LORD DUNMORE—HIS PLANS OF HARASSING VIRGINIA—LEE’S POLICY RESPECTING
TORY GOVERNORS AND PLACEMEN—RHODE ISLAND HARASSED BY WALLACE AND HIS
CRUISERS, AND INFESTED BY TORIES—LEE SENT TO ITS RELIEF—HIS VIGOROUS
MEASURES—THE ARMY DISBANDING—WASHINGTON’S PERPLEXITIES—SYMPATHY OF
GENERAL GREENE—HIS LOYALTY IN TIME OF TROUBLE—THE CRISIS—CHEERING NEWS
FROM CANADA—GLOOMY OPENING OF THE NEW YEAR—NEWS FROM COLONEL KNOX.
In the month of December a vessel had been captured, bearing supplies
from Lord Dunmore, to the army at Boston. A letter on board, from his
lordship to General Howe, invited him to transfer the war to the
southern colonies; or, at all events, to send reinforcements thither;
intimating at the same time his plan of proclaiming liberty to
indentured servants, negroes, and others appertaining to rebels, and
inviting them to join his majesty’s troops. In a word,—to inflict upon
Virginia the horrors of a servile war.
“If this man is not crushed before spring,” writes Washington, “he will
become the most formidable enemy America has. His strength will increase
as a snowball. * * * Motives of resentment actuate his conduct to a
degree equal to the destruction of the colony.”
General Lee took the occasion to set forth his own system of policy,
which was particularly rigid wherever men in authority and tories were
concerned. It was the old grudge against ministers and their adherents
set on edge.
“Had my opinion been thought worthy of attention,” would he say, “Lord
Dunmore would have been disarmed of his teeth and claws.” He would have
seized Tryon too, “and all his tories at New York,” and, having struck
the stroke, would have applied to Congress for approbation.
“I propose the following measures,” would he add: “To seize every
governor, government man, placeman, tory and enemy to liberty on the
continent, to confiscate their estates; or at least lay them under heavy
contributions for the public. Their persons should be secured, in some
of the interior towns, as hostages for the treatment of those of our
party, whom the fortune of war shall throw into their hands; they should
be allowed a reasonable pension out of their fortunes for their
maintenance.”[37]
Such was the policy advocated by Lee in his letters and conversation,
and he soon had an opportunity of carrying it partly into operation.
Rhode Island had for some time past been domineered over by Captain
Wallace of the royal navy; who had stationed himself at Newport with an
armed vessel, and obliged the place to furnish him with supplies.
Latterly he had landed in Conanicut Island, opposite to Newport, with a
number of sailors and marines, plundered and burnt houses, and driven
off cattle for the supply of the army. In his exactions and maraudings,
he was said to have received countenance from the tory part of the
inhabitants. It was now reported that a naval armament was coming from
Boston against the island. In this emergency, the governor (Cooke) wrote
to Washington, requesting military aid, and an efficient officer to put
the island in a state of defence, suggesting the name of General Lee for
the purpose.
Lee undertook the task with alacrity. “I sincerely wish,” said
Washington, “he may be able to do it with effect; as that place, in its
present state, is an asylum for such as are disaffected to American
liberty.”
Lee set out for Rhode Island with his guard and a party of riflemen, and
at Providence was joined by the cadet company of that place, and a
number of minute men. Preceded by these, he entered the town of Newport
on Christmas day, in military style. While there, he summoned before him
a number of persons who had supplied the enemy; some according to a
convention originally made between Wallace and the authorities, others,
as it was suspected, through tory feelings. All were obliged by Lee to
take a test oath of his own devising, by which they “religiously swore
that they would neither directly, nor indirectly, assist the wicked
instruments of ministerial tyranny and villainy commonly called the
king’s troops and navy, by furnishing them with provisions and
refreshments.” They swore, moreover, to “denounce all traitors before
the public authority, and to take arms in defence of American liberty,
whenever required by Congress or the provincial authority.” Two
custom-house officers, and another person, who refused to take the oath,
were put under guard and sent to Providence. Having laid out works, and
given directions for fortifications, Lee returned to camp after an
absence of ten days. Some of his proceedings were considered too
high-handed, and were disapproved by Congress. Lee made light of
legislative censures. “One must not be trammelled by laws in war time,”
said he; “in a revolution, all means are legal.”
