DANGERS IN THE INTERIOR—MACHINATIONS OF THE JOHNSON FAMILY—RIVALRY OF
ETHAN ALLEN AND BENEDICT ARNOLD—GOVERNMENT PERPLEXITIES ABOUT THE
TICONDEROGA CAPTURE—MEASURES TO SECURE THE PRIZE—ALLEN AND ARNOLD
AMBITIOUS OF FURTHER LAURELS—PROJECTS FOR THE INVASION OF CANADA—ETHAN
ALLEN AND SETH WARNER HONORED BY CONGRESS—ARNOLD DISPLACED BY A
COMMITTEE OF INQUIRY—HIS INDIGNATION—NEWS FROM CANADA—THE REVOLUTION TO
BE EXTENDED INTO THAT PROVINCE—ENLISTMENT OF GREEN MOUNTAIN
BOYS—SCHUYLER AT TICONDEROGA—STATE OF AFFAIRS THERE—ELECTION FOR
OFFICERS OF THE GREEN MOUNTAIN BOYS—ETHAN ALLEN DISMOUNTED—JOINS THE
ARMY AS A VOLUNTEER—PREPARATIONS FOR THE INVASION OF CANADA—GENERAL
MONTGOMERY—INDIAN CHIEFS AT CAMBRIDGE—COUNCIL FIRE—PLAN FOR AN
EXPEDITION AGAINST QUEBEC—DEPARTURE OF TROOPS FROM TICONDEROGA—ARRIVAL
AT ISLE AUX NOIX.
We must interrupt our narrative of the siege of Boston to give an
account of events in other quarters, requiring the superintending care
of Washington as commander-in-chief. Letters from General Schuyler,
received in the course of July, had awakened apprehensions of danger
from the interior. The Johnsons were said to be stirring up the Indians
in the western parts of New York to hostility, and preparing to join the
British forces in Canada; so that, while the patriots were battling for
their rights along the seaboard, they were menaced by a powerful
combination in rear. To place this matter in a proper light, we will
give a brief statement of occurrences in the upper part of New York, and
on the frontiers of Canada, since the exploits of Ethan Allen and
Benedict Arnold, at Ticonderoga and on Lake Champlain.
Great rivalry, as has already been noted, had arisen between these
doughty leaders. Both had sent off expresses to the provincial
authorities, giving an account of their recent triumphs. Allen claimed
command at Ticonderoga, on the authority of the committee from the
Connecticut Assembly, which had originated the enterprise. Arnold
claimed it on the strength of his instructions from the Massachusetts
committee of safety. He bore a commission, too, given him by that
committee; whereas Allen had no other commission than that given him
before the war by the committees in the Hampshire Grants, to command
their Green Mountain Boys against the encroachments of New York.
“Colonel Allen,” said Arnold, “is a proper man to head his own wild
people, but entirely unacquainted with military service, and as I am the
only person who has been legally authorized to take possession of this
place, I am determined to insist on my right; * * * and shall keep it
[the fort] at every hazard, until I have further orders.”[9]
The public bodies themselves seemed perplexed what to do with the prize,
so bravely seized upon by these bold men. Allen had written to the
Albany committee, for men and provisions, to enable him to maintain his
conquest. The committee feared this daring enterprise might involve the
northern part of the province in the horrors of war and desolation, and
asked advice of the New York committee. The New York committee did not
think themselves authorized to give an opinion upon a matter of such
importance, and referred it to the Continental Congress.
The Massachusetts committee of safety, to whom Arnold had written,
referred the affair to the Massachusetts Provincial Congress. That body,
as the enterprise had begun in Connecticut, wrote to its General
Assembly to take the whole matter under their care and direction, until
the advice of the Continental Congress could be had.
The Continental Congress at length legitimated the exploit, and, as it
were, accepted the captured fortress. As it was situated within New
York, the custody of it was committed to that province, aided if
necessary by the New England colonies, on whom it was authorized to call
for military assistance.
The Provincial Congress of New York forthwith invited the “Governor and
Company of the English colony of Connecticut” to place part of their
forces in these captured posts, until relieved by New York troops; and
Trumbull, the Governor of Connecticut, soon gave notice that one
thousand men under Colonel Hinman, were on the point of marching, for
the reinforcement of Ticonderoga and Crown Point.
