appropriated to buildings,
equipments, endowments of professorships and lectureships, and
the like uses for the betterment of the university work.
There were fears at first that the effect of so much easing of
the attainment of a university education might be injurious to
the spirit and character of the students who accepted the
helping hand; but seven years of experience, under the working
of the gift, do not seem to have justified the fear. In those
seven years over 8000 of the Scottish young people had the
benefit of Mr. Carnegie’s help to a college training, and the
trustees of the Fund, in their annual report of 1909,
pronounced the result good. "In the opinion of such men as
Lord Rosebery, Lord Elgin, Lord Balfour of Burleigh, Mr.
Balfour, and Mr. Haldane, who are all helping to administer
Mr. Carnegie’s charity," says a London correspondent of the
New York _Evening Post_, "Scotland has much to thank him
for."
EDUCATION: TURKEY AND THE NEAR EAST:
American Mission Schools.
"At present [1909] there are about twenty-five thousand native
students in American schools in this country. America can
boast to-day that she has, in Turkey, nine colleges, five
theological seminaries, fifty-seven boarding and high schools,
and 348 public schools. And, if we accumulate the work of
seventy-five years, it is a simple matter to understand how
many thousands have been educated in American ways and with
the American spirit.
"Missionaries came to this country to spread Protestant
Christianity among the Moslems. They failed in that. The
Mohammedan government was against them. They tried to make
Christian Greeks, Christian Armenians, Protestants. This did
not result in a marked success, but their schools, which they
opened as a medium of spreading religion, were eagerly sought
by young men and young girls of every race. Armenians form the
majority in this country of those who have received an
American education. Bulgarians and Greeks come next.
"Many I have met who have been thoroughly educated in
missionary institutions. Generally they are not Protestants,
neither much religiously inclined. But they are moral,
independent, and broad-minded.
"The Turkish mission, as it is written about in America, is
not, in fact, areal Turkish mission; not a Moslem has been
Christianized; not a single Turk is a member of mission
communities; yet native Christians have been widely helped by
the opportunity offered for education and the growth of a
spirit of civilization and humanity.
"Year after year young men graduated from American
institutions in Turkey to go forward among their compatriots
as teachers, journalists, and public officers. The building up
of brave little Bulgaria is the work of graduates of Robert
College of Constantinople. Stambouloff, who made Bulgaria what
it is to-day, was an alumnus of the same institution. Among
the Armenian revolutionary leaders, who worked hand-in-hand
with the Young Turks to bring about a political change in
Turkey, boys of Robert College and young men educated in
American universities are prominent. I know young girls,
graduates of the American College at Scutari, who took active
part in revolutionary work during the despotic days of the old
regime; and even joined in the conspiracy which led to the
throwing of a bomb at the Sultan during the Selamlik ceremony
a few years ago. … There are a number of Turkish girls to-day
at the college in Scutari, and it is a pleasure to any one to
see Turkish women discussing in fluent English politics,
economics, and history."
_Special Correspondence of the New York Evening Post,
Constantinople, March 20, 1909._
At Beirut is the Syrian Protestant College, under Presbyterian
control, one of the most enlightened institutions abroad.
Euphrates College at Harput in Asia Minor, with a thousand
students, is a Congregational institution. At Tarsus, the
Apostle Paul’s home, is, appropriately enough, St. Paul’s
Institute. Throughout Turkey the Congregationalists have over
four hundred schools, with over twenty-one thousand pupils. In
Syria the Presbyterians maintain about a hundred schools. The
Presbyterians (North) have no work in Egypt, but the United
Presbyterians are educating there no less than fifteen
thousand pupils, a total the more surprising when we recall
that the Government schools in Egypt have only eighteen
thousand pupils. More than four thousand have received
instruction at Assiut College, the center of the United
Presbyterian work. … As in Persia, the Presbyterians are the
strongest denominational force. Besides Urumia College, they
have about a hundred and twenty-five schools throughout the
country."
_American Schools Abroad
(The Outlook, May 2, 1908)_.
EDUCATION: THE INFLUENCE OF ROBERT COLLEGE.
"Two years ago one of the subjects given out for a thesis in
the Russian Theological Seminary at Kiev was, ‘The Influence
of Robert College in the Development of Bulgaria.’ Russia has
found the influence of that College there a factor which she
has had to take into serious account; indeed, it has been said
by Russian as well as by high Turkish officials that Robert
College really created Bulgaria. Its influence has also been
abundantly recognized throughout Europe and America. In
Bulgaria itself the first National Assembly, which met to
adopt a constitution and to choose a Prince, passed a
resolution expressing the gratitude of the new-born nation to
the College. Prince Alexander conferred a high decoration on
the President of the College to express his personal
appreciation, and last summer Prince Ferdinand did the same.
{212}
Robert College has not only been the backbone of Bulgaria; it
has been the greatest civilizing power in the Turkish Empire.
Sir William White, who knew that Empire better than has any
recent British ambassador, once remarked that the College had
accomplished more for the good of the Turks than had all the
representatives of the British Government; and Professor
Ramsey, of St. Andrews, who has spent many years in exploring
Asia Minor, says:
"‘I have come in contact with men educated in Robert College
in widely separate parts of the country, men of diverse
nationalities and different forms of religion—Greek, Armenian,
and Protestant—and have everywhere been struck with the
marvelous way in which a certain uniform type, direct, simple,
honest, and lofty in tone, has been impressed upon them. Some
had more of it, some less. But all had it to a certain degree,
and it is diametrically opposite to the type produced by
growth under the ordinary conditions of Turkish life.’
"The College is not organized for the purpose of missionary
propaganda. It is not denominational. It is Christian in the
broad sense in which Princeton, Yale and Harvard are Christian
Colleges. In its faculty it has a Mohammedan Professor of
Turkish language and literature, and an orthodox Greek
Professor of Greek language and literature. … It draws
students not only from Turkey, but also from Greece, Bulgaria,
Rumania and Russia, and has already educated nearly twenty-six
hundred. If the demands upon the College continue to increase
in the future as in the past, its endowment will have to be
doubled. Occupying one of the most beautiful sites on the
Bosphorus, the College has at present five buildings, besides
six houses for professors, a teaching staff of twelve
professors and twenty-five other instructors."
_The Outlook, January 21, 1905._
Robert College was founded at Constantinople in 1863 by James
H. and William B. Dwight, sons of an American missionary to
Turkey, the Reverend Harrison G. O. Dwight. It was named after
Christopher R. Robert, of New York, its main supporter, whose
gifts to it first and last amounted to $450,000. Its first
President was the Reverend Dr. Cyrus Hamlin, who presided over
it until 1877, when he resigned, and was succeeded by the
Reverend Dr. George Washburn.
In November, 1909, it received a bequest of $1,500,000, from
the late John Stewart Kennedy, of New York, and its work will
be greatly expanded.
EDUCATION: TURKEY: A. D. 1909.
Constitutional Amendment.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (MAY-DECEMBER).
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES:
The Trade Unions as a factor in the Assimilation and
Education of the foreign-born.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1898-1909.
The Annual Conferences for Education in the South.
Since 1898 a series of annual Conferences for Education in the
South, inspired, organized, and sustained especially by the
joint efforts of J. L. M. Curry and Robert C. Ogden, have been
held in various Southern cities, with notable effect. At the
twelfth of these conferences, in April, 1909, at Atlanta, Mr.
Ogden, presiding, said in his address:
"This conference holds its place as a part of an educational
renaissance. Its work can perhaps be definitely defined only
at a single point. It exists primarily to impress upon the
mind of the citizen, the people, the responsibility of the
individual for educational conditions, to support the claim
that every child in America, native or foreign born, is
entitled to a good English education, that it is the duty of
the State as representing the people to provide such
education, that in the words of the man that recruited me and
pledged my service, such as it is, to this work, J. L. M.
Curry, president of this conference in its second year,
‘Ignorance Cures Nothing.’ …
"Aside from the first mentioned special influence this
conference makes no direct claim save that it has by various
agencies assisted in the promotion and development of many
progressive educational ideas, and through the Southern
Educational Board, to which it is both mother and child, has
supplied methods and incidental support that have caused many
latent forces to germinate, flourish, and bring forth abundant
fruit that otherwise never could have existed. We simply have
planted seed that eventually produced large harvests.
"I am told, and I think the statement is accurate, that during
the last seven years the public appropriations for education
in the States under the influence of the Southern Education
Board have increased $16,000,000 per annum. These figures are
difficult of verification, but probably are greater than I
have stated. We have had something to do with this result, how
much may not be a subject for definite calculation. …
"The twelve years that measure the life of the conference for
education in the South have been years of great originality in
the development of American education."
EDUCATION: A. D. 1901.
The Washington Memorial Institution.
"In almost every Government department and bureau at
Washington, prolonged scientific investigations are
continually carried on, in order that governmental action
itself may be more intelligent and more efficient, and the
general welfare of the people promoted. … While the Congress
carries on this work for governmental purposes only, it
indicated as long ago as 1892, in a joint resolution approved
April 12 of that year, that the Government’s large collections
illustrative of the various arts and sciences, and its
facilities for scientific and literary research, were to be
held accessible to the investigators and students of any
institution of higher education then existing or thereafter
established in the District of Columbia. By an almost
unnoticed but most important provision incorporated in the
general deficiency bill passed at the second session of the
Fifty-sixth Congress, and approved March 3, 1901, the
privileges given by the joint resolution of April 12, 1892, to
investigators and students of institutions in the District of
Columbia were extended to ‘scientific investigators and to
duly qualified individuals, students, and graduates of
institutions of learning in the several States and
Territories, as well as in the District of Columbia, under
such rules and restrictions as the heads of the departments
and bureaus mentioned may prescribe.
… The new opportunities created a new need, and that need is
to be met by the Washington Memorial Institution, incorporated
on May 17, 1901, and formally organized on June 3.
{213}
"The Washington Memorial Institution is the direct outcome of
the activities of the Washington Academy of Sciences and of
the George Washington Memorial Association, the latter body
being an organization of women ‘to aid in securing in the city
of Washington, D. C., the increase of opportunities for higher
education, as recommended by George Washington, the first
President of the United States, in his various messages to
Congress.’ … The plan has been worked out in consultation with
representatives of the universities and other scientific
bodies, and with their hearty cooperation and approval. It has
the merits of simplicity and of not duplicating any existing
form of educational effort." The Institution "will ascertain,
year by year, just what the opportunities for students are at
Washington, and will publish them to the world; it will
receive and enroll students who offer themselves, and direct
them to the places which await them; it will record their work
and its results, and, when requested, will certify these to
any institution of learning. It will keep in touch with the
universities, scientific schools, and colleges on the one
hand, and with the departments and bureaus of the Government
on the other. In this way it will, it may be hoped, promote
the interests and the ideals of both."
