CHAPTER XVI.

CORRESPONDENCE OF WASHINGTON AND SCHUYLER ON THE DISASTERS IN

CANADA—REINFORCEMENTS REQUIRED FROM NEW ENGLAND—DANGERS IN THE INTERIOR

OF NEW YORK—JOHNSON HALL BELEAGUERED—SIR JOHN CAPITULATES—GENEROUS

CONDUCT OF SCHUYLER—GOVERNOR TRYON AND THE TORIES—TORY MACHINATIONS—LEE

AT NEW YORK—SIR HENRY CLINTON IN THE HARBOR—MENACES OF LEE—THE CITY AND

RIVER FORTIFIED—LEE’S TREATMENT OF THE TORIES—HIS PLANS OF

FORTIFICATION—ORDERED TO THE COMMAND IN CANADA—HIS SPECULATIONS ON

TITLES OF DIGNITY.

Schuyler’s letter to Washington, announcing the recent events, was

written with manly feeling. “I wish,” said he, “I had no occasion to

send my dear general this melancholy account. My amiable friend, the

gallant Montgomery, is no more; the brave Arnold is wounded; and we have

met with a severe check in an unsuccessful attempt on Quebec. May Heaven

be graciously pleased that the misfortune may terminate here! I tremble

for our people in Canada.”

Alluding to his recent request to retire from the army, he writes: “Our

affairs are much worse than when I made the request. This is motive

sufficient for me to continue to serve my country in any way I can be

thought most serviceable; but my utmost can be but little, weak and

indisposed as I am.”

Washington was deeply moved by the disastrous intelligence. “I most

sincerely condole with you,” writes he, in reply to Schuyler, “upon the

fall of the brave and worthy Montgomery. In the death of this gentleman,

America has sustained a heavy loss. I am much concerned for the intrepid

and enterprising Arnold, and greatly fear that consequences of the most

alarming nature will result from this well-intended, but unfortunate

attempt.”

General Schuyler, who was now in Albany, urged the necessity of an

immediate reinforcement of three thousand men for the army in Canada.

Washington had not a man to spare from the army before Boston. He

applied, therefore, on his own responsibility, to Massachusetts, New

Hampshire and Connecticut, for three regiments, which were granted. His

prompt measure received the approbation of Congress, and further

reinforcements were ordered from the same quarters.

Solicitude was awakened about the interior of the province of New York.

Arms and ammunition were said to be concealed in Tryon County, and

numbers of the tories in that neighborhood preparing for hostilities.

Sir John Johnson had fortified Johnson Hall, gathered about him his

Scotch Highland tenants and Indian allies, and it was rumored he

intended to carry fire and sword along the valley of the Mohawk.

Schuyler, in consequence, received orders from Congress to take measures

for securing the military stores, disarming the disaffected, and

apprehending their chiefs. He forthwith hastened from Albany, at the

head of a body of soldiers; was joined by Colonel Herkimer, with the

militia of Tryon County marshalled forth on the frozen bosom of the

Mohawk River, and appeared before Sir John’s stronghold, near Johnstown,

on the 19th of January.

Thus beleaguered, Sir John, after much negotiation, capitulated. He was

to surrender all weapons of war and military stores in his possession,

and to give his parole not to take arms against America. On these

conditions he was to be at liberty to go as far westward in Tryon County

as the German Flats and Kingsland districts, and to every part of the

colony to the southward and eastward of these districts; provided he did

not go into any seaport town.

Sir John intimated a trust, that he, and the gentlemen with him, would

be permitted to retain such arms as were their own property. The reply

was characteristic: “General Schuyler’s feelings as a gentleman, induce

him to consent that Sir John Johnson may retain the few favorite family

arms, he making a list of them. General Schuyler never refused a

gentleman his side-arms.”

The capitulation being adjusted, Schuyler ordered his troops to be drawn

up in line at noon (Jan. 20th), between his quarters and the Court

House, to receive the surrender of the Highlanders, enjoining profound

silence on his officers and men, when the surrender should be made.

Every thing was conducted with great regard to the feelings of Sir

John’s Scottish adherents; they marched to the front, grounded their

arms, and were dismissed with exhortations to good behavior.

The conduct of Schuyler, throughout this affair, drew forth a resolution

of Congress, applauding him for his fidelity, prudence and expedition,

and the proper temper he had maintained toward the “deluded people” in

question. Washington, too, congratulated him on his success. “I hope,”

writes he, “General Lee will execute a work of the same kind on Long

Island. It is high time to begin with our internal foes, when we are

threatened with such severity of chastisement from our kind parent

without.”

The recent reverses in Canada had, in fact, heightened the solicitude of

Washington about the province of New York. That province was the central

and all-important link in the confederacy; but he feared it might prove

a brittle one. We have already mentioned the adverse influences in

operation there. A large number of friends to the crown, among the

official and commercial classes; rank tories, (as they were called,) in

the city and about the neighboring country; particularly on Long and

Staten Islands; king’s ships at anchor in the bay and harbor, keeping up

a suspicious intercourse with the citizens; while Governor Tryon,

castled, as it were, on board one of these ships, carried on intrigues

with those disaffected to the popular cause, in all parts of the

neighborhood. County committees had been empowered by the New York

Congress and convention, to apprehend all persons notoriously

disaffected, to examine into their conduct, and ascertain whether they

were guilty of any hostile act or machination. Imprisonment or

banishment was the penalty. The committees could call upon the militia

to aid in the discharge of their functions. Still, disaffection to the

cause was said to be rife in the province, and Washington looked to

General Lee for effective measures to suppress it.