It had been the idea of the Continental Congress to have those posts
dismantled, and the cannon and stores removed to the south end of Lake
George, where a strong post was to be established. But both Allen and
Arnold exclaimed against such a measure; vaunting, and with reason, the
importance of those forts.
Both Allen and Arnold were ambitious of further laurels. Both were
anxious to lead an expedition into Canada; and Ticonderoga and Crown
Point would open the way to it. “The Key is ours,” writes Allen to the
New York Congress. “If the colonies would suddenly push an army of two
or three thousand men into Canada, they might make an easy conquest of
all that would oppose them, in the extensive province of Quebec, except
a reinforcement from England should prevent it. Such a diversion would
weaken Gage, and insure us Canada. I wish to God America would, at this
critical juncture, exert herself agreeably to the indignity offered her
by a tyrannical ministry. She might rise on eagles’ wings, and mount up
to glory, freedom, and immortal honor, if she did but know and exert her
strength. Fame is now hovering over her head. A vast continent must now
sink to slavery, poverty, horror and bondage, or rise to unconquerable
freedom, immense wealth, inexpressible felicity, and immortal fame.
“I will lay my life on it, that with fifteen hundred men, and a proper
train of artillery, I will take Montreal. Provided I could be thus
furnished, and if an army could command the field, it would be no
insuperable difficulty to take Quebec.”
A letter to the same purport, and with the same rhetorical flourish, on
which he appeared to value himself, was written by Allen to Trumbull,
the Governor of Connecticut. Arnold urged the same project, but in less
magniloquent language, upon the attention of the Continental Congress.
His letter was dated from Crown Point; where he had a little squadron,
composed of the sloop captured at St. Johns, a schooner, and a flotilla
of bateaux. All these he had equipped, armed, manned, and officered; and
his crews were devoted to him. In his letter to the Continental Congress
he gave information concerning Canada, collected through spies and
agents. Carleton, he said, had not six hundred effective men under him.
The Canadians and Indians were disaffected to the British Government,
and Montreal was ready to throw open its gates to a patriot force. Two
thousand men, he was certain, would be sufficient to get possession of
the province.
“I beg leave to add,” says he, “that if no person appears who will
undertake to carry the plan into execution, I will undertake, and, with
the smiles of Heaven, answer for the success, provided I am supplied
with men, &c., to carry it into execution without loss of time.”
In a postscript of his letter, he specifies the forces requisite for his
suggested invasion. “In order to give satisfaction to the different
colonies, I propose that Colonel Hinman’s regiment, now on their march
from Connecticut to Ticonderoga, should form part of the army; say one
thousand men; five hundred men to be sent from New York, five hundred of
General Arnold’s regiment, including the seamen and marines on board the
vessels (no _Green Mountain_ Boys).”
Within a few days after the date of this letter, Colonel Hinman with the
Connecticut troops arrived. The greater part of the Green Mountain Boys
now returned home, their term of enlistment having expired. Ethan Allen
and his brother in arms, Seth Warner, repaired to Congress to get pay
for their men, and authority to raise a new regiment. They were received
with distinguished honor by that body. The same pay was awarded to the
men who had served under them as that allowed to the continental troops;
and it was recommended to the New York Convention that, should it meet
the approbation of General Schuyler, a fresh corps of Green Mountain
Boys about to be raised, should be employed in the army under such
officers as they (the Green Mountain Boys) should choose.
To the New York Convention, Allen and Warner now repaired. There was a
difficulty about admitting them to the hall of Assembly, for their
attainder of outlawry had not been repealed. Patriotism, however,
pleaded in their behalf. They obtained an audience. A regiment of Green
Mountain Boys, five hundred strong, was decreed, and General Schuyler
notified the people of the New Hampshire Grants of the resolve, and
requested them to raise the regiment.