_Nicholas Murray Butler,
The Washington Memorial Institution
(American Review of Reviews, July, 1901)._
EDUCATION: A. D. 1901-1909.
Changes at the Universities.
In October, 1901, on accepting a nomination to the mayoralty
of New York City, President Seth Low, of Columbia University,
resigned from that post, and Professor Nicholas Murray Butler
became acting President until the following January, when he
was elected to the Presidency by the unanimous vote of the
trustees.
For the first time in its history, the University of
Virginia—Jefferson’s creation—received a President in April,
1905, when Dr. Edwin Anderson Alderman was inducted in office
as its administrative head. The significance of the occurrence
was expressed at the time by Professor William P. Trent, when
he said: "The University of Virginia, so long, under its
chairmen of the faculty, faithful to its founder’s prejudices
against the concentration of executive power in the hands of
an individual, has been forced by pressure from within and
from without to align itself with its sister universities in
this essential feature of educational government, and in this
fact many will see another step in the slow but certain
nationalizing of the South, as well as an indication that in
the future the University of Virginia will be widely known as
a national institution of high standing."
In the summer of 1902, President Francis L. Patton, who had
been the successor of President McCosh at Princeton
University, retired and was succeeded by Professor Woodrow
Wilson, previously occupant of the chair of Jurisprudence and
Politics since 1890.
The President who had organized the University of Chicago at
its foundation, in 1891, and directed its successful
development through fifteen years of a remarkable success,
William Rainey Harper, died on the 10th of January, 1906, and
was succeeded by Professor Harry Pratt Judson, previously at
the head of the department of Political Science and Dean of
the faculties of Arts, Literature, and Science.
President Henry Hopkins of Williams College retired in 1907
and was succeeded by Harry A. Garfield, eldest son of the
former President of the United States, and lately Professor of
Politics at Princeton University.
In October, 1908, President Charles W. Eliot of Harvard
University made known his wish to retire in the following May
from the office which he had filled with so much distinction
for forty years. His resignation was accepted with profound
regret, and he vacated the Presidency of the great University
on the 19th of May, 1909. His successor, Professor Abbott
Lawrence Lowell, taken from the chair of the Science of
Government, in the Harvard faculty, had been elected in the
preceding January. President Lowell was inaugurated with much
ceremony on the 6th of October.
Dr. Richard C. Maclaurin was called from the department of
physics in Columbia University, New York, to the presidency of
the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, in November, 1908.
President Cyrus Northrup, of the University of Minnesota,
announced in 1908 his resignation to take effect the following
year.
A change in the Presidency of Dartmouth College took place in
June, 1909, Dr. W. J. Tucker resigning because of ill health,
and Professor Ernest Fox Nichols, formerly head of the
department of physics at Dartmouth, and latterly occupying a
chair at Columbia University, being elected to his place.
Having passed his eightieth year of life and the thirty-eighth
of his administration of the University of Michigan, President
James Burrill Angell was reluctantly permitted to retire from
active service to the University at the close of the academic
year in 1909. The acceptance of his resignation by the Regents
of the University was accompanied, however, by the tender to
him of the office of Chancellor, the duties to be such as "he
may be willing and able to perform; the salary for such office
to be $4000 per year, with house rent, light and fuel, so long
as he sees fit to occupy his present residence." Dean H. B.
Hutchins, of the law department was made acting President.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1902.
Founding of the Carnegie Institution of Washington,
for Original Research.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1902-1909.
The General Education Board.
Its stupendous endowment by Mr. Rockefeller.
Its plans and operations.
The General Education Board, destined to become so great an
educational power in the United States, had its birth on the
27th of February, 1902, at a meeting in New York to which Mr.
John D. Rockefeller had invited the following named gentlemen:
William H. Baldwin, Jr.,
Wallace Buttrick,
Hon. J. L. M. Curry,
Frederick T. Gates,
Daniel C. Gilman,
Morris K. Jessup,
Robert C. Ogden,
Walter H. Page,
George Foster Peabody,
John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and
Albert Shaw;
with Edward M. Shepard as counsel.
A conception of the general plan and purpose of the Board had
been, it is said, in Mr. Rockefeller’s thought for some time
past, and his guests gave hearty approval to the project in
which he asked them to join him. Then and there they became
organized temporarily under the name still borne, Mr.
Rockefeller pledging $1,000,000 to the support of their work,
which should specially be directed at the outset to the study
and improvement of educational conditions in the Southern
States.
{214}
Offices of the Board were opened in New York April 1, 1902. It
was incorporated by Act of Congress on the 12th of January,
1903, at which time a considerable number of new members was
added to the Board, chosen from the heads of important
universities and colleges, North and South. The Board was now
in active cooperation with the United States Department of
Agriculture, whose work of scientific and systematic
instruction in agriculture, by demonstration farms and
otherwise, it found to be dealing with the most pressing of
Southern needs. It found another field of useful cooperation,
with Southern universities and colleges, in promotion of the
founding and maintaining of high schools. Its main operations
were on these lines until the summer of 1905, when, on the
30th of June, Mr. Rockefeller expanded its forces immensely by
adding $10,000,000 to his original gift of $1,000,000.
In _The Independent_ of August 6, 1908, Mr. Wallace
Buttrick, secretary of the Board, described the enlargement of
undertakings which followed this increase of endowment,
saying:
"The income of this large foundation for higher education
enabled the board to extend its work throughout the whole
country, as contemplated in its charter. Studies had already
been made of the colleges in the Southern States, and such
studies were at once made of the colleges in other parts of
the United States. After such comprehensive study and the
careful consideration of how best to aid in the development of
an adequate system of colleges in all of the States of the
Union, the board adopted the following principles as defining
its general policy: To co-operate sympathetically and
helpfully with the religious denominations; to choose the
centers of wealth and population as the permanent pivots of an
educational system; to mass its funds on endowments, securing
in this work the largest possible local co-operation."
Less than two years later, on the 7th of February, 1907, Mr.
Rockefeller nearly trebled his previous endowment by an
enormous addition to the fund in the possession of the Board,
announced in the following letter from his son, Mr. John D.
Rockefeller, Jr.:
"My father authorizes me to say that on or before April 1st,
1907, he will give to the General Education Board
income-bearing securities the present market value of which is
about thirty-two million dollars ($32,000,000), one-third to
be added to the permanent endowment of the board; two-thirds
to be applied to such specific objects within the corporate
purposes of the board as either he or I may from time to time
direct, any remainder not so designated at the death of the
survivor to be added also to the permanent endowment of the
board."
Of what was being done by the Board with this stupendous fund
Mr. Buttrick gave details in The Independent as follows:
"Conditional appropriations have been made to forty colleges,
in the States of Maine, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York,
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Tennessee,
Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin,
Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, Kansas and Colorado.
"Twenty-five of these colleges have secured subscriptions for
the supplemental sums required and but one has failed. The
remaining fifteen colleges report satisfactory progress. The
total amount thus appropriated by the board is $2,437,500; the
supplemental sums, when completed, will aggregate $10,397,000.
"From the original $1,000,000 gift to the board by Mr.
Rockefeller appropriations have been made to schools in the
South amounting to about $700,000, one-half of which has gone
to schools for the colored people. The high school propaganda
and the agricultural demonstration work have also been
supported from this fund.
"From the foregoing it will be seen that, in the Northern
States, the board devotes itself exclusively to the promotion
of higher education, having always in view the desirability of
aiding such institutions as, taken together, will constitute
an adequate system of higher education for each of the several
States, thus seeking to correct and prevent duplication and
waste and securing the highest efficiency.
"In the Southern States its work for colleges is similar to
that done in the North, and, in addition, it seeks to promote
public high schools through the State universities and the
State Department of Education, to promote elementary education
(or common schools) by increasing the productive efficiency of
rural life, and to aid in developing schools for the training
of leaders among the colored people."
But Mr. Rockefeller was not yet at the end of his gifts to
this great Foundation. On the 9th of July, 1909, the following
announcement was published:
"John D. Rockefeller has raised the total of his
contributions to the Rockefeller foundation of the general
education board to $53,000,000 by a gift of $10,000,000 which
will be passed to the credit of the board between now and
August 1. He has gone farther than that and has intrusted to
the membership of the board—as it may be constituted at some
future day—the responsibility of distributing the principal
of the fund among the educational institutions of the land if
it shall be deemed advisable.
"Under the regulations at present obtaining, this power of
final disposition would extend only to $33,000,000, inasmuch
as the board holds the other $20,000,000 in trust with the
power to dispose of the income, while Mr. Rockefeller and his
son, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., retain the right to dispose of
the principal during their lives. It was said to-day that it
always has been Mr. Rockefeller’s intention to make such a
provision for the final disposition.
"In making the announcement to-day, Chairman Gates said that
this large addition to the permanent funds of the board was
contributed because the income of the present funds
immediately available for appropriation had been exhausted and
it was found necessary to have an additional income in order
to meet the needs of ‘present great importance.’
"He said the board made it a rule never to exceed the
immediately available income—which might amount to $80,000 or
$90,000 a month—in its awards to the colleges and
universities, that something like 300 applications had been
received by the board beyond the number which it already had
acted upon, which was large.
{215}
"Mr. Gates said that at the same meeting last Wednesday
another communication had been received from Mr. Rockefeller,
authorizing and empowering the board and its successors
‘whenever, in their discretion, it should seem wise to
distribute the principal of funds contributed by him to the
board upon the affirmative vote of two-thirds of all those who
shall at the time be members of the board.’"
EDUCATION: A. D. 1905-1908.
The Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching.
After the founding of the Carnegie Institution, of Washington,
Mr. Carnegie’s next great gift to Education, made in 1905, was
in the sum of $10,000, 000, placed in the hands of trustees as
a fund the income of which may be applied "to provide retiring
pensions, without respect to race, sex, creed, or color, for
the teachers of universities, colleges, and technical schools
in the United States, the Dominion of Canada, and
Newfoundland," and "to provide for the care and maintenance of
the widows and families of the said teachers." The board of
trustees chosen by Mr. Carnegie for the administration of the
fund is made up of eminent educators from different parts of
America, with Dr. Henry S. Pritchett called from the
Presidency of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology to
become its executive head. The board was organized in
November, 1905, and in the following April it adopted a plan
of administration which had been formulated meantime by a
committee from its membership. It had then, by an Act of
Congress, approved by the President, March 10, 1906, been
incorporated under the title of "The Carnegie Foundation for
the Advancement of Teaching." Besides using the words quoted
above, in description of the authorized purpose of the
Foundation, the Act of Incorporation adds furthermore that it
is "in general, to do and perform all things necessary to
encourage, uphold, and dignify the profession of the teacher
and the cause of higher education." It is a further provision
of the Act that "retiring pensions shall be paid to such
teachers only as are or have been connected with institutions
not under control of a sect, or which do not require their
trustees, their officers, faculties, or students (or a
majority thereof), to belong to any specified sect, and which
do not impose any theological test as a condition of entrance
therein or of connection therewith."