Lee arrived at New York on the 4th of February, his caustic humors

sharpened by a severe attack of the gout, which had rendered it

necessary, while on the march, to carry him for a considerable part of

the way in a litter. His correspondence is a complete mental barometer.

“I consider it as a piece of the greatest good fortune,” writes he to

Washington (Feb. 5th), “that the Congress have detached a committee to

this place, otherwise I should have made a most ridiculous figure,

besides bringing upon myself the enmity of the whole province. My hands

were effectually tied up from taking any step necessary for the public

service by the late resolve of Congress, putting every detachment of the

continental forces under the command of the Provincial Congress where

such detachment is.”

By a singular coincidence, on the very day of his arrival Sir Henry

Clinton, with the squadron which had sailed so mysteriously from Boston,

looked into the harbor. “Though it was Sabbath,” says a letter-writer of

the day, “it threw the whole city into such a convulsion as it never

knew before. Many of the inhabitants hastened to move their effects into

the country, expecting an immediate conflict. All that day and all

night, were there carts going and boats loading, and women and children

crying, and distressed voices heard in the roads in the dead of the

night.”[47]

Clinton sent for the mayor, and expressed much surprise and concern at

the distress caused by his arrival; which was merely, he said, on a

short visit to his friend Tryon, and to see how matters stood. He

professed a juvenile love for the place, and desired that the

inhabitants might be informed of the purport of his visit, and that he

would go away as soon as possible.

“He brought no troops with him,” writes Lee, “and pledges his honor that

none are coming. He says it is merely a visit to his friend Tryon. If it

is really so, it is the most whimsical piece of civility I ever heard

of.”

A gentleman in New York, writing to a friend in Philadelphia, reports

one of the general’s characteristic menaces, which kept the town in a

fever.

“Lee says, he will send word on board of the men-of-war, that, if they

set a house on fire, he will chain a hundred of their friends by the

neck, and make the house their funeral pile.”[48]

For this time, the inhabitants of New York were let off for their fears.

Clinton, after a brief visit, continued his mysterious cruise, openly

avowing his destination to be North Carolina—which nobody believed,

simply because he avowed it.

The Duke of Manchester, speaking in the House of Lords of the conduct of

Clinton, contrasts it with that of Lord Dunmore, who wrapped Norfolk in

flames. “I will pass no censure on that noble lord,” said he, “but I

could wish that he had acted with that generous spirit that forbade

Clinton uselessly to destroy the town of New York. My lords, Clinton

visited New York; the inhabitants expected its destruction. Lee appeared

before it with an army too powerful to be attacked, and Clinton passed

by without doing any wanton damage.”

The necessity of conferring with committees at every step, was a hard

restraint upon a man of Lee’s ardent and impatient temper, who had a

soldierlike contempt for the men of peace around him; yet at the outset

he bore it better than might have been expected.

“The Congress committees, a certain number of the committees of safety,

and your humble servant,” writes he to Washington, “have had two

conferences. The result is such as will agreeably surprise you. It is in

the first place agreed, and justly, that to fortify the town against

shipping is impracticable; but we are to fortify lodgments on some

commanding part of the city for two thousand men. We are to erect

enclosed batteries on both sides of the water, near Hell Gate, which

will answer the double purpose of securing the town against piracies

through the Sound, and secure our communication with Long Island, now

become a more important point than ever; as it is determined to form a

strong fortified camp of three thousand men, on the Island, immediately

opposite to New York. The pass in the Highlands is to be made as

respectable as possible, and guarded by a battalion. In short, I think

the plan judicious and complete.”

The pass in the Highlands above alluded to, is that grand defile of the

Hudson, where, for upwards of fifteen miles, it wends its deep channel

between stern, forest-clad mountains and rocky promontories. Two forts,

about six miles distant from each other, and commanding narrow parts of

the river at its bends through these Highlands, had been commenced in

the preceding autumn, by order of the Continental Congress; but they

were said to be insufficient for the security of that important pass,

and were to be extended and strengthened.