Thus prosperously went the affairs of Ethan Allen and Seth Warner. As to
Arnold, difficulties instantly took place between him and Colonel
Hinman. Arnold refused to give up to him the command of either post,
claiming on the strength of his instructions from the committee of
safety of Massachusetts, a right to the command of all the posts and
fortresses at the south end of Lake Champlain and Lake George. This
threw every thing into confusion. Colonel Hinman was himself perplexed
in this conflict of various authorities; being, as it were, but a _locum
tenens_ for the province of New York.
Arnold was at Crown Point, acting as commander of the fort and admiral
of the fleet; and having about a hundred and fifty resolute men under
him, was expecting with confidence to be authorized to lead an
expedition into Canada.
At this juncture arrived a committee of three members of the Congress of
Massachusetts, sent by that body to inquire into the manner in which he
had executed his instructions; complaints having been made of his
arrogant and undue assumption of command.
Arnold was thunderstruck at being subjected to inquiry, when he had
expected an ovation. He requested a sight of the committee’s
instructions. The sight of them only increased his indignation. They
were to acquaint themselves with the manner in which he had executed his
commission; with his spirit, capacity, and conduct. Should they think
proper, they might order him to return to Massachusetts, to render
account of the moneys, ammunition and stores he had received, and the
debts he had contracted on behalf of the colony. While at Ticonderoga,
he and his men were to be under command of the principal officer from
Connecticut.
Arnold was furious. He swore he would be second in command to no one,
disbanded his men, and threw up his commission. Quite a scene ensued.
His men became turbulent; some refused to serve under any other leader;
others clamored for their pay, which was in arrears. Part joined Arnold
on board of the vessels which were drawn out into the lake; and among
other ebullitions of passion, there was a threat of sailing for St.
Johns.
At length the storm was allayed by the interference of several of the
officers, and the assurances of the committee that every man should be
paid. A part of them enlisted under Colonel Easton, and Arnold set off
for Cambridge to settle his accounts with the committee of safety.
The project of an invasion of Canada, urged by Allen and Arnold, had at
first met with no favor, the Continental Congress having formally
resolved to make no hostile attempts upon that province. Intelligence
subsequently received, induced it to change its plans. Carleton was said
to be strengthening the fortifications and garrison at St. Johns, and
preparing to launch vessels on the lake wherewith to regain command of
it, and retake the captured posts. Powerful reinforcements were coming
from England and elsewhere. Guy Johnson was holding councils with the
fierce Cayugas and Senecas, and stirring up the Six Nations to
hostility. On the other hand, Canada was full of religious and political
dissensions. The late exploits of the Americans on Lake Champlain, had
produced a favorable effect on the Canadians, who would flock to the
patriot standard if unfurled among them by an imposing force. Now was
the time to strike a blow to paralyze all hostility from this quarter;
now, while Carleton’s regular force was weak, and before the arrival of
additional troops. Influenced by these considerations, Congress now
determined to extend the revolution into Canada, but it was an
enterprise too important to be entrusted to any but discreet hands.
General Schuyler, then in New York, was accordingly ordered, on the 27th
June, to proceed to Ticonderoga, and “should he find it practicable, and
not disagreeable to the Canadians, immediately to take possession of St.
Johns and Montreal, and pursue such other measures in Canada as might
have a tendency to promote the peace and security of these provinces.”
It behooved General Schuyler to be on the alert, lest the enterprise
should be snatched from his hands. Ethan Allen and Seth Warner were at
Bennington, among the Green Mountains. Enlistments were going on, but
too slow for Allen’s impatience, who had his old hankering for a
partisan foray. In a letter to Governor Trumbull (July 12th), he writes,
“Were it not that the grand Continental Congress had totally
incorporated the Green Mountain Boys into a battalion under certain
regulations and command, I would forthwith advance them into Canada and
invest Montreal, _exclusive of any help from the colonies_; though under
present circumstances I would not, for my right arm, act without or
contrary to order. _If my fond zeal for reducing the King’s fortresses
and destroying or imprisoning his troops in Canada be the result of
enthusiasm_, I hope and expect the wisdom of the Continent will treat it
as such; and on the other hand, if it proceed from sound policy, that
the plan will be adopted.”[10]
Schuyler arrived at Ticonderoga on the 18th of July. A letter to
Washington, to whom, as commander-in-chief, he made constant reports,
gives a striking picture of a frontier post in those crude days of the
Revolution.