As explained by President Pritchett in an article published
soon after the organization of their board, the Trustees had
three fundamental questions to determine: "First, What is a
college? second, What constitutes denominational control? and,
third, Should a private agency step in between the State and
one of its institutions and establish a system of retiring
allowances for university professors who are officers of the
State?" "The term college is used to designate, in the United
States, Canada, and Newfoundland, institutions varying so
widely in entrance requirements, standards of instruction, and
facilities for work that the term is no description of the
character of the institution. Of the seven hundred and more
institutions calling themselves colleges or universities, many
are such in name only." To rule their present action the
Trustees adopted the definition that is "now in use under the
revised ordinances of the State of New York, and which reads
as follows: ‘An institution to be ranked as a college must
have at least six professors giving their entire time to
college and university work, a course of four full years in
liberal arts and sciences, and should require for admission
not less than the usual four years of academic or high school
preparation, or its equivalent, in addition to the
pre-academic or grammar school studies.’ The trustees will
also require that an institution, to be ranked as a college
and to be dealt with as a college officially, must have a
productive endowment of not less than $200,000."
As for the institutions to be excluded from the benefits of
the retiring pension fund because of a sectarian connection
the Trustees were confronted with a still more difficult
question, since "a large majority of all the colleges of the
country have a connection more or less strong with
denominations." In the circumstances, no hard and fast rule of
exclusion could be formulated; but, said President Pritchett,
"it is evident that in many cases colleges must choose between
the advantages of this gift and the benefits of a
denominational connection."
So far as concerned State institutions, it was the original
conclusion of the Board that "the States may fairly be
expected to provide a retiring pension system for their own
professors, and it is certainly questionable whether such
wholesale action on the part of a private agency in the
endowment of State institutions might not do them an injury
rather than a kindness." Trustees and officers of the State
Universities appealed from this view, and submitted to the
Trustees cogent reasons why these institutions should
participate in the distribution of the Fund. The Trustees
replied that the Fund was not large enough for such an
extension of its use. That objection, however, was soon
removed by Mr. Carnegie, who made it known, in April, 1908,
that he would have pleasure in adding $5,000,000 to his
original gift in order to furnish retiring allowances for all
State Universities that may apply for them. The Carnegie
Foundation is now being administered accordingly.
Retiring allowances are determined by the following rules of
the Board:
"I. In reckoning the amount of the retiring allowance, the
average salary for the last five years of active service shall
be considered the active pay.
" II. Any person sixty-five years of age, and who has had not
less than fifteen years of service as a professor, and who is
at the same time a professor in an accepted institution, shall
be entitled to an annual retiring allowance computed as
follows:
(_a_) For an active pay of sixteen hundred dollars or
less, an allowance of one thousand dollars, provided no
retiring allowance shall exceed ninety per cent. of the
active pay.
(_b_) For an active pay greater than sixteen hundred
dollars the retiring allowance shall equal one thousand
dollars, increased by fifty dollars for each one hundred
dollars of active pay in excess of sixteen hundred dollars,
(_c_) No retiring allowance shall exceed three
thousand dollars.
"III. Any person who has had a service of twenty-five years as
a professor, and who is at the time a professor in an accepted
institution, shall be entitled to a retiring allowance,
computed as follows:
(_a_) For an active pay of sixteen hundred dollars or
less, a retiring allowance of eight hundred dollars,
provided that no retiring allowance shall exceed eighty per
cent. of the active pay.
{216}
(_b_) For an active pay greater than sixteen hundred
dollars the retiring allowance shall equal eight hundred
dollars, increased by forty dollars for each one hundred
dollars of active pay in excess of sixteen hundred dollars,
(_c_) For each additional year of service above
twenty-five, the retiring allowance shall be increased by
one per cent. of the active pay.
(_d_) No retiring allowance shall exceed three
thousand dollars.
"IV. Any person who has been for ten years the wife of a
professor in actual service may receive during her widowhood
one-half of the allowance to which her husband would have been
entitled."
EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.
Change in the Headship of the Bureau of Education.
Dr. William Torrey Harris, after seventeen years of
distinguished service as United States Commissioner of
Education, accepted the first designation of a retirement
pension that was made by the trustees of the Carnegie
Foundation. Professor Elmer Ellsworth Brown, professor of the
Theory and Practice of Teaching in the University of
California, was appointed by the President to succeed him.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.
Celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding
of Tuskegee Institute.
The twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of Tuskegee
Normal and Industrial Institute, at Tuskegee, Alabama, by
Booker T. Washington, was celebrated in April, 1906, and made
the occasion of a notable gathering at Tuskegee of strong
friends of the institution and its founder from all parts of
the country. In _The North American Review_ of that month
Mr. Washington gave an interesting account of the rise of the
Institute from insignificant beginnings, of the aims pursued
in it and of the extent of their realization. It had sought to
promote among the negroes of the South an education which, as
he expressed it, "not only did not educate them out of
sympathy with the masses of their people, but made them
actively and practically interested in constructive methods
and work among their people." Its students "are expected to be
able to show the farmers how to buy land, to assist them by
advice in getting out of debt, and to encourage them to cease
mortgaging their crops and to take active interest in the
economic development of their community."
This wise leader and true statesman of his race has devoted
his life to the solving of the race-problem in the South on
the principle stated by him in these words: "There is nothing
for the negro to do but to remain where he is and struggle on
and up. The whole philosophy of the negro question can be
written in three words,—patience, persistence, virtue. The
really helpful thing about the situation is that on the whole
the negro has done, under the circumstances, the best he
could."
Of the planting and growth of Tuskegee Institute he wrote:
‘Starting in a shanty and a hen-house, with almost no property
beyond a hoe and a blind mule, the school has grown up
gradually, much as a town grows. We needed food for our
tables; farming, therefore, was our first industry, started to
meet this need. With the need for shelter for our students,
courses in house-building and carpentry were added. Out of
these, brick-making and brick masonry naturally grew. The
increasing demand for buildings made further specialization in
the industries necessary. Soon we found ourselves teaching
tinsmithing, plastering, and painting. Classes in cooking were
added, because we needed competent persons to prepare the
food. Courses in laundering, sewing, dining-room work, and
nurse-training have been added to meet the actual needs of the
school community. This process of specialization has continued
as the school increased in numbers, and as the more varied
wants of a larger community created a demand, and instruction
is now given in thirty-seven industries."
At the end of its first twenty-five years of existence, the
Institute has 1500 students; 156 officers, teachers, and
employees; 86 buildings; and various ramifications for
extensive work.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.
Segregation of Oriental children in the San Francisco schools.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1907.
Large gift for Rudimentary Schools for Southern Negroes.
A fund of $1,000,000 was created in the spring of 1907, by
gift from Miss Anna T. Jeanes, to be devoted to rudimentary
schools for Southern negroes. The fund is to be administered
by Principals Frissell, of Hampton, and Booker T. Washington,
of Tuskegee.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1907.
Re-dedication of the enlarged Carnegie Institute, at Pittsburg.
An account of the founding of the richly housed and equipped
Carnegie Library at Pittsburg, opened in 1895, is given in
Volume VI. of this work (see Libraries). To that fundamental
institution Mr. Carnegie began soon to add auxiliaries, in
technical schools, lecture hall, music hall, art galleries,
and museum of science, until a great Institute, on which no
less than $18,000,000 had been expended and bestowed by the
founder was complete. A rededication of this splendid Carnegie
Institute, in 1907, was made an impressive event by the
presence of a remarkable number of distinguished guests,
invited from Great Britain, Germany, France, Holland, Belgium,
and the United States. The interesting exercises of the
occasion were opened on the 10th of April and continued
through three days.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
Wanted, in Massachusetts:
The right leader for an Educational Revolution.
The State Board of Education in Massachusetts is said to have
arrived, as a body, at the conviction, which has been taking
possession of many minds in late years, that in the whole
educational work of the present day, from primary school to
university, "there is much time wasted in learning things of
little help in after life, and failure to get the essential
character-building"; that conditions are changed so greatly
from what they were when the last great educational revolution
was led in Massachusetts by Horace Mann, and others, that a
new revolution is the imperative need of the day. Hence the
State Board of Education is reported to be searching anxiously
for a man to fill the lately created office of State
Commissioner of Education, who is equal to a revolutionary
undertaking. "He must be," says a recent Boston letter, "a
broad man, of the right sort to realize the unusual
opportunity open to-day." "There is no limit to the salary
which the board may offer." "There has been no politics in the
board, and there shall be none.
{217}
All that the Commissioner wants in the way of coöperation to
carry out his views he will have." "The board feels that this
is a crisis. If the right man can be found, the State’s system
will take a step forward toward a better practice, which shall
remove the present dissatisfaction and the feeling that the
public schools are not fitting children to be good producers
or citizens." This opening seems a great one for the right
man, if he can be found.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
Election of a woman to the Superintendency of
the Chicago schools.
Mrs. Ella Flagg Young, elected Superintendent of the public
schools of Chicago by the City’s Board of Education, in July,
1909, is the first of her sex to occupy so important an
administrative position. Her election is said to have been due
entirely to her manifest superiority in qualification over
other suggested candidates. The school system she will
administer is second only in magnitude to that of the City of
New York.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1910.
Gift to Yale University by Mrs. Sage.
The following is announced from New Haven on the 10th of
January, 1910:
"The recent gift of $650,000 by Mrs. Russell Sage of New York
city for the purchase of the Hillhouse property and its
transfer free of encumbrance to Yale University releases a
corresponding amount without restriction for the use of the
university corporation. Important meetings will be held this
week, one by the board of Sheffield Scientific School trustees
and the other a special meeting of the Yale Corporation to act
upon the disposition of the funds released by the Sage gift.
It is generally understood that the plan proposed is the
erection upon the Hillhouse property of a large biological
laboratory, and perhaps the appointment in connection with it
of a university professor in biology upon a new foundation."
----------EDUCATION: End--------
EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
Proclamation of additional titles.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (NOVEMBER).
EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
His illness and deferred Coronation.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JUNE-AUGUST).
EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
His agency in bringing about the Entente Cordiale between
Great Britain and France.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).
EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
His influence as a diplomatist.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
His Death after a brief illness.
Succession of his son, George V.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (MAY).
EGYPT: A. D. 1901-1905.
The founding of schools for girls.
Training of native teachers.
See (in this Volume )
EDUCATION: EGYPT.
EGYPT: A. D. 1902 (DECEMBER).
Completion of the Assuan Dam.
The great Assuan Dam, to control the waters of the Nile, was
opened with formal ceremony on the 10th of December, 1902, in
the presence of the Duke and Duchess of Connaught, the
Khedive, Lord and Lady Cromer, and other distinguished
personages. Earlier in the year the value of this important
work of engineering had been enhanced by a treaty with the
Emperor of Abyssinia or Ethiopia, which forbids constructions
on the upper waters of the Nile, within the Abyssinian
territory, which would arrest the flow of their waters.
See (in this Volume)
ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.
EGYPT: A. D. 1904.
Declarations of England and France concerning Egypt
in the Agreements of the Entente of 1904.
Explanatory despatch.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).
EGYPT: A. D. 1905-1906.
Pan-Islamic preaching.
Pro-Turkish movement.
Turkish encroachments on the Sinai frontier.
The Tabah incident.
British fleet at Phalerum.
British garrisons reinforced.
"Whether ordered by the Sultan or the result of an instinctive
religious wave, anew and definite crusade began to affect
Egypt in the summer of 1905. Preachers appeared mysteriously
in Cairo and spread rapidly through the country, giving a new
and stricter interpretation to texts from the Koran, and
preaching in strong terms the wickedness of obeying the
infidel. These preachers mixed with the people in their houses
and cafes, and in the infinite leisure of a prosperous
Oriental country doubtless found no lack of occasion for
instilling their new doctrines. Then the Arabic native Press
began to preach the same lesson, applying it specially to the
Macedonian crisis and the piteous plight of the harassed
Sultan. A new spirit came suddenly into political controversy.
Any native defender of British rule was marked as a ‘bad
Moslem,’ or ‘a traitor to Egypt.’ Argument was impossible; for
any doubt of the Sultan was simply impiety. So the work went
on bravely through the summer and autumn of 1905, while the
British authorities looked on in surprise and perplexity.
Lonely residents up country began to notice a change in the
tone of the people. They felt the under-swell of a new and
mysterious movement of religious feeling. Europeans who
understood Arabic heard insolent remarks in the cafes as they
passed by, and doctors in charge of invalids in lonely hotels
noticed with alarm the sullen looks of their Arab servants,
and their keen excitement over the Sultan’s struggle. A spirit
of nervous apprehension began to spread abroad among
Europeans.
"Then in January, 1906, the Sultan suddenly showed his hand;
and the smouldering fire burst out into the flame of the
famous Tabah incident. The events that followed became
conspicuous to the whole world—the seizure by Turkish troops
of villages on the Egyptian side of the Sinai frontier, the
threat to fire on an Egyptian cruiser, the defiant resistance
to the English successor, the peremptory order to Egypt to
evacuate Faroun Island, and, finally, the claim of Mouktar
Pasha to a frontier-line west of Suez. The behaviour of Turkey
seemed to bear out Rudyard Kipling's description of the
ethical atmosphere that lies east of that port. Even where
‘there ain’t no ten commandments,’ indeed, the little villages
that sparkle like a grain of salt in the empty desert of the
wanderings of Israel might be thought tempting to no man. But
the line of the frontier had been drawn east of Tabah by the
treaty which established Mehemet Ali in the Khedivate in 1840
[see in Volume I. of this work, Egypt: A. D. 1840-1869], and
the claim to this limit had been prudently re-asserted by Lord
Cromer in 1892, when the present Khedive ascended the throne.
Any tampering with these written arrangements, even to the
extent of a single village, would have been the end of our
authority in Egypt. There was, therefore, no room for
compromise. If Sir Edward Grey had hesitated to force a
surrender from Turkey in May by the only possible method of
moving the fleet to Phalerum [and demanding the immediate
evacuation of Tabah], we might just as well have left the
Nile.
{218}
"For the real significance of these events lay in what was
going on in the mosques and newspapers of Egypt itself. As the
crisis grew, these voices grew more and more daring. The
preachers were as tempestuous as those who fulminated at St.
Paul’s Cross in our own Reformation times. Every move of the
Sultan in those tortuous negotiations was accompanied by an
obligato of sympathy from the Pan-Islamic Press. The native
journals in Egypt are small sheets, cheaply produced. During
the last eighteen months they multiplied exceedingly, fed by
mysterious channels. The new journals preached the new
doctrine—the doctrine of Pan-Islamism. …
"A Turkish raid on the Suez Canal or Nekl might have caused an
outburst of fanaticism in Egypt and seriously divided and
embarrassed the Army of Occupation. It was impossible to be
sure that the Egyptian army of 16,000 men, though officered by
Englishmen, could be trusted to fight against the Turks. Hence
the reinforcement of the British garrison, reduced to some
2000 men, by an addition of some 3000. These began to arrive
in May, and the agitation calmed quickly after their arrival.
They are now to stay on at the expense of Egypt. Thus the
first effect of the Sultan’s interference has been a
deplorable setback from Lord Cromer’s ideal of governing Egypt
by means of British-officered native policemen."
_Harold Spender,
England, Egypt and Turkey
(Contemporary Review, October, 1906)._
EGYPT: A. D. 1907 (January).
State of the country.
General satisfaction of the people.
The disaffected a minority.
Transformation effected by English rule.
Testimony of a French writer.
Those who know the real situation in Egypt can easily
understand how almost the whole population, with the exception
of an insignificant minority, are satisfied and desire no
change. It is enough to compare the present state of the
country—even rapidly and superficially—with that existing in
1882, to perceive the perfect satisfaction of all classes and
the greatness of the work achieved by England; and the more
profoundly this question is studied, the greater the
admiration that must be accorded to Lord Cromer and to all
those who during the past twenty-five years have worked under
his orders at the regeneration of Egypt. The situation of that
country in 1882 may be briefly summed up in the following
manner:
"The Government was then in the hands of a band of rebels at
the head of whom was the cowardly and worthless colonel,
Arabi. The exchequer was empty; Egypt owed (almost entirely to
Europe) nearly five millions sterling. The revenue was
insufficient to pay the interest on her debts, or even to meet
the expenses of government. The public works were all in such
a state of neglect and disuse as to be no longer of any
service. Commerce was paralysed and industry at the last gasp.
The fellaheen, to whose labour Egypt owes her agricultural
wealth, had stopped working, for, left at the mercy of the
Pashas, who extorted from them everything possible down to the
last farthing, they died of hunger, whether they worked or
not. If we add that their leaders told the unfortunate people
that their suffering all these privations was solely the fault
of the Christian devils who were exacting mountains of gold
from Egypt, it is easy to see that fanaticism and poverty
combined were helping to make the situation a critical one for
Europeans. It was into this fiery furnace that England entered
and France refused to follow her. …
"This is now a tale of the past, and on the curtain being
raised we behold a transformation so marvellous, so grand,
that it is almost incredible. We find Egypt rich and
prosperous; a great portion of her debt paid, an admirably
adjusted budget; her revenues increasing enormously, regularly
every year—and that in the face of large and important public
works, works which daily augment the wealth of the country.
Agriculture is advancing by leaps and bounds, while commerce
and industry develop and increase with a rapidity unparalleled
in the history of the world. A well-organised network of
railroads, steam navigation, telegraphs, telephones, and
excellently maintained canals, spreads over the country.
Schools of every kind have been opened—primary, secondary, and
higher schools, technical, commercial, and medical schools.
The fellah works quietly and happily on his land, and the
townsman is growing rich, while business prospers increasingly
from one end of the country to the other. From the mouths of
the Nile, from Alexandria to the great lakes of Central
Africa, all across Egypt, Nubia, and the Soudan, peace and
quiet reign everywhere. And—strange as it may seem—all these
results have been obtained, not by increasing the taxes, but,
on the contrary, by reducing and even in some cases abolishing
them altogether.
"In less than twenty-five years England has accomplished all
this and much more still. She has effected the marvellous
achievement of remaining in Egypt with the unanimous consent
of the Powers of Europe, to the great satisfaction of the
Egyptians themselves and the foreigners dwelling in Egypt, and
finally of living there as a friend, almost as an ally of
France! …
"The honesty of the Government in all its branches, the
impartiality with which all abuses have been punished, and
finally the honourable example which during five-and-twenty
years the English have set before the Egyptians, have
certainly borne good fruit. To be ‘honest’ is no longer an
empty expression on the banks of the Nile, and the entire
population understands to-day what that word signifies. I
think of how absolutely unknown it was in 1882! To sum up,
Egypt and the Egyptians have now become _clean_, both
physically and morally. We may say that England has cleansed
and disinfected them, externally and internally."
_A. B. de Guerville,
The Situation in Egypt
(Fortnightly Review, February, 1907)._
In his work on "Modern Egypt," published since his retirement
from the British administration in Egypt, Lord Cromer speaks
as follows of the change which has come over Egypt since the
British occupation took place. Though an interested witness,
Lord Cromer is one well trusted by the general opinion of the
world: "A new spirit," he wrote, "has been instilled into the
population of Egypt. Even the peasant has learnt to scan his
rights. Even the Pasha has learnt that others besides himself
have rights which must be respected. The courbash may hang on
the walls of the Moudirieh, but the Moudir no longer dares to
employ it on the backs of the fellaheen.
{219}
For all practical purposes, it may be said that the hateful
corvee system has disappeared. Slavery has virtually ceased to
exist. The halcyon days of the adventurer and the usurer are
past. Fiscal burthens have been greatly relieved. Everywhere
law reigns supreme. Justice is no longer bought and sold.
Nature, instead of being spurned and neglected, has been wooed
to bestow her gifts on mankind. She has responded to the
appeal. The waters of the Nile are now utilized in an
intelligent manner. Means of locomotion have been improved and
extended. The soldier has acquired some pride in the uniform
which he wears. He has fought as he never fought before. The
sick man can be nursed in a well-managed hospital. The lunatic
is no longer treated like a wild beast. The punishment awarded
to the worst criminal is no longer barbarous. Lastly, the
schoolmaster is abroad, with results which are as yet
uncertain, but which cannot fail to be important."
EGYPT: A. D. 1908.
Gordon Memorial College at Khartoum.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: EGYPT.
