DIVORCE IN ENGLAND

In England the law of divorce, originally based on the canon law of

Rome, underwent some, though little, permanent change at the

Reformation, but was profoundly modified by the exercise of the power of

the state through legislation. From the canon law was derived the

principle that divorce could legally take place only by sentence of the

court, and never at the will of the parties. Complete divorce has never

been governed by any other principle than this; and in so far as an

incomplete divorce has become practicable at the will of the parties, it

has been by the intervention of civil tribunals and contrary to the law

of the ecclesiastical courts. Those courts adopted as ground for divorce

_a mensa et thoro_ the main grounds allowed by Roman canon law, adultery

and cruelty (Ayliffe, 22; Co. Lit. 102; 1 Salk. 162; Godolphin Abridg.

495). The causes of heresy and of entering into religion, if ever they

were recognized in England, ceased to exist at the Reformation.

The principles upon which the English ecclesiastical courts proceeded in

divorce _a mensa et thoro_ are those which are still in force, and which

(with some modification by statutory enactment) have been administered

by judicial tribunals down to the present day. The courts by which the

ecclesiastical law, and therefore the law of divorce, was administered

were, until 1857, the courts of the various dioceses, including that of

the archbishop of Canterbury, known as the Court of Arches, and that of

the archbishop of York, known as the Consistory Court of York; but by

statute a suitor was prevented from taking proceedings in any court

except that determined by the residence of the person against whom

proceedings were taken (23 Hen. VIII. c. 9). From these courts an appeal

lay to delegates appointed in each case by the crown, until the

establishment of the judicial committee of the privy council in 1836,

when the appeal was given to the crown as advised by that body.

The proof of adultery (to which Isidore in his _Book of Etymologies_

gives the fanciful derivation of "_ad alterius thorum_") was not by the

canon law as received in England restricted by the operation of

arbitrary rules. It was never, for example, required, as by the law of

Mahomet, that the act should have been actually seen by competent

witnesses, nor even that the case should be based on any particular kind

of proof. It was recognized that the nature of the offence almost

inevitably precluded direct evidence. One rule, however, appears to have

commended itself to the framers of the canon law as too general in its

application not to be regarded as a principle. The mere confession of

the parties was not regarded as a safe ground of conviction; and this

rule was formulated by a decretal epistle of Pope Celestine III., and,

following it, by the 105th of the Canons of 1604. This rule has now been

abrogated; and no doubt it is wiser not to fetter the discretion of the

tribunal charged with the responsibility of deciding particular cases,

but experience of divorce proceedings tends to confirm the belief that

this rule of the canon law was founded on an accurate appreciation of

human nature.

Although, therefore, with the above exception, no strict rules of the

evidence necessary to establish adultery have ever been established in

the English courts, experience has indicated, and in former days judges

of the ecclesiastical courts often expressed, the lines upon which such

proof may be expected to proceed. It is necessary and sufficient, in

general, to prove two things--first the guilty affection towards each

other of the persons accused, and, secondly, an opportunity or

opportunities of which, if so minded, their passion may have been

gratified. It is obvious that any strong proof on either of these points

renders strict proof on the other less needful; but when proof on both

is afforded, the common sense of a tribunal, acting with a knowledge of

human nature, may be trusted to draw the inevitable conclusion.

The definition of cruelty accepted by the ecclesiastical courts as that

of the canon law is the same as that which prevails at the present time;

and the view of the law taken by the House of Lords in _Russell_ v.

_Russell_ (1897 App. Cas. 395) was expressly based on the view of

cruelty taken by the authorities of the ecclesiastical law. The best

definition by older English writers is probably to be found in Clarke's

_Praxis_ (p. 144): "Si maritus fuerit erga uxorem crudelis et ferax ac

mortem comminatus et machinatus fuerit, vel eam inhumaniter verbis et

verberibus tractaverit, et aliquando venenum loco potus paraverit vel

aliquod simile commiserit, propter quod sine periculo vitae cum marito

cohabitare aut obsequia conjugalia impendere non audeat ... consimili

etiam causa competit viro contra mulierem." Lord Stowell, probably the

greatest master of the civil and canon law who ever sat in an English

court of justice, has in one of his most famous judgments (_Evans_ v.

