BRITISH IN BOSTON SEND OUT CRUISERS—DEPREDATIONS OF CAPTAIN WALLACE
ALONG THE COAST—TREASON IN THE CAMP—ARREST OF DR. CHURCH—HIS TRIAL AND
FATE—CONFLAGRATION OF FALMOUTH—IRRITATION THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRY—FITTING
OUT OF VESSELS OF WAR—EMBARKATION OF GENERAL GAGE FOR ENGLAND—COMMITTEE
FROM CONGRESS—CONFERENCES WITH WASHINGTON—RESOLUTIONS OF CONGRESS TO
CARRY ON THE WAR—RETURN OF SECRETARY REED TO PHILADELPHIA.
While the two expeditions were threatening Canada from different
quarters, the war was going on along the seaboard. The British in
Boston, cut off from supplies by land, fitted out small armed vessels to
seek them along the coast of New England. The inhabitants drove their
cattle into the interior, or boldly resisted the aggressors. Parties
landing to forage were often repulsed by hasty levies of the yeomanry.
Scenes of ravage and violence occurred. Stonington was cannonaded, and
further measures of vengeance were threatened by Captain Wallace of the
Rose man-of-war, a naval officer, who had acquired an almost piratical
reputation along the coast, and had his rendezvous in the harbor of
Newport: domineering over the waters of Rhode Island.[16]
About this time there was an occurrence, which caused great excitement
in the armies. A woman, coming from the camp at Cambridge, applied to a
Mr. Wainwood of Newport, Rhode Island, to aid her in gaining access to
Captain Wallace, or Mr. Dudley, the collector. Wainwood, who was a
patriot, drew from her the object of her errand. She was the bearer of a
letter from some one in camp, directed to Major Kane in Boston; but
which she was to deliver either to the captain or the collector.
Suspecting something wrong, he prevailed upon her to leave it with him
for delivery. After her departure he opened the letter. It was written
in cipher, which he could not read. He took it to Mr. Henry Ward,
secretary of the colony. The latter, apprehending it might contain
treasonable information to the enemy, transmitted it to General Greene,
who laid it before Washington.
A letter in cipher, to a person in Boston hostile to the cause, and to
be delivered into the hands of Captain Wallace the nautical
marauder!—there evidently was treason in the camp; but how was the
traitor to be detected? The first step was to secure the woman, the
bearer of the letter, who had returned to Cambridge. Tradition gives us
a graphic scene connected with her arrest. Washington was in his chamber
at head-quarters, when he beheld from his window, General Putnam
approaching on horseback, with a stout woman _en croupe_ behind him. He
had pounced upon the culprit. The group presented by the old general and
his prize, overpowered even Washington’s gravity. It was the only
occasion throughout the whole campaign, on which he was known to laugh
heartily. He had recovered his gravity by the time the delinquent was
brought to the foot of the broad staircase in head-quarters, and assured
her in a severe tone from the head of it, that, unless she confessed
every thing before the next morning, a halter would be in readiness for
her.
So far the tradition;—his own letter to the President of Congress states
that, for a long time, the woman was proof against every threat and
persuasion to discover the author, but at length named Dr. Benjamin
Church. It seemed incredible. He had borne the character of a
distinguished patriot; he was the author of various patriotic writings;
a member of the Massachusetts House of Representatives; one of the
committee deputed to conduct Washington to the army, and at present he
discharged the functions of surgeon-general and director of the
hospitals. That such a man should be in traitorous correspondence with
the enemy, was a thunderstroke. Orders were given to secure him and his
papers. On his arrest he was extremely agitated, but acknowledged the
letter, and said it would be found, when deciphered, to contain nothing
criminal. His papers were searched, but nothing of a treasonable nature
discovered. “It appeared, however, on inquiry,” says Washington, “that a
confidant had been among the papers before my messenger arrived.”
The letter was deciphered. It gave a description of the army. The doctor
made an awkward defence, protesting that he had given an exaggerated
account of the American force, for the purpose of deterring the enemy
from attacking the American lines in their present defenceless condition
from the want of powder. His explanations were not satisfactory. The
army and country were exceedingly irritated. In a council of war he was
convicted of criminal correspondence; he was expelled from the
Massachusetts House of Representatives, and the Continental Congress
ultimately resolved that he should be confined in some secure jail in
Connecticut, without the use of pen, ink, or paper; “and that no person
be allowed to converse with him, except in the presence and hearing of a
magistrate or the sheriff of the county.”
His sentence was afterwards mitigated on account of his health, and he
was permitted to leave the country. He embarked for the West Indies, and
is supposed to have perished at sea.