EGYPT: A. D. 1909.
Completion of the Esneh Barrage.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: EGYPT.
EGYPT: A. D. 1909 (May).
The Nationalist agitation, excited by the Turkish Revolution.
A correspondent of the New York _Evening Post_, writing
from London of the agitation for national independence in
Egypt, under date of May 8, 1909, remarks that it has been
affected in two ways by the recent revolutionary movements in
the East. They have "weakened as well as strengthened the
cause. For a number of half-educated native thinkers to see
Turkey with a Parliament is to make them feel they should have
one, too. The British agent points out that the youth of
Egypt, upon whom must rest all hopes of eventual autonomy, are
becoming demoralized by such propaganda. They have been
clamoring on every occasion for a Constitution." They have
been incited by a virulent press. "When, a few months ago, Mr.
Haldane announced that the British army of occupation was to
be increased to the same strength as the force in South
Africa, disgusting diatribes were indulged in against the
British army. Officers were described as monsters of low
breeding, ill manners, cowardice, and multifarious vice. As a
result of this kind of thing, and also through the pressure of
the moderate native press, the old Press law of 1881 was
revived—a law providing that after three warnings a paper may
be suspended by the Council of Ministers by an administrative
order, and not through the courts of law.
"Since then the Nationalists have arranged frequent
demonstrations, some of them resulting in encounters with the
police, which have been magnified by part of the English press
into serious riots. Serious riots are not got up by
schoolboys, who, according to the best information, seem to
have been entirely responsible for the physical part of these
demonstrations in Cairo and elsewhere. They have now been
strictly forbidden to take part in any public political
discussion."
EGYPT: A. D. 1909 (September).
Young Egypt Congress.
The party of Young Egyptians, so called, held a Congress at
Geneva in September—the second of such assemblies—which was
attended by several sympathetic members of the British
Parliament, Mr. Keir Hardie and others, representing the Labor
and Irish parties. A telegram was sent from the Congress to
the House of Commons in England, stating that the
representatives of the intellectual elements of organized
Egyptian political parties gathered in congress at Geneva on
the occasion of the anniversary of the entry of the English
troops into Cairo saluted very respectfully the
representatives of Great Britain, recalled the reiterated
promise of the British Government to evacuate Egyptian
territory, and inasmuch as the reasons given by Mr. Gladstone
for the occupation no longer existed, asked the House for the
honour of the English nation to secure the withdrawal of the
troops from Egyptian territory. A similar telegram was
despatched to the Grand Vizier, Hilmi Pasha, asking him to use
his influence with England to secure the withdrawal of the
troops.
This was sent on the 14th of September, the 27th anniversary
of the British occupation of Egypt, and on the same day the
Prime Minister of Great Britain, Mr. Asquith, received the
following telegram from Cairo:
"A meeting of 6,000 Egyptians assembled here to-day desires to
convey to your high personage the unanimous and energetic
protest of the Egyptian people against the occupation, and
from to-day demands the evacuation, relying upon the
engagements and solemn oaths of the Queen’s Governments.
Moreover, to gain our friendship is more preferable for
English honour than to lose our hearts and support."
The protest was also sent to the Grand Vizier in
Constantinople and to the Young Egypt Congress in Geneva.
EHRLICH, Paul.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
EHR-LUNG-SHAN FORT, Capture of.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
EIGHT HOUR LABOR DAY.
See(in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.
ELECTIONS, Political:
Contributions from Corporations prohibited.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY).
----------ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Start--------
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1906.
Universal Suffrage adopted in Austria.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Belgium: A. D. 1902.
Opposition to the Plural Suffrage defeated.
See (in this Volume)
BELGIUM: A. D. 1902, and 1904.
See in Volume I. of this work,
CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM.
See in Volume VI. of this work,
BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: China: A. D. 1908.
The Constitutional Promise.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.
{220}
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: England: A. D. 1909.
Second reading of the Representation of the People Bill,
extending the Suffrage to Women and others.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Germany: A. D. 1906.
Extensions of popular rights in some parts of the Empire.
A comedy of election reform in Prussia.
"The agitation for the extension of popular rights is vigorous
in many parts of the Empire. The Kingdom of Würtemberg has
just reformed its antique constitution by eliminating from the
Lower House the privileged members, ‘knights’ and clergymen,
and substituting members elected by popular vote. Baden has
introduced universal suffrage, and Bavaria has changed from
indirect to direct voting. In the Kingdom of Saxony, which a
decade ago remodeled its election law in a plutocratic
direction, the government is now trying to retrace its steps.
The Oldenburg government has committed itself to universal
suffrage; and in Saxe-Weimar the Liberal parties and the
Socialists have formed a compact to establish it. In the midst
of this democratic movement Prussia has just carried through a
slight revision of its election laws. …
"The government [Prussian] came forward last spring with a
scheme of election reform which is nothing short of comical in
its bureaucratic narrowness. Several huge city districts were
divided, and ten new seats in the Chamber created,—not,
however as a recognition of the rights of the urban
population, but in order to facilitate the mere formalities of
balloting. The number of electors in such districts had
outgrown the capacity of any hall to hold them."
_W. C. Dreher,
The Year in Germany
(Atlantic Monthly, November, 1906)_.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: India:
Slight exercise of local self-government.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: India:
Introduction of popular representation in
the Legislative Councils.
See INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Persia:
Under the recent Constitution.
See (in this Volume)
CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Philippine Islands.
Provisions of election law.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Porto Rico:
Change of qualifications for the suffrage.
See (in this Volume)
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901-1905.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Proportional Representation: England:
The subject under discussion.
The practicability and desirability of proportional
representation has been under investigation in the United
Kingdom, during 1909, by a Royal Commission, which has had
frequent sessions for hearings at Whitehall. At a hearing in
October Lord Hugh Cecil, who represents Oxford in the House of
Commons, argued with great force in favor of proportional
representation, as a means of moderating the constraint
exercised over independent opinion by party ties. He said that
the present system was not satisfactory. It greatly hindered
free discussion in the House of Commons, and tended to
exaggerate there the intensity of feeling and the rigidity of
the party system. Majorities were generally large, and often
it was merely a trial of endurance. The empty condition of the
House on many occasions proved that discussion never
influenced divisions, and there was an elimination of
independent opinion. Decisions were on party issues, except
when new subjects such as the fiscal question, were brought
forward. With smaller majorities independent opinion—specific
rather than general—would have more opportunity, and that
would be a gain. There was a growing tendency to lift foreign
politics and, to a lesser degree, Colonial politics beyond
party, and to a large extent the Government could count on the
support of moderate opponents when foreign and Colonial
matters were considered. He did not think the effect of
proportional representation would be to form any more groups
than they had at present, but his desire was that there should
be members who were not absolute party men, and independent
members would have more chance of getting returned. He
considered that desirable, and did not apprehend the return of
faddists. Even now faddists were easily elected to Parliament,
where for the most part they were disregarded. He did not
agree that practically all sections of the community were
represented under the existing system. A very large and
important section between the two parties was never
represented, having always to choose between one or the other
extreme.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: South Africa:
The Principle in Practice.
The principle of proportional representation was brought into
practice in the municipal elections of the Transvaal in
October, 1909. The Constitution of the South Africa Union,
which goes into effect in the spring of 1910, applies it,
also, to the election of senators in the Union Parliament.
"The proportional method chosen is, in each case, that of the
single transferable vote, and the Johannesburg elections will
furnish an example of the use of this system on a larger scale
than any hitherto attempted, whilst the senatorial elections
will furnish examples of its application to very small
electorates. The duty of the voter, both in the senatorial and
in the municipal elections, will be the same. He must place
the figure 1 against the candidate for whom he desires to
vote, and, in addition, he may and should place the figures 2,
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and so on against the names of the other
candidates in the order of his preference. The numbering of
additional preferences, if not so vital as that of marking the
first choice, is of extreme importance, and the elector should
continue to indicate preferences until he has exhausted his
powers of choice. The object, in marking preferences, is to
prevent the waste of voting power. For, if the elector’s first
choice has obtained more votes than are necessary to secure
his election, or if his first choice has obtained so few votes
as to be hopelessly out of the running, the returning officer
will carry forward these votes in accordance with the wishes
expressed by the electors, as indicated by the preferences
marked. … The vote is always credited to the first choice and
is not transferred save in the contingencies named. If,
however, no effective use can be made of the vote in the
return of the elector’s first choice the returning officer, in
the absence of any instructions from the voter, will be unable
to carry the vote forward, and the vote will therefore have no
influence in determining the result of the election. Electors
should therefore exercise to the full their privilege of
marking preferences."
_The State
(South African National Magazine),
October, 1909._
{221}
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Prussia: A. D. 1909.
Rejection of proposed Reforms.
The result of new proposals for reforming the intolerable
class-system of voting in Prussia (see CONSTITUTION OF PRUSSIA
in Volume VI. of this work), proposals of more sincerity than
those of 1906, described above,—was thus reported in a Press
despatch from Berlin, January 26, 1909:
"The debate upon the motions regarding reform of the Prussian
franchise was concluded in the Lower House of the Diet to-day.
After two more speeches had been delivered the Conservatives
moved and carried the closure, and the various reform
proposals were put to the vote. All the motions were rejected.
Against most of the proposals so large a hostile majority was
shown when the Deputies were invited to rise from their seats
that no counting of votes was necessary. A motion in favour of
the substitution of direct for indirect election was rejected,
upon a division, by 168 votes against 165—a majority of three.
Upon this question, and also upon the main question—the
introduction of a universal and equal franchise with secrecy
of the ballot—most of the Centre Party Deputies voted with the
Left, and the majority consisted almost entirely of
Conservatives and Free Conservatives, who under the existing
system, possess an absolute majority in the Diet."
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Prussia: A. D. 1910.
A bill brought forward by the Government in February, 1910,
professing to reform the elective franchise, gave less than no
satisfaction to the mass of the people, who resented it as an
insult to their rights. The measure was reported to make no
change in the three-class system of voting, which ensures to
wealth its political domination, and it refused the secret
ballot. It conceded nothing of reform except a direct instead
of an indirect election of representatives, and provoked
formidable demonstrations of popular indignation in Berlin and
other cities.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Russia: A. D. 1906.
The Franchise as exercised in the election of the Dumas.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 and 1907.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Sweden: A. D. 1909.
Franchise Reform Law.
See (in this Volume)
SWEDEN: A. D. 1909.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Turkey: A. D. 1908.
Under the Constitution regained by Revolution.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: United States:
Direct primary nomination of candidates.