Washington approved of his measures. “I have seen General Lee since his
expedition,” writes he, “and hope Rhode Island will derive some
advantage from it. I am told that Captain Wallace’s ships have been
supplied for some time by the town of Newport, on certain conditions
stipulated between him and the committee. * * * I know not what
pernicious consequences may result from a precedent of this sort. Other
places, circumstanced as Newport is, may follow the example, and by that
means their whole fleet and army will be furnished with what it highly
concerns us to keep from them. * * * Vigorous regulations, and such as
at another time would appear extraordinary, are now become absolutely
necessary for preserving our country against the strides of tyranny,
making against it.”[38]
December had been throughout a month of severe trial to Washington;
during which he saw his army dropping away piecemeal before his eyes.
Homeward every face was turned as soon as the term of enlistment was at
an end. Scarce could the disbanding troops be kept a few days in camp
until militia could be procured to supply their place. Washington made
repeated and animated appeals to their patriotism; they were almost
unheeded. He caused popular and patriotic songs to be sung about the
camp. They passed by like the idle wind. Home! home! home! throbbed in
every heart. “The desire of retiring into a chimney-corner,” says
Washington reproachfully, “seized the troops as soon as their terms
expired.”
Can we wonder at it? They were for the most part yeomanry, unused to
military restraint, and suffering all the hardships of a starveling
camp, almost within sight of the smoke of their own firesides.
Greene, throughout this trying month, was continually by Washington’s
side. His letters expressing the same cares and apprehensions, and
occasionally in the same language with those of the commander-in-chief,
show how completely he was in his councils. He could well sympathize
with him in his solicitudes. Some of his own Rhode Island troops were
with Arnold in his Canada expedition. Others encamped on Prospect Hill,
and whose order and discipline had been his pride, were evincing the
prevalent disposition to disband. “They seem to be so sick of this way
of life, and so homesick,” writes he, “that I fear the greater part of
the best troops from our colony will soon go home.” To provide against
such a contingency, he strengthened his encampment, so that, “if the
soldiery should not engage as cheerfully as he expected, he might defend
it with a less number.”[39]
Still he was buoyant and cheerful; frequently on his white horse about
Prospect Hill, haranguing his men, and endeavoring to keep them in good
humor. “This is no time for disgusting the soldiery,” would he say,
“when their aid is so essential to the preservation of the rights of
human nature and the liberties of America.”
He wore the same cheery aspect to the commander-in-chief; or rather he
partook of his own hopeful spirit. “I expect,” would he say, “the army,
notwithstanding all the difficulties we meet with, will be full in about
six weeks.”
It was this loyalty in time of trouble; this buoyancy under depression,
this thorough patriotism, which won for him the entire confidence of
Washington.
The thirty-first of December arrived, the crisis of the army; for with
that month expired the last of the old terms of enlistment. “We never
have been so weak,” writes Greene, “as we shall be to-morrow, when we
dismiss the old troops.” On this day Washington received cheering
intelligence from Canada. A junction had taken place, a month
previously, between Arnold and Montgomery at Point aux Trembles. They
were about two thousand strong, and were making every preparation for
attacking Quebec. Carleton was said to have with him but about twelve
hundred men, the majority of whom were sailors. It was thought that the
French would give up Quebec, if they could get the same conditions that
were granted to the inhabitants of Montreal.[40]
Thus the year closed upon Washington with a ray of light from Canada,
while all was doubt around him.