What had caused especial irritation in the case of Dr. Church, was the
kind of warfare already mentioned, carried on along the coast by British
cruisers, and notoriously by Captain Wallace. To check these maraudings,
and to capture the enemy’s transports laden with supplies, the provinces
of Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut, fitted out two armed
vessels each, at their own expense, without seeking the sanction or aid
of Congress. Washington, also, on his own responsibility, ordered
several to be equipped for like purpose, which were to be manned by
hardy mariners, and commanded by able sea captains, actually serving in
the army. One of these vessels was despatched as soon as ready, to
cruise between Cape Ann and Cape Cod. Two others were fitted out with
all haste, and sent to cruise in the waters of the St. Lawrence, to
intercept two unarmed brigantines which Congress had been informed had
sailed from England for Quebec, with ammunition and military stores.
Among the sturdy little New England seaports, which had become obnoxious
to punishment by resistance to nautical exactions, was Falmouth (now
Portland), in Maine.
On the evening of the 11th of October, Lieutenant Mowat, of the royal
navy, appeared before it with several armed vessels, and sent a letter
on shore, apprising the inhabitants that he was come to execute a just
punishment on them for their “premeditated attacks on the legal
prerogatives of the best of sovereigns.” Two hours were given them, “to
remove the human species out of the town,” at the period of which, a red
pendant hoisted at the main-topgallant masthead, and a gun, would be the
signal for destruction.
The letter brought a deputation of three persons on board. The
lieutenant informed them verbally, that he had orders from Admiral
Graves to set fire to all the seaport towns between Boston and Halifax;
and he expected New York, at the present moment, was in ashes.
With much difficulty, and on the surrendering of some arms, the
committee obtained a respite until nine o’clock the next morning, and
the inhabitants employed the interval in removing their families and
effects. The next morning the committee returned on board before nine
o’clock. The lieutenant now offered to spare the town on certain
conditions, which were refused. About half past nine o’clock the red
pendant was run up to the masthead, and the signal gun fired. Within
five minutes several houses were in flames, from a discharge of
carcasses and bombshells, which continued throughout the day. The
inhabitants, “standing on the heights, were spectators of the
conflagration, which reduced many of them to penury and despair.” One
hundred and thirty-nine dwelling houses, and two hundred and
twenty-eight stores, are said to have been burnt.[17] All the vessels in
the harbor, likewise, were destroyed or carried away as prizes.
Having satisfied his sense of justice with respect to Falmouth, the
gallant lieutenant left it a smoking ruin, and made sail, as was said,
for Boston, to supply himself with more ammunition, having the intention
to destroy Portsmouth also.[18]
The conflagration of Falmouth was as a bale fire throughout the country.
Lieutenant Mowat was said to have informed the committee at that place,
that orders had come from England to burn all the seaport towns that
would not lay down and deliver up their arms, and give hostages for
their good behavior.[19]
Washington himself supposed such to be the case. “The desolation and
misery,” writes he, “which ministerial vengeance had planned, in
contempt of every principle of humanity, and so lately brought on the
town of Falmouth, I know not how sufficiently to commiserate, nor can my
compassion for the general suffering be conceived beyond the true
measure of my feelings.”
General Greene, too, in a letter to a friend, expresses himself with
equal warmth. “O, could the Congress behold the distresses and wretched
condition of the poor inhabitants driven from the seaport towns, it
must, it would, kindle a blaze of indignation against the commissioned
pirates and licensed robbers. * * * People begin heartily to wish a
declaration of independence.”[20]
General Sullivan was sent to Portsmouth, where there was a fortification
of some strength, to give the inhabitants his advice and assistance in
warding off the menaced blow. Newport, also, was put on the alert, and
recommended to fortify itself. “I expect every hour,” writes Washington,
“to hear that Newport has shared the same fate of unhappy Falmouth.”[21]
Under the feeling roused by these reports, the General Court of
Massachusetts, exercising a sovereign power, passed an act for
encouraging the fitting out of armed vessels to defend the sea-coast of
America, and for erecting a court to try and condemn all vessels that
should be found infesting the same. This act, granting letters of marque
and reprisal, anticipated any measure of the kind on the part of the
General Government, and was pronounced by John Adams, “one of the most
important documents in history.”[22]
The British ministry have, in later days, been exculpated from the
charge of issuing such a desolating order as that said to have been
reported by Lieutenant Mowat. The orders under which that officer acted,
we are told, emanated from General Gage and Admiral Graves. The former
intended merely the annoyance and destruction of rebel shipping, whether
on the coast or in the harbors to the eastward of Boston; the burning of
the town is surmised to have been an additional thought of Admiral
Graves. Naval officers have a passion for bombardments.