After a long and unsatisfactory experience in the United
States of the nomination of candidates for public office by
conventions of delegates, the people have been rapidly
discarding that system within the last few years, replacing it
by the institution of primary elections, at which candidates
for the subsequent _election_ are _selected_ by
direct vote. The old delegate system tended irresistibly to
give the picking of candidates (between whom the people had
finally a narrow choice) to little handfuls of men who make
manipulative party management their main business in life,
with objects of self profit, either in money or political
power. Effective revolt against this evil-working system began
in the Western States and is now strong in the East. The
following summary statement of what it had accomplished, up to
the spring of 1909, is from a pamphlet then published by the
Citizens Union of New York City, in support of a "Direct
Primary Bill" which was pending at the time in the Legislature
of the State of New York:
"The direct primary is now the most usual system of making
nominations in the United States, and in no case has a state,
a county, or a town turned back from direct nominations to the
convention system. It is no longer an experiment, having been
tried out under varying conditions in so many states that it
is possible to be guided by experience in avoiding the dangers
of an imperfect direct primary law.
"Fourteen states [Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana,
Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Oklahoma,
Oregon, South Dakota, Texas, Washington, and Wisconsin], with
a total population of 25,323,039, have _mandatory_ laws
_requiring_ the use of this plan in selecting candidates
of the principal parties for practically all offices. Three
other states [Minnesota, Ohio, Pennsylvania] have mandatory
laws covering practically all except the state offices. Five
other states [Indiana, Massachusetts, Michigan, New Jersey,
Tennessee] have _mandatory_ laws covering certain
localities or offices. Five states [Alabama, Florida,
Kentucky, Michigan, Tennessee], including two of the above,
have optional laws covering practically all officers, the
provisions of which laws have been largely taken advantage of.
There are direct nominations laws of a weaker sort, some of
them of little or no value, in many other states. Party rules
have established direct nominations for at least the majority
party in nearly all of the Southern states not mentioned
above.
"About one-half of the states, including those in which the
system has been established by party rules, use direct
nominations for practically all elective offices. The states
in which the system is established by mandatory law for
practically all elective offices have about thirty per cent.
of the population of the United States.
"Of the thirty-one United States senators elected last fall,
seventeen were nominated by direct primaries. Fifteen out of
thirty-two governors of states were so nominated. There is a
strong movement for direct primaries in states which do not at
present use this system to any considerable extent, namely:
Vermont, Connecticut, New Hampshire, New York, California,
Colorado, Idaho and Utah. In New Hampshire, both Republican
and Democratic parties declared for it in their party
platforms last fall, and the Republican Governor has
recommended it to the Republican Legislature. In California,
two direct nominations laws have been passed, but declared
unconstitutional. Last fall, an amendment to the constitution
of that state permitting the legislature to enact a direct
nominations law was passed by a vote of the people.
"A brief outline of how direct nominations originated and how
the system has been extended until it has been substituted for
the convention system by a majority of the American people
furnishes a strong argument in its favor. It is an American
system, and a product of the struggle of the American people
for the control of their government.
"Direct primaries originated in Crawford County, Pennsylvania,
where the so-called Crawford County System was established by
action of a Republican County Committee in 1860 and has been
in force ever since. On two occasions, the question of whether
it should be retained was put before the Republican voters and
overwhelmingly decided in the affirmative, the last of these
votes being taken after the system had been in force for
nineteen years. Its popularity led to its adoption throughout
the entire Congressional district for all nominations.
{222}
"The Minnesota direct primary law for the city of Minneapolis,
Hennepin County, was enacted in 1899. After it had been tried
in the city for two years, public sentiment, because of the
excellent results achieved under the new law in Minneapolis,
insisted upon its being extended, and other localities were
brought within its provisions. Minnesota at present has a
mandatory state-wide law applying to practically all except
state offices. The newspapers of Minneapolis all declared for
it, and no man of prominence in the state took a stand against
it after it had been tried in the city.
"Michigan adopted direct primaries in 1903 for use in Grand
Rapids, Kent County. The result was the defeat for
re-nomination of the Mayor under whose administration the
so-called water scandal had developed. Two years later,
candidates in Kent County were requested to go on record as to
whether they favored a general direct primary law for the
state. All who recorded their positions declared for such a
law, and it was commonly reported in the newspapers that
opposition to direct primaries would mean defeat for any
candidate who took so unpopular a stand.
"Thereafter direct nominations spread rapidly through the
middle western states. Mandatory laws were substituted for
optional laws, and state-wide laws for laws applying to
certain localities or offices."
The movement for direct primary voting, to supersede delegated
conventions in the nomination of candidates for office, was
inspired and invigorated powerfully in New York by Governor
Hughes (see, in this Volume, NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910),
soon after his second term in the executive administration
began. He saw that nothing else could emancipate the political
parties of the State from their "boss"-ridden servitude, and
make them real organs of expression for the mind and will of
the people. The whole force of his great influence then went
to the help of the advocates of this reform, and it produced a
public wakening on the subject which years of ordinary
agitation might have failed to bring about. He brought,
moreover, to the movement an inborn statesmanship of judgment
and an intellectual training which gave it the wisest
direction it had yet received. The Bill which he assisted to
frame, embodying his official recommendations, was designed
more carefully than the legislation in other States had been,
not only to avoid any weakening of the organization of
political parties, but to give them the strength of a
leadership conferred truly and freely by its followers. The
measure was opposed desperately by the existing "organization"
of the party in power, and that combination was represented in
the Legislature so much more effectively than the people were
that it compassed the defeat of the Bill, in the session of
1909.
Four times the people of Illinois have extorted acts from
their Legislature providing for direct nominations, and thrice
the enactments, badly framed, have been pronounced
unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the State. The fourth
of these pieces of legislation, produced in February, 1910, is
not yet tested.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
Disfranchising Amendment to the Maryland Constitution defeated.
A disfranchising amendment to the Constitution of Maryland,
designed not only to exclude many colored people from the
suffrage, but to give the now dominant political party a
complete mastery of the ballot box, was rejected by the people
when submitted to them at the election of November, 1909.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
Short Ballot Reform.
A movement that will gain force if the grave reasons for it
can be duly impressed on the popular mind has been assuming
organized form of late. The prime mover in it is Mr. Richard
S. Childs, of New York, who began missionary work for it in a
convincing magazine article on "The Doctrine of the Short
Ballot," published in 1908. Printed afterwards in a small
pamphlet, this impressive argument has had wide circulation
and has drawn many men of influence into league with the
author for urging the subject on public attention. The aim is
to reduce elective offices in State, county and town to such a
limited number that the average voter can acquaint himself
with the comparative merits of candidates and make a fairly
intelligent choice, which he cannot do when the number is
large. "We must shorten the ballot," wrote Mr. Childs, "to a
point where the average man will vote intelligently without
giving to politics more attention than he does at present."
"Voting a straight ticket is not a matter of party loyalty so
much as of not knowing what else to do, and split tickets will
become common as soon as the list is reduced to a point where
each candidate becomes in the mind of the voter a definite
personality instead of a mere name on a long list. To make
public office conspicuous can only be accomplished by making
it stand out in solitude before the gaze of the voter. Let all
the encumbrances in the shape of minor offices disappear from
the ballot and be made appointive. Or at the very least
prevent the few offices from overshadowing the many. Make all
the candidates conspicuous by letting no one be more
conspicuous than another."
A digest of the "short ballot" doctrine is offered in the
following propositions:
"To the average American voter most of the long ballot is a
mere list of names. He registers a genuine personal opinion
only on certain conspicuous offices—the rest he necessarily
delegates by default to organizations of ‘political
specialists.’
"These political organizations, if victorious, sink into the
control of their worst members, since these members having
most to gain and being least scrupulous can generally win
within the organization. Then these men run public
administrations as badly as they dare.
"But we get good men for any conspicuous office where there is
adequate public scrutiny of the candidate, and even Tammany
offers us satisfactory public servants in such places.
"_Therefore_, if we make most offices appointive so as to
_shorten the ballot_, till the voter can master his whole
task, and every elected officer becomes conspicuous before his
constituents, political machines will become impotent and
merit will become the most important asset for a candidate.
"The result will be uniform clean government as in England,
Canada, etc., where they have 'The Short Ballot’ already."
{223}
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
Suffrage Amendment to the Georgia Constitution adopted
by popular vote.
A suffrage amendment to the Constitution of the State of
Georgia, adopted by an overwhelming popular vote in October,
1908, provides that, in order to register and vote according
to the provisions of this amendment, a man must, besides
meeting certain requirements as to residence and the payment
of his taxes, have one of the following qualifications: Either
(1) he must have served in the land or naval forces of the
United States or the Confederate States or the State of
Georgia in time of war, or be lawfully descended from one who
has done so; _or_
(2) he must be a person of good character, satisfying the
registrars of election that he understands the duties and
obligations of citizenship; _or_
(3) he must correctly read in the English language any
paragraph of the United States Constitution or the State
Constitution, and, unless physically incapacitated from doing
so, correctly write the same when read to him; _or_
(4) he must be the owner of at least forty acres of land in
the State in which he resides, or the owner of five hundred
dollars’ worth of property in the State assessed for taxation.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Woman Suffrage:
At Large: Present extent of the movement.
"We rejoice in the immense progress made by women in the last
60 years. In 1848 women had votes nowhere in the world except
the school vote in Kentucky by widows with children of school
age, and a very limited franchise in some parts of Europe.
Today women vote for all elected officers in Finland, Norway,
Federated Australia, New Zealand, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah and
Idaho: they have municipal suffrage in England, Scotland,
Ireland and Wales, in Canada, Kansas, Sweden, Denmark and
Iceland; tax suffrage in Louisiana, Montana, Iowa and New
York, and school suffrage in one-half the States of the Union.
When that first convention met, only one College in the United
States admitted women; now hundreds of colleges do so. Then
there was not a single woman physician, or ordained minister,
or lawyer; now there are 7000 women physicians and surgeons,
3000 ordained ministers, and one thousand lawyers. Then only a
few poorly paid employments were open to women; now women are
in more than 300 occupations, and comprise 80 per cent. of our
teachers. Then there were scarcely any organizations of women;
now such organizations are numbered by thousands. Then the few
women who dared to speak in public, even on philanthropic
questions, were overwhelmingly condemned by public opinion;
now the women most opposed to equal suffrage travel about the
country making public speeches to prove that a woman’s only
place is at home. Then a married woman in most of our States
could not control her own person, property or earnings; now in
most of the States these laws have been largely amended, and
it is only in regard to the ballot that the fiction of women’s
perpetual minority is still kept up. Most of the demands made
by the convention of 1848, which then seemed so revolutionary,
have been already granted, and are now looked upon as matters
of course. … We rejoice in the increasingly rapid progress of
the woman suffrage cause. Every year shows some gain. Since
our last annual meeting Parliamentary suffrage has been
extended to the women of Norway; municipal suffrage to the
women of Denmark; Sweden has made women eligible to municipal
office; Russia has given women of property a proxy vote for
members of the Douma; and Great Britain, with only 15
dissenting votes, has made women eligible as Mayors, Aldermen
and County and Town Councillors. We congratulate the women of
Great Britain upon their gallant fight for the franchise."