“You will expect that I should say something about this place and the
troops here. Not one earthly thing for offence or defence has been done;
_the commanding officer has no orders; he only came to reinforce the
garrison, and he expected the general_. About ten last night I arrived
at the landing-place, at the north end of Lake George; a post occupied
by a captain and one hundred men. A sentinel, on being informed that I
was in the boat, quitted his post to go and awaken the guard, consisting
of three men, in which he had no success. I walked up and came to
another, a sergeant’s guard. Here the sentinel challenged, but suffered
me to come up to him; the whole guard, like the first, in the soundest
sleep. With a penknife only I could have cut off both guards, and then
have set fire to the block house, destroyed the stores, and starved the
people here. At this post I had pointedly recommended vigilance and
care, as all the stores from Lake George must necessarily be landed
here. But I hope to get the better of this inattention. The officers and
men are all good-looking people, and decent in their deportment, and I
really believe will make good soldiers as soon as I can get the better
of this _nonchalance_ of theirs. Bravery, I believe, they are far from
wanting.”
Colonel Hinman, it will be recollected, was in temporary command at
Ticonderoga, if that could be called a command where none seemed to
obey. The garrison was about twelve hundred strong: the greater part
Connecticut men brought by himself; some were New York troops, and some
few Green Mountain Boys. Schuyler, on taking command, despatched a
confidential agent into Canada, Major John Brown, an American, who
resided on the Sorel River, and was popular among the Canadians. He was
to collect information as to the British forces and fortifications, and
to ascertain how an invasion and an attack on St. Johns would be
considered by the people of the province: in the mean time, Schuyler set
diligently to work to build boats and prepare for the enterprise, should
it ultimately be ordered by Congress.
Schuyler was an authoritative man, and inherited from his Dutch ancestry
a great love of order; he was excessively annoyed, therefore, by the
confusion and negligence prevalent around him, and the difficulties and
delays thereby occasioned. He chafed in spirit at the disregard of
discipline among his yeoman soldiery, and their opposition to all system
and regularity. This was especially the case with the troops from
Connecticut, officered generally by their own neighbors and familiar
companions, and unwilling to acknowledge the authority of a commander
from a different province. He poured out his complaints in a friendly
letter to Washington; the latter consoled him by stating his own
troubles and grievances in the camp at Cambridge, and the spirit with
which he coped with them. “From my own experience,” writes he (July 28),
“I can easily judge of your difficulties in introducing order and
discipline into troops, who have, from their infancy, imbibed ideas of
the most contrary kind. It would be far beyond the compass of a letter,
for me to describe the situation of things here [at Cambridge], on my
arrival. Perhaps you will only be able to judge of it, from my assuring
you, that mine must be a portrait at full length of what you have had in
miniature. Confusion and discord reigned in every department, which, in
a little time, must have ended either in the separation of the army, or
fatal contests with one another. The better genius of America has
prevailed, and most happily, the ministerial troops have not availed
themselves of these advantages, till, I trust, the opportunity is in a
great measure passed over. * * * We mend every day, and, I flatter
myself, that in a little time we shall work up these raw materials into
a good manufacture. I must recommend to you, what I endeavor to practise
myself, patience and perseverance.”
Schuyler took the friendly admonition in the spirit in which it was
given. “I can easily conceive,” writes he (Aug. 6th), “that my
difficulties are only a faint semblance of yours. Yes, my general, I
will strive to copy your bright example, and patiently and steadily
persevere in that line which only can promise the wished-for
reformation.”
He had calculated on being joined by this time by the regiment of Green
Mountain Boys which Ethan Allen and Seth Warner had undertaken to raise
in the New Hampshire Grants. Unfortunately, a quarrel had arisen between
those brothers in arms, which filled the Green Mountains with discord
and party feuds. The election of officers took place on the 27th of
July. It was made by committees from the different townships. Ethan
Allen was entirely passed by, and Seth Warner nominated as
Lieutenant-colonel of the regiment. Allen was thunderstruck at finding
himself thus suddenly dismounted. His patriotism and love of adventure,
however, were not quelled: and he forthwith repaired to the army at
Ticonderoga to offer himself as a volunteer.