_Evans_, 1790, 1 Hagg. _Consist._ 35) echoed the above language in words

often quoted, which have constituted the standard exposition of the law

to the present day. "In the older cases," he said, "of this sort which I

have had the opportunity of looking into, I have observed that the

danger of life, limb or health is usually insisted as the ground upon

which the court has proceeded to a separation. This doctrine has been

repeatedly applied by the court in the cases which have been cited. The

court has never been driven off this ground. It has always been jealous

of the inconvenience of departing from it, and I have heard no one case

cited in which the court has granted a divorce without proof given of a

reasonable apprehension of bodily hurt. I say an apprehension, because

assuredly the court is not to wait till the hurt is actually done; but

the apprehension must be reasonable: it must not be an apprehension

arising from an exquisite and diseased sensibility of mind. Petty

vexations applied to such a constitution of mind may certainly in time

wear out the animal machine, but still they are not cases of legal

relief; people must relieve themselves as well as they can by prudent

resistance, by calling in the succours of religion and the consolation

of friends; but the aid of courts is not to be resorted to in such cases

with any effect." The risk of personal danger in cohabitation

constituted, therefore, the foundation of legal cruelty. But this does

not exclude such conduct as a course of persistent ill-treatment, though

not amounting to personal violence, especially if such ill-treatment has

in fact caused injury to health. But the person complaining must not be

the author of his or her own wrong. If, accordingly, one of the spouses

by his or her conduct is really the cause of the conduct complained of,

recourse to the court would be had in vain, the true remedy lying in a

reformation of the real cause of the disagreement.

In addition to a denial of the charge or charges, the canon law allowed

three grounds of answer: (1) _Compensatio criminis_, a setoff of equal

guilt or recrimination. This principle is no doubt derived from the

Roman law and it had the effect of refusing to one guilty spouse the

remedy of divorce against the other although equally guilty. It was

always accepted in England, although not in other countries, such as

France and Scotland, which also followed the canon or civil law. In

strictness, recrimination applied to a similar offence having been

committed by the party charging that offence. But a decision (1888) of

the English courts shows that a wife who had committed adultery could

not bring a suit against her husband for cruelty (_Otway_ v. _Otway_ 13

P. D. 141). (2) _Condonation._ If the complaining spouse has, in fact,

forgiven the offence complained of, that constitutes a conditional bar

to any proceedings. The main and usual evidence of such forgiveness is

constituted by a renewal of marital intercourse, and it is

difficult-perhaps impossible-to imagine any case in which such

intercourse would not be held to establish condonation. But condonation

may be proved by other acts, or by words, having regard to the

circumstances of each case. Condonation is, however, always presumed to

be conditional on future good behaviour, and misconduct even of a

different kind revives the former offence. (3) _Connivance_ constitutes

a complete answer to any charge. Nor need the husband be the active

agent of the misconduct of the wife. Indifference or neglect imputable

to a corrupt intention are sufficient. It will be seen presently that

modern statute law has gone further in this direction. It is to be added

that the connivance need not be of the very act complained of, but may

be of an act of a similar kind. A learned judge, recalling the classical

anecdote of Maecenas and Galba, said, "A husband is not permitted to say

_non omnibus dormio_." The ecclesiastical courts also considered

themselves bound to refuse relief if there was shown to be _collusion_

between the parties. In its primary and most general sense collusion was

understood to be an agreement between the parties for the purpose of

deceiving the court by false or fictitious evidence; for example, an

agreement to commit, or appear to commit, an act of adultery. Collusion,

however, is not limited to the imposing of other than genuine evidence

on the court. It extends to an agreement to withhold any material

evidence; and indeed is carried further, and held to extend to any

agreement which may have the effect of concealing the real and complete

truth from the court (see _Churchward_ v. _Churchward_, 1894, p. 161).

This doctrine was of considerable importance even in the days when only

divorces _a mensa et thoro_ were granted, because at that time the

parties were not permitted to separate by consent. At the present day it

has become, with regard to divorce a _vinculo matrimonii_, a rule of

greater and of more far-reaching importance.

The canon law as accepted in England, while allowing divorces of the

nature and for the causes above mentioned, actively interfered to

prevent separation between husband and wife in any other manner. A suit

known as a suit for restitution of conjugal rights could be brought to

compel cohabitation; and on evidence of the desertion of either spouse,

the court ordered a return to the matrimonial home, though it carried no

further its authority as to the matrimonial relations within the home.