_Resolutions of the 40th Annual Convention of the
National American Woman Suffrage Association,
at Buffalo, New York, October, 1908._
In Europe "there is the curious anomaly that in its two
so-called republics the cause of woman suffrage is more
backward than in almost any of the other countries. In
Switzerland every man over twenty may vote. A National Woman
Suffrage Association has lately been organized which is
supported by many public men. …
"In France, all men twenty-one years old have the franchise.
The National Council of Women, composed of 55 associations
with about 70,000 members, has recently joined forces with the
National Suffrage Union, thus assuring strong and systematic
effort for the enfranchisement of women. In 1906, a Committee
for the Defence of the Rights of Women was formed in the
Chamber of Deputies, to secure the social, civil and political
rights of women."
_Ida H. Harper
North American Review,
September. 1907._
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Australia.
The Constitution of the Commonwealth of Australia, in its 41st
clause provides as follows:
See (in Volume VI. of this work)
CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.
"No adult person who has or acquires the right to vote at
elections for the more numerous House of the Parliament of a
State, shall, while the right continues, be prevented by any
law of the Commonwealth from voting at elections for either
House of the Commonwealth."
Inasmuch as two of the Australian States, South Australia and
Western Australia, had already extended the suffrage to women
when this federal constitution was adopted, they gained at
once, by its terms, the right of voting at federal elections
in those States. An account of their first appearance in
Australian Federal politics was given subsequently by one of
the women who participated,—in part as follows:
"The political incentive is now the possession of the women of
Australia, and its influence was a potent factor in the recent
Federal elections. The women of South Australia and West
Australia have had the suffrage for some years, so that they
are accustomed to voting, but to the women of the other States
the whole business was new; nevertheless, they voted in as
large numbers proportionally as the men in a majority of the
constituencies, while in some they cast a heavier vote than
the men. The total vote was only 52 per cent. of the voting
strength, the low percentage being due to the fact that the
people as a body have not yet grasped the Federal idea.
Federation has not completely scotched provincialism in
politics, though it is fast doing so, if for no other reason
than the enormous cost of government in this country. The
people are beginning to realize that we are paying the
political piper heavily—fourteen Houses of Parliament and
seven viceroyalties for four millions of people! It is too big
an order, and common sense, as well as the state of our
finances, demands that we should simplify our legislative
machinery. It is right here, as the Americans say, that the
women’s influence will tell.
{224}
During the election campaign, it was most evident that a very
large section of the women favoured those candidates who urged
economy in public expenditure. Individual women, with no idea
of the value of money, may be extravagant, but most women are
compelled by circumstances to be economical, and have a horror
of wasteful expenditure. Therefore the growing demand for less
expensive legislative machinery will find devoted adherents
amongst the women voters. …
"The elections had an added interest in the appearance of four
women candidates in the field—Mrs. Martell, Mrs. Moore (New
South Wales), myself (Victoria), standing for the Senate; and
Miss Selina Anderson (New South Wales) for the House of
Representatives. All were defeated, but the defeat was not
unexpected, as we were well aware that it would be altogether
phenomenal if women were to succeed in their first attempt to
enter a National Parliament. …
"There were eighteen candidates in the field, and, while
unsuccessful, my record of 51,497 votes, when 85,387 were
sufficient to secure election, is most gratifying. I polled
more heavily than one candidate who has been Premier of
Victoria, and than another who had been for twenty-six years a
member of the State legislature, defeating the one by 24,327,
the other by 32,436 votes—51,000 odd votes, in spite of the
opposition of the powerful daily papers, and the prejudice
that a pioneer always has to encounter, is nothing less than a
triumph for the cause that I represent, the cause of women and
children."
_Vida Goldstein,
The Political Woman in Australia
(Nineteenth Century, July, 1904)._
"The argument that women will not vote is completely disproved
by Australian experience. They not only vote, but they vote in
continually increasing numbers as time goes on, and they
become educated up to a sense of their political
responsibilities and all that these imply. Not all the states
discriminate in their returns between men and women voters,
but those that do show something like the following: In South
Australia, at the last general election, 59 per cent. of the
men on the rolls voted, and 42 per cent. of the women; in
Western Australia, 49 per cent. of the men and 47 per cent. of
the women voted; at the last Federal election, 56 per cent. of
the men voted, and 40 per cent. of the women. None of the
Australian states has yet reached the extraordinary record of
New Zealand, where, in 1902, nearly 75 per cent. of the women
electors recorded their votes, as against 76 per cent. of
their brothers.
"It is unnecessary to add that the conservative woman votes.
Her husband or father and their newspaper take good care that
the duty of doing so is well impressed upon her, even though
abstractly they may all three disapprove of woman in politics,
and have striven to avert her appearing in that arena as long
as they possibly could. …
"Among the measures that can be traced to woman suffrage
within the last ten years are prematernity acts, acts raising
the age of consent, family maintenance acts, and many acts
improving children’s conditions by extending juvenile courts,
limiting hours of work, providing better inspection,
forbidding sale to children of drink, drugs and doubtful
literature."
_Alice Henry,
The Australian Woman and the Ballot
(North American Review, December 21, 1906)._
Writing in the New York _Evening Post_ of February 10,
1909, Mrs. Ida Husted Harper makes the following statements:
"The recent announcement that the upper house of Parliament in
Victoria, Australia, had passed a woman suffrage bill by a
vote of 23 to 5, marked the gaining of complete suffrage for
women in all of Australasia. Since 1902 women have had a vote
in Australia for members of the national Parliament, and for a
number of years the vote for State officials in all the States
except Victoria. There the lower house, or Assembly, has
fifteen times passed a bill giving this vote to women only to
have it rejected by the upper house, or Council. The Assembly
is elected by popular vote; the Council is not. … With their
municipal and national franchise the women were able to make
things decidedly uncomfortable for the opponents, in which
they were encouraged and aided by the labor unions. At last
the council surrendered unconditionally, and the vote of
twenty-three to five showed that most of them tried to get
into the band wagon. The five who voted ‘no’ were probably ‘in
for life,’ and not afraid of the consequences. … Australia has
thoroughly tested woman suffrage, first in municipal affairs,
and then in those of State and nation. There is not one
objection made against it which is not refuted by the actual
experience of that country. All the talk about who will take
care of the baby and what will become of the home, its men
would brush aside as so much chaff."
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Denmark:
Its first exercise in Municipal Elections.
Danish municipal elections in March, 1909, were conducted
under a new law which gives every woman who either pays direct
taxes or whose husband does so the right to vote. The law also
provides for a system of proportional representation. "There
was naturally much discussion beforehand," wrote a newspaper
correspondent from Copenhagen, "as to what would be the result
of this first experiment in woman suffrage in Denmark. The
Conservatives, indeed, protested for a long time before they
yielded to its claims. As far as can now be ascertained the
relative strength of the parties in the councils will be
practically unchanged, that is to say, the Conservatives will
still have a slight majority. This is at all events the case
in and around Copenhagen, where the women took a very active
part in the voting, nearly 75 per cent. of those who were
entitled to vote having done so."
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: England:
Qualification for County and Borough Councils.
The following are the provisions of an Act of Parliament
approved in August, 1907:
"A woman shall not be disqualified by sex or marriage for
being elected or being a councillor or alderman of the council
of any county or borough (including a metropolitan borough):
Provided that a woman if elected as chairman of a county
council or mayor of a borough shall not by virtue of holding
or having held that office be a justice of the peace."
{225}
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
The Campaign of the Militant Suffragists or "Suffragettes."
The cause of the women who desire and demand equal political
rights with men seemed to be advancing fast toward complete
victory in Great Britain, in 1906-1907, when the impatient among
them began resorting to militant methods of agitation. It is
probably safe to say that no other movement by any part of any
people in any country, for obtaining an extension of political
rights, had ever been carried by rational discussion and
appeal to a point of more encouragement than the woman
suffrage movement in the United Kingdom had then attained. For
everything elective in local government the vote had been won
for women, and the opening of county and borough offices to
them was on the eve of being written into law. Representation
in Parliament, only, had not been secured, but the disposition
to concede it was growing from day to day. It was at this
stage of promising progress in the movement that an impatient
section of its promoters became persuaded that some
disturbance of the public peace and some troubling of the
Government would hasten the final triumph of their cause. Why
they were led to that conclusion was explained to an American
audience in New York by their leader, Mrs. Pankhurst, in
October, 1909, as follows:
"The Liberals failed to put woman suffrage in their Newcastle
programme. We waited on Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, leader
of that party, and who would be prime minister, but he said he
was too busy seeing voters to attend to women. The other
parties acted in the same way, so we were forced to other
action. A. J. Balfour, the Tory leader, upon whom we called,
declared that he was in favor of equal suffrage, but was
honest enough to add that no statesman would propose a bill to
give it unless it were made a practical question of politics.
"You have heard much of our methods. You have condemned them,
but whether they were right or wrong, objectionable or not,
they have certainly accomplished our object of bringing the
question before the British public as a practical political
question. … My grandmother was a Chartist, and so I determined
to follow in her footsteps.
"It was at Manchester, almost on the site of the Peterloo
franchise riots, when the yeomen, with their bayonets, cut
down the men seeking votes, that our agitation began. Sir
Edward Grey was closing the great Liberal revival in
Lancashire by a great meeting. Women were admitted to meetings
in England in those days; it is not so now. We decided to be
there with a banner on which we would inscribe the motto ‘Will
the Liberal government give working women the vote?’ Annie
Kenny, an officer of the Cotton Workers’ Trade Union, was
chosen to put the question to Sir Edward Grey. She accepted on
condition that my daughter, Christobel Pankhurst, would
accompany her and hold her hand. We tried to get them seats in
the front of the balcony, where they could unfurl the banner.
We failed in this, so we got seats in the area, and had to
change the banner. The new one was made on my dining-room
table with a piece of calico and some black paint and
contained the now world-wide motto: ‘Votes for Women.’