Schuyler, at first, hesitated to accept his services. He was aware of
his aspiring notions, and feared there would be a difficulty in keeping
him within due bounds, but was at length persuaded by his officers to
retain him, to act as a pioneer on the Canadian frontier.
In a letter from camp, Allen gave Governor Trumbull an account of the
downfall of his towering hopes. “Notwithstanding my zeal and success in
my country’s cause, the old farmers on the New Hampshire Grants, who do
not incline to go to war, have met in a committee meeting, and in their
nomination of officers for the regiment of Green Mountain Boys, have
wholly omitted me.”
His letter has a consolatory postscript. “I find myself in the favor of
the officers of the army and the young Green Mountain Boys. How the old
men came to reject me I cannot conceive, inasmuch as I saved them from
the encroachments of New York.”[11]—The old men probably doubted his
discretion.
Schuyler was on the alert with respect to the expedition against Canada.
From his agent Major Brown, and from other sources, he had learnt that
there were but about seven hundred king’s troops in that province; three
hundred of them at St. Johns, about fifty at Quebec, the remainder at
Montreal, Chamblee, and the upper posts. Colonel Guy Johnson was at
Montreal with three hundred men, mostly his tenants, and with a number
of Indians. Two batteries had been finished at St. Johns, mounting nine
guns each: other works were intrenched and picketed. Two large row
galleys were on the stocks, and would soon be finished. Now was the
time, according to his informants, to carry Canada. It might be done
with great ease and little cost. The Canadians were disaffected to
British rule, and would join the Americans, and so would many of the
Indians.
“I am prepared,” writes he to Washington, “to move against the enemy,
unless your Excellency and Congress should direct otherwise. In the
course of a few days I expect to receive the ultimate determination.
Whatever it may be, I shall try to execute it in such a manner as will
promote the just cause in which we are engaged.”
While awaiting orders on this head, he repaired to Albany, to hold a
conference and negotiate a treaty with the Caughnawagas, and the
warriors of the Six Nations, whom, as one of the commissioners of Indian
affairs, he had invited to meet him at that place. General Richard
Montgomery was to remain in command at Ticonderoga, during his absence,
and to urge forward the military preparations. As the subsequent
fortunes of this gallant officer are inseparably connected with the
Canadian campaign, and have endeared his name to Americans, we pause to
give a few particulars concerning him.
General Richard Montgomery was of a good family in the north of Ireland,
where he was born in 1736. He entered the army when about eighteen years
of age; served in America in the French war; won a lieutenancy by
gallant conduct at Louisburg; followed General Amherst to Lake
Champlain, and, after the conquest of Canada, was promoted to a
captaincy for his services in the West Indies.
After the peace of Versailles he resided in England; but, about three
years before the breaking out of the Revolution, he sold out his
commission in the army and emigrated to New York. Here he married the
eldest daughter of Judge Robert R. Livingston, of the Clermont branch of
that family; and took up his residence on an estate which he had
purchased in Dutchess County on the banks of the Hudson.
Being known to be in favor of the popular cause, he was drawn
reluctantly from his rural abode, to represent his county in the first
convention of the province; and on the recent organization of the army,
his military reputation gained him the unsought commission of
Brigadier-general. “It is an event,” writes he to a friend, “which must
put an end for a while, perhaps for ever, to the quiet scheme of life I
had prescribed for myself; for, though entirely unexpected and undesired
by me, the will of an oppressed people, compelled to choose between
liberty and slavery, must be obeyed.”
At the time of receiving his commission, Montgomery was about
thirty-nine years of age, and the _beau ideal_ of a soldier. His form
was well proportioned and vigorous; his countenance expressive and
prepossessing; he was cool and discriminating in council, energetic and
fearless in action. His principles commanded the respect of friends and
foes, and he was noted for winning the affections of the soldiery.