On the following morning (January 1st, 1776), his army did not amount to
ten thousand men, and was composed of but half-filled regiments. Even in
raising this inadequate force, it had been necessary to indulge many of
the men with furloughs, that they might visit their families and
friends. The expedients resorted to in equipping the army, show the
prevailing lack of arms. Those soldiers who retired from service, were
obliged to leave their weapons for their successors; receiving their
appraised value. Those who enlisted, were required to bring a gun, or
were charged a dollar for the use of one during the campaign. He who
brought a blanket was allowed two dollars. It was impossible to furnish
uniforms; the troops, therefore, presented a motley appearance, in
garments of divers cuts and colors; the price of each man’s garb being
deducted from his pay.
The detachments of militia from the neighboring provinces which replaced
the disbanding troops, remained but for brief periods; so that, in
despite of every effort, the lines were often but feebly manned, and
might easily have been forced.
The anxiety of Washington, in this critical state of the army, may be
judged from his correspondence with Reed. “It is easier to conceive than
to describe the situation of my mind for some time past, and my feelings
under our present circumstances,” writes he on the 4th of January.
“Search the volumes of history through, and I much question whether a
case similar to ours is to be found; namely, to maintain a post against
the power of the British troops for six months together, without powder,
and then to have one army disbanded and another raised within the same
distance (musket shot) of a reinforced enemy. What may be the issue of
the last manœuvre, time only can unfold. I wish this month were well
over our head. * * * We are now left with a good deal less than
half-raised regiments, and about five thousand militia, who only stand
engaged to the middle of this month; when, according to custom, they
will depart, let the necessity of their stay be ever so urgent. Thus,
for more than two months past, I have scarcely emerged from one
difficulty before I have been plunged in another. How it will end, God,
in his great goodness, will direct. I am thankful for his protection to
this time. We are told that we shall soon get the army completed, but I
have been told so many things which have never come to pass, that I
distrust every thing.”
In a subsequent letter to Mr. Reed, he reverts to the subject, and pours
forth his feelings with confiding frankness. What can be more touching
than the picture he draws of himself and his lonely vigils about his
sleeping camp? “The reflection on my situation and that of this army,
produces many an unhappy hour, when all around me are wrapped in sleep.
Few people know the predicament we are in on a thousand accounts; fewer
still will believe, if any disaster happens to these lines, from what
cause it flows. I have often thought how much happier I should have
been, if, instead of accepting the command, under such circumstances, I
had taken my musket on my shoulder and entered the ranks; or, if I could
have justified the measure to posterity and my own conscience, had
retired to the back country and lived in a wigwam. If I shall be able to
rise superior to these and many other difficulties, which might be
enumerated, I shall most religiously believe that the finger of
Providence is in it, to blind the eyes of our enemies; for surely if we
get well through this month, it must be for want of their knowing the
disadvantages which we labor under.”
Recurring to the project of an attack upon Boston, which he had
reluctantly abandoned in deference to the adverse opinions of a council
of war—“Could I have foreseen the difficulties which have come upon us;
could I have known that such a backwardness would have been discovered
among the old soldiers to the service, all the generals upon earth
should not have convinced me of the propriety of delaying an attack upon
Boston till this time. When it can now be attempted, I will not
undertake to say; but thus much I will answer for, that no opportunity
can present itself earlier than my wishes.”
In the midst of his discouragements, Washington received letters from
Knox, showing the spirit and energy with which he was executing his
mission, in quest of cannon and ordnance stores. He had struggled
manfully and successfully with all kinds of difficulties from the
advanced season, and head winds, in getting them from Ticonderoga to the
head of Lake George. “Three days ago,” writes he, on the 17th of
December, “it was very uncertain whether we could get them over until
next spring; but now, please God, they shall go. I have made forty-two
exceedingly strong sleds, and have provided eighty yoke of oxen to drag
them as far as Springfield, where I shall get fresh cattle to take them
to camp.”
It was thus that hardships and emergencies were bringing out the merits
of the self-made soldiers of the Revolution; and showing their
commander-in-chief on whom he might rely.