"Sir Edward Grey delivered a great speech, but there was
nothing in it about giving women votes. Several questions were
put to him, and he answered as all public speakers should, and
as they always do in England. When he was done, more questions
were in order. Annie Kenny rose and unfurled her banner,
holding it up in a hand from which she had lost a finger while
at work in the mills at an age when girls should not be
allowed to work—especially when they are intended for
motherhood. Holding her companion’s hand, she put her
question: ‘Will the Liberal government give working women
votes?’ Instantly the stewards pounced upon her; hands were
pressed over her mouth, and she was forced to sit down. She
was told to write her question, and it would be answered. A
vote of thanks was proposed, and Sir Edward Grey answered.
"When he failed to answer her question, Annie Kenny rose and
insisted on an answer. She was pounced upon; six men dragged
her hat off and pulled her to the door, but her last words as
she was thrown out were: ‘Sir Edward Grey, answer my
question.’ My daughter took up the task, and repeated the
question. She, too, was set upon and dragged past the stage,
upon which sat men who had known her from childhood, who had
voted for her father; but so strong is party spirit that they
allowed her to be thrown out without protest.
"They held a meeting outside and were arrested for obstructing
the police. They were fined, and went to jail. But we had
gained what we wanted. The press, which had ignored us,
heralded our cause. We were giving them good copy."
In the early period of the campaign of public disturbance
which the militant suffragists had thus planned, their
operations were directed mainly to the interruption of
speakers at political meetings, not only by questions, but by
bell-ringing and the like, provoking forcible ejection, arrest
and fine, or commitment to jail. Presently some resorted to
the device of chaining themselves to seats, prolonging the
disturbance and heightening its sensational character. The
crowning sensation of this description was achieved on the 8th
of November, 1908, when two daring suffragettes who had gained
admission to the women’s gallery in the House of Commons
chained themselves to the metal lattice work in front of it
and opened a fire of questions and demands on the dismayed law
makers below. In the previous month the House had been
besieged by a great mob of women who attempted to force their
way into its well-guarded chambers, under Mrs. Pankhurst’s
lead. She and others of the leaders, arrested on this
occasion, refused to give bonds to keep the peace, and were
sentenced to imprisonment for three months.
From this time on, the devices of public disturbance and of
annoyance to Parliament and Ministers became more and more
ingeniously sensational. One performance, on the 27th of
April, 1909, was thus described by a London newspaper of the
morning after:
"St. Stephen’s Hall is built upon the site of the old
Parliament, its dimensions in length and width are the same,
its memories embalm the great Parliamentary tradition, it is
the place where the liberties of the people have been won.
This is the place which was chosen yesterday by woman
suffragists for a degrading exhibition of disorder. On either
side of the hall are two rows of wonderful statues, like white
ghosts of the old Parliament. To the legs of four of these
statues as many women yesterday afternoon fastened themselves,
after their practice, with chains, and remained there, a
centre of disturbance, until an end was put to their mimic
slavery by the police. The statues were those of Selden,
Walpole, Somers, and Falkland; and it is matter for great
regret that Falkland’s statue, in its pathetic grace the most
charming of them all, has been wantonly injured by this rough
usage."
{226}
On the 24th of June the lobby of the House of Commons became
the scene of another performance in the same spirit by a
single dauntless actor,—thus related: "Miss Wallace Dunlop,
who was intercepted the other day in an attempt to deface with
indelible ink the walls of the lobby of the House of Commons
with an appeal on behalf of ‘Votes for Women,’ succeeded
yesterday in accomplishing her object. Disguised as an elderly
lady and carrying a brown handbag, she eluded the vigilance of
the police till well within the lobby of the House. Drawing
from her handbag a small wooden stencil, or board, with felt
attached and saturated with indelible purple ink, she
succeeded in placing it against the wall of the lobby at a
conspicuous spot. The ink was at once absorbed into the
surface of the wall. The words written were:--‘Women’s
Deputation, June 29th. Bill of Rights. It is the right of the
subjects to petition the King, and all commitments and
prosecutions for such petitioning are illegal.’ Miss Wallace
Dunlop was taken to Cannon-row Police-station, and after being
detained two hours was charged with doing wilful damage. She
will be brought before the magistrates at Bow Street this
morning."
Miss Dunlop received a sentence of imprisonment, and
inaugurated in prison a more heroic protest against and
defiance of the tyranny of which she believed herself to be a
victim. It is described in the following manifesto, published
by the National Women’s Social and Political Union (the
principal organization of the militant suffragists) on the
14th of July:
"The women who have been sent to prison in connexion with
woman suffrage disturbances have, from the beginning, demanded
treatment as political prisoners, and have appealed to the
Home Secretary to accord them the rights and privileges to
which political prisoners are entitled in every part of the
world. As this appeal has been disregarded, women have now
decided to take the law into their own hands, and, by carrying
on a revolt in prison, to force the hands of the authorities
to concede them what they have refused to give as a matter of
justice.
"The first action taken in the matter was that of Miss Wallace
Dunlop, sent to prison on Friday, July 2, for imprinting an
extract from the Bill of Rights upon one of the walls in the
House of Commons. Political treatment being refused to her,
and being ordered to wear prison clothes and eat prison food,
Miss Wallace Dunlop determined to strike a blow for her rights
by refusing absolutely to eat the food offered to her. After
91 hours of starvation—during which time communications were
constantly passing between the Governor of the prison and the
Home Office—the authorities decided to give in, and Miss
Wallace Dunlop was released.
"The 14 members of the Women’s Social and Political Union who
were sent to prison on Monday, July 12, in connexion with the
stone throwing at the Government buildings on June 29, have
determined to carry out a further revolt. Before leaving for
prison they informed the officers of the union that it was
their intention, if denied the rights of political prisoners,
to carry out an effective protest in prison. When ordered to
take off their own clothes and to put on prison clothes they
intended to refuse to do so, and standing all together they
would refuse to be put into cells of the second division. If
put into their cells by force and undressed, they would refuse
in the morning to get up and dress excepting into their own
clothes. They also informed members of the union that they
would refuse to obey the rule of silence, but would talk to
one another whenever they liked and would sing aloud during
retention.
"In making this protest the women claim that they are fighting
for the preservation of the rights of political prisoners,
which were not denied even in the Bastille."
Miss Dunlop’s heroic protest, by refusing prison food, was
taken up at once and repeated by numbers of her imprisoned
sisters; until the prison authorities met it by forcibly
administering food, in the manner of treatment applied
sometimes to desperate convicts or to the insane; and this, of
course, is more than repugnant and distressing to the feeling
of everybody. The whole unexampled situation is repugnant and
distressing, however it may be viewed. The cause involved is
so pitifully stripped of its dignity, simply for the reason
that the sex whose cause it is has nothing in body or mind to
qualify it for effectual rioting. A mob of men can invest its
mischievous doings with the impressiveness of terror, which
crushes laughter and contempt. A mob of such women as the
champion suffragists are cannot do so, and the riot they
attempt is but a travesty, which challenges jeers, and sadly
smirches the after heroism of the self-starved rioters in
their prison cells. The difference between a political
insurrection of men and the insurgency of Mrs. Pankhurst and
her followers is the difference between a menace that alarms
and a nuisance that annoys and provokes. With what effect the
cause of woman suffrage has been made a public nuisance in
England remains to be seen. The advantage to it is dubious, to
say the least. On this point Mr. Winston Churchill, President
of the Board of Trade, spoke his mind plainly to a deputation
of suffragettes who called on him at Dundee on the 18th of
last October. He said:
"I saw the beginning of what you call the militant tactics.
They broke out in my late constituency, North-West Manchester,
and during the four years that have passed I have fought three
by-elections, and have made a great many speeches about the
country. So, I suppose, I have come very nearly as much in
contact with them as any other Cabinet Minister. … You have
come to me in a deputation, and I am bound to give you my
candid and truthful opinion that your cause is in a worse
position now than it was four years ago. I do not mean by that
that anything has been done which will prevent the ultimate
success of the movement. I do not think that is so, but I am
quite sure that, while these tactics of silly disorder and
petty violence continue, there is not the slightest chance of
any Government that will be called into power, or of any House
of Commons which is likely to be elected, giving you the
reform which you seek. That is my honest, unprejudiced view."
{227}
The National Union of Women Suffrage Societies, of which Mrs.
Henry Fawcett is President, represents a large body of women
claimants of the suffrage who distinctly disapprove of and
disclaim responsibility for the proceedings of their militant
allies. In a statement which this National Union communicated
to the Prime Minister on the 2d of October, 1909, they set
forth the following facts in evidence of the strength of the
popular support given to their claims: Since the beginning of
1908 the National Union had taken part in 31 by-elections in
Great Britain. "These have been contested by 69 candidates, of
whom 26 were Liberals, 32 Unionists, and 11 Labour, Socialist,
or Independent. Of these 69 candidates, only nine declared
themselves opponents of woman suffrage. The rest in varying
degrees accepted the principle of the enfranchisement of
women. A few merely stated that they were not hostile, but the
overwhelming majority frankly accepted it, some even pledging
themselves to oppose any further extension of the franchise to
men so long as it was withheld from women."
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Finland:
The great victory of 1906.
"The great victory for woman suffrage in 1906 was won in
Finland, where women were enfranchised on exactly the same
terms as men, and made eligible to all offices, including
seats in Parliament. This gives the vote at once to about
300,000 women. Preceding and during the revolution, in the
attempt to throw off the Russian yoke, the women shared with
the men the work, the hardships and the dangers; and, when the
triumph came, there was not a thought on the part of men of
excluding women from any portion of the rewards, the most
important of which was the suffrage. But they themselves had
long been preparing the ground. The Finnish Women’s
Association to work for equal rights was founded in 1884 by
Baroness Alexandra Gripenberg and never ceased its efforts. In
1892 the Woman’s Alliance Union was organized, more democratic
and aggressive in its character. … After the vast national
strike in the autumn of 1905, while a body of leading men were
drawing up a Declaration of Rights to be presented to the
Tsar, Dr. (Miss) Tekla Hulsin, a member of the National Bureau
of Statistics, made an eloquent plea in behalf of the women,
and they were included in its demand for universal suffrage. …
The Tsar signed it in November, giving his consent to the
proposed reforms. Immediately the women set to work,
lecturing, organizing, getting up petitions, and finally held
another huge mass-meeting in Helsingfors, demanding that the
Diet carry out this measure. All of the political parties put
it in their platforms. On May 28th, 1906, the Diet with only
one dissenting vote passed the bill giving the suffrage to all
men and women twenty-four years old. This was signed by the
Tsar on July 20th."