Washington had charged Lee, in his instructions, to keep a stern eye

upon the tories, who were active in New York. “You can seize upon the

persons of the principals,” said he; “they must be so notoriously known,

that there will be little danger of committing mistakes.” Lee acted up

to the letter of these instructions, and weeded out with a vigorous

hand, some of the rankest of the growth. This gave great offence to the

peace-loving citizens, who insisted that he was arrogating a power

vested solely in the civil authority. One of them, well-affected to the

cause, writes: “To see the vast number of houses shut up, one would

think the city almost evacuated. Women and children are scarcely to be

seen in the streets. Troops are daily coming in; they break open and

quarter themselves in any house they find shut.”[49]

The enemy, too, regarded his measures with apprehension. “That arch

rebel Lee,” writes a British officer, “has driven all the well-affected

people from the town of New York. If something is not speedily done, his

Britannic majesty’s American dominions will be confined within a very

narrow compass.”[50]

In the exercise of his military functions, Lee set Governor Tryon and

the captain of the Asia at defiance. “They had threatened perdition to

the town,” writes he to Washington, “if the cannon were removed from the

batteries and wharves, but I ever considered their threats as a _brutum

fulmen_, and even persuaded the town to be of the same way of thinking.

We accordingly conveyed them to a place of safety in the middle of the

day, and no cannonade ensued. Captain Parker publishes a pleasant reason

for his passive conduct. He says that it was manifestly my intention,

and that of the New England men under my command, to bring destruction

on this town, so hated for their loyal principles, but that he was

determined not to indulge us; so remained quiet out of spite. The people

here laugh at his nonsense, and begin to despise the menaces which

formerly used to throw them into convulsions.”

Washington appears to have shared the merriment. In his reply to Lee, he

writes, “I could not avoid laughing at Captain Parker’s reasons for not

putting his repeated threats into execution,”—a proof, by the way, under

his own hand, that he could laugh occasionally; and even when surrounded

by perplexities.

According to Lee’s account, the New Yorkers showed a wonderful alacrity

in removing the cannon. “Men and boys of all ages,” writes he, “worked

with the greatest zeal and pleasure. I really believe the generality are

as well-affected as any on the continent.” Some of the well-affected,

however, thought he was rather too self-willed and high-handed. “Though

General Lee has many things to recommend him as a general,” writes one

of them, “yet I think he was out of luck when he ordered the removal of

the guns from the battery; as it was without the approbation or

knowledge of our Congress.”[51]—Lee seldom waited for the approbation of

Congress in moments of exigency.

He now proceeded with his plan of defences. A strong redoubt, capable of

holding three hundred men, was commenced at Horen’s Hook, commanding the

pass at Hell Gate, so as to block up from the enemy’s ships, the passage

between the mainland and Long Island. A regiment was stationed on the

island, making fascines, and preparing other materials for constructing

the works for an intrenched camp, which Lee hoped would render it

impossible for the enemy to get a footing there. “What to do with this

city,” writes he, “I own, puzzles me. It is so encircled with deep

navigable water, that whoever commands the sea must command the town.

To-morrow I shall begin to dismantle that part of the fort next to the

town, to prevent its being converted into a citadel. I shall barrier the

principal streets, and, at least, if I cannot make it a continental

garrison, it shall be a disputable field of battle.” Batteries were to

be erected on an eminence behind Trinity Church, to keep the enemy’s

ships at so great a distance as not to injure the town.

King’s Bridge, at the upper end of Manhattan or New York Island, linking

it with the mainland, was pronounced by Lee “a most important pass,

without which the city could have no communication with Connecticut.” It

was, therefore, to be made as strong as possible.

Heavy cannon were to be sent up to the forts in the Highlands; which

were to be enlarged and strengthened.

In the midst of his schemes, Lee received orders from Congress to the

command in Canada, vacant by the death of Montgomery. He bewailed the

defenceless condition of the city; the Continental Congress, as he said,

not having, as yet, taken the least step for its security. “The instant

I leave it,” said he, “I conclude the Provincial Congress, and

inhabitants in general, will relapse into their former hysterics. The

men-of-war and Mr. Tryon will return to their old station at the

wharves, and the first regiments who arrive from England, will take

quiet possession of the town and Long Island.”

It must be observed that, in consequence of his military demonstrations

in the city, the enemy’s ships had drawn off and dropped down the bay;

and he had taken vigorous measures, without consulting the committees,

to put an end to the practice of supplying them with provisions.

“Governor Tryon and the Asia,” writes he to Washington, “continue

between Nutten and Bedlow’s Islands. It has pleased his excellency, in

violation of the compact he has made, to seize several vessels from

Jersey laden with flour. It has, in return, pleased my excellency to

stop all provisions from the city, and cut off all intercourse with

him,—a measure which has thrown the mayor, council, and tories into

agonies. The propensity, or rather rage, for paying court to this great

man, is inconceivable. They cannot be weaned from him. We must put

wormwood on his paps, or they will cry to suck, as they are in their

second childhood.”

We would observe in explanation of a sarcasm in the above quoted letter,

that Lee professed a great contempt for the titles of respect which it

was the custom to prefix to the names of men in office or command. He

scoffed at them, as unworthy of “a great, free, manly, equal

commonwealth.” “For my own part,” said he, “I would as lief they would

put ratsbane in my mouth, as the excellency with which I am daily

crammed. How much more true dignity was there in the simplicity of

address among the Romans! Marcus Tullius Cicero, Decius Bruto

Imperatori, or Caio Marcello Consuli; than to ’His Excellency

Major-general Noodle,’ or to the ’Honorable John Doodle.’”

Life of George Washington, volume 2 of 5 · 第 16 / 46 章