While these things were occurring at Ticonderoga, several Indian chiefs
made their appearance in the camp at Cambridge. They came in savage
state and costume, as ambassadors from their respective tribes, to have
a talk about the impending invasion of Canada. One was chief of the
Caughnawaga tribe, whose residence was on the banks of the St. Lawrence,
six miles above Montreal. Others were from St. Francis, about forty-five
leagues above Quebec, and were of a warlike tribe, from which
hostilities had been especially apprehended.
Washington, accustomed to deal with the red warriors of the wilderness,
received them with great ceremonial. They dined at head-quarters among
his officers, and it is observed that to some of the latter they might
have served as models; such was their grave dignity and decorum.
A council fire was held. The sachems all offered, on behalf of their
tribes, to take up the hatchet for the Americans, should the latter
invade Canada. The offer was embarrassing. Congress had publicly
resolved to seek nothing but neutrality from the Indian nations, unless
the ministerial agents should make an offensive alliance with them. The
chief of the St. Francis tribe declared that Governor Carleton had
endeavored to persuade him to take up the hatchet against the Americans,
but in vain. “As our ancestors gave this country to you,” added he
grandly, “we would not have you destroyed by England; but are ready to
afford you our assistance.”
Washington wished to be certain of the conduct of the enemy, before he
gave a reply to these Indian overtures. He wrote by express, therefore,
to General Schuyler, requesting him to ascertain the intentions of the
British governor with respect to the native tribes.
By the same express, he communicated a plan which had occupied his
thoughts for several days. As the contemplated movement of Schuyler
would probably cause all the British force in Canada to be concentrated
in the neighborhood of Montreal and St. Johns, he proposed to send off
an expedition of ten or twelve hundred men, to penetrate to Quebec by
the way of the Kennebec River. “If you are resolved to proceed,” writes
he to Schuyler, “which I gather from your last letter is your intention,
it would make a diversion that would distract Carleton. He must either
break up, and follow this party to Quebec, by which he would leave you a
free passage, or he must suffer that important place to fall into other
hands; an event that would have a decisive effect and influence on the
public interest. * * * * The few whom I have consulted on the project
approve it much, but the final determination is deferred until I hear
from you. Not a moment’s time is to be lost in the preparations for this
enterprise, if the advices from you favor it. With the utmost expedition
the season will be considerably advanced, so that you will dismiss the
express as soon as possible.”
The express found Schuyler in Albany, where he had been attending the
conference with the Six Nations. He had just received intelligence which
convinced him of the propriety of an expedition into Canada; had sent
word to General Montgomery to get every thing ready for it, and was on
the point of departing for Ticonderoga to carry it into effect. In reply
to Washington, he declared his conviction, from various accounts which
he had received, that Carleton and his agents were exciting the Indian
tribes to hostility. “I should, therefore, not hesitate one moment,”
adds he, “to employ any savages that might be willing to join us.”
He expressed himself delighted with Washington’s project of sending off
an expedition to Quebec, regretting only that it had not been thought of
earlier. “Should the detachment from your body penetrate into Canada,”
added he, “and we meet with success, Canada must inevitably fall into
our hands.”
Having sent off these despatches, Schuyler hastened back to Ticonderoga.
Before he reached there, Montgomery had received intelligence that
Carleton had completed his armed vessels at St. Johns, and was about to
send them into Lake Champlain by the Sorel River. No time, therefore,
was to be lost in getting possession of the Isle aux Noix, which
commanded the entrance to that river. Montgomery hastened, therefore, to
embark with about a thousand men, which were as many as the boats now
ready could hold, taking with him two pieces of artillery; with this
force he set off down the lake. A letter to General Schuyler explained
the cause of his sudden departure, and entreated him to follow on in a
whale-boat, leaving the residue of the artillery to come on as soon as
conveyances could be procured.
Schuyler arrived at Ticonderoga on the night of the 30th of August, but
too ill of a bilious fever to push on in a whale-boat. He caused,
however, a bed to be prepared for him in a covered bateau, and, ill as
he was, continued forward on the following day. On the 4th of September
he overtook Montgomery at the Isle la Motte, where he had been detained
by contrary weather, and, assuming command of the little army, kept on
the same day to the Isle aux Noix, about twelve miles south of St.
Johns—where for the present we shall leave him, and return to the
head-quarters of the commander-in-chief.