Whatever part General Gage may have had in this most ill-advised and
discreditable measure, it was the last of his military government, and
he did not remain long enough in the country to see it carried into
effect. He sailed for England on the 10th of October. The tidings of the
battle of Bunker’s Hill had withered his laurels as a commander. Still
he was not absolutely superseded, but called home, “in order,” as it was
considerately said, “to give his majesty exact information of every
thing, and suggest such matters as his knowledge and experience of the
service might enable him to furnish.” During his absence, Major-general
Howe would act as commander-in-chief of the colonies on the Atlantic
Ocean, and Major-general Carleton of the British forces in Canada and on
the frontiers. Gage fully expected to return and resume the command. In
a letter written to the minister, Lord Dartmouth, the day before
sailing, he urged the arrival, early in the spring, of reinforcements
which had been ordered, anticipating great hazard at the opening of the
campaign. In the mean time he trusted that two thousand troops, shortly
expected from Ireland, would enable him “to distress the rebels by
incursions along the coast,”—and—“he hoped Portsmouth in New Hampshire
would feel the weight of his majesty’s arms.” “Poor Gage,” writes Horace
Walpole, “is to be the scape-goat for what was a reason against
employing him—incapacity.” He never returned to America.
On the 15th of October a committee from Congress arrived in camp, sent
to hold a conference with Washington, and with delegates from the
governments of Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts and New
Hampshire, on the subject of a new organization of the army. The
committee consisted of Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Lynch of Carolina, and
Colonel Harrison of Virginia. It was just twenty years since Washington
had met Franklin in Braddock’s camp, aiding that unwary general by his
sagacious counsels and prompt expedients. Franklin was regarded with
especial deference in the camp at Cambridge. Greene, who had never met
with him before, listened to him as to an oracle.
Washington was president of the board of conference, and Mr. Joseph Reed
secretary. The committee brought an intimation from Congress that an
attack upon Boston was much desired, if practicable.
Washington called a council of war of his generals on the subject; they
were unanimously of the opinion that an attack would not be prudent at
present.
Another question now arose. An attack upon the British forces in Boston,
whenever it should take place, might require a bombardment; Washington
inquired of the delegates how far it might be pushed to the destruction
of houses and property. They considered it a question of too much
importance to be decided by them, and said it must be referred to
Congress. But though they declined taking upon themselves the
responsibility, the majority of them were strongly in favor of it; and
expressed themselves so, when the matter was discussed informally in
camp. Two of the committee, Lynch and Harrison, as well as Judge Wales,
delegate from Connecticut, when the possible effects of a bombardment
were suggested at a dinner table, declared that they would be willing to
see Boston in flames. Lee who was present, observed that it was
impossible to burn it unless they sent in men with bundles of straw to
do it. “It could not be done with carcasses and red-hot shot. Isle
Royal,” he added, “in the river St. Lawrence, had been fired at for a
long time in 1760, with a fine train of artillery, hot shot and
carcasses, without effect.”[23]
The board of conference was repeatedly in session, for three or four
days. The report of its deliberations rendered by the committee,
produced a resolution of Congress, that a new army of twenty-two
thousand two hundred and seventy-two men and officers, should be formed,
to be recruited as much as possible from the troops actually in service.
Unfortunately the term for which they were to be enlisted was to be _but
for one year_. It formed a precedent which became a recurring cause of
embarrassment throughout the war.
Washington’s secretary, Mr. Reed, had, after the close of the
conference, signified to him his intention to return to Philadelphia,
where his private concerns required his presence. His departure was
deeply regretted. His fluent pen had been of great assistance to
Washington in the despatch of his multifarious correspondence, and his
judicious counsels and cordial sympathies had been still more
appreciated by the commander-in-chief, amid the multiplied difficulties
of his situation. On the departure of Mr. Reed, his place as secretary
was temporarily supplied by Mr. Robert Harrison of Maryland, and
subsequently by Colonel Mifflin; neither, however, attained to the
affectionate confidence reposed in their predecessor.
We shall have occasion to quote the correspondence kept up between
Washington and Reed, during the absence of the latter. The letters of
the former are peculiarly interesting, as giving views of what was
passing, not merely around him, but in the recesses of his own heart. No
greater proof need be given of the rectitude of that heart, than the
clearness and fulness with which, in these truthful documents, every
thought and feeling is laid open.