To this suit an agreement between the parties constituted no answer. But

an answer was afforded by any conduct which would have supported a

decree of divorce _a mensa et thoro_. It is a question whether, indeed,

the ecclesiastical courts would not have gone further, and refused a

decree of restitution of conjugal rights on grounds which might appear

adequate to justify such refusal, though not sufficient on which to

ground a decree of divorce. The view of the court of appeal and the

House of Lords has given some colour to this opinion, and certainly the

court of appeal has held, although perhaps somewhat hastily, that the

effect of a modern statute has been to allow the court to refuse

restitution of conjugal rights for causes falling short of what would

constitute ground for divorce (_Russell_ v. _Russell_, 1895, p. 315).

The ecclesiastical courts provided for the pecuniary rights of the wife

by granting to her alimony during the progress of the suit, and a proper

allowance after its termination in cases in which she was successful.

Such payments were dependent on the pecuniary means, or _faculties_, as

they were termed, of the husband, and were subject to subsequent

increase or diminution in proper cases. But the ecclesiastical courts

did not deal with the custody of the children of the marriage, it being

probably considered that that matter could be determined by the common

law rights of the father, or by the intervention of the court of

chancery.

The canon law fixed no period of limitation, either in respect of a suit

for divorce or for restitution of conjugal rights; but, as regards at

least suits for divorce, any substantial delay might lead to the

imputation of acquiescence or even condonation. To that extent, at

least, the maxim _vigilantibus non dormientibus jura subveniunt_

applied.

It is remarkable that desertion by either party to a marriage, except as

giving rise to a suit for restitution, was not treated as an offence by

canon law in England. It formed no ground for a suit for divorce, and

constituted no answer to such a suit by way of recrimination. It might

indeed deprive a husband of his remedy if it amounted to connivance, or

perhaps even if it amounted only to culpable neglect.

The canon law, as administered in England, has kept clear the logical

distinction which exists between dissolving a marriage and declaring it

null and void. The result has been that, in England at least, the two

proceedings have never been allowed to pass into one another, and a

complete divorce has not been granted on pretence of a cause really one

for declaring the marriage void _ab initio_. But for certain causes the

courts were prepared to declare a marriage null and void on the suit of

either party. There is, indeed, a distinction to be drawn between a

marriage void or only voidable, though in both cases it became the

subject of a similar declaration. It was void in the cases of incapacity

of the parties to contract it, arising from want of proper age, or

consanguinity, or from a previous marriage, or from absence of consent,

a state of things which would arise if the marriage were compelled by

force or induced by fraud as to the nature of the contract entered into

or the personality of the parties. It is to be remarked that, in England

at least, the idea of fraud as connected with the solemnization of

marriage has been kept within these narrow limits. Fraud of a different

kind, such as deception as to the property or position of the husband or

wife, or antecedent impurity of the wife, even if resulting in a

concealed pregnancy, has not in England (though the last-mentioned cause

has in other countries) been held a ground for the vitiation of a

marriage contract. A marriage was voidable, and could be declared void,

on the ground of physical incapacity of either spouse, the absence of

intercourse between the parties after a sufficient period of opportunity

being almost, if not quite, conclusive on this subject.

With regard to one cause of nullity the legislation interfered from

consideration, it is said, of a case of special hardship. Before the

Marriage Act of 1835 marriages within the prohibited degrees of

consanguinity and affinity were only voidable by a decree of the court,

and remained valid unless challenged during the lifetime of both the

parties. But this act, while providing that no previous marriage between

persons within the prohibited degrees should be annulled by a decree of

the ecclesiastical court pronounced in a suit depending at the time of

the passing of the act, went on to render all such marriages thereafter

contracted in England "absolutely null and void to all intents and

purposes whatever."

Another suit was allowed by the ecclesiastical courts which should be

mentioned, although its bearing on divorce is indirect. This was the

suit for _jactitation of marriage_, which in the case of any person

falsely asserting his or her marriage to another, allowed such person to

be put to perpetual silence by an order of the court. This suit, which

has been of rare occurrence (though there was an instance, _Thompson_ v.

_Rourke_, in 1892), does not appear to have been used for the purpose of

determining the validity of a marriage. The legislature, has, however,

in the Legitimacy Declaration Act of 1858, provided a ready means by

which the validity of marriages and the legitimacy of children can be

determined, and the procedure provided has repeatedly been utilised.

It should be added, as a matter closely akin to the proceedings in the

ecclesiastical courts, that the common law took cognizance of one phase

of matrimonial relations by allowing an action by the husband against a

paramour, known as an action for criminal conversation. In such an

action a husband could recover damages estimated according to the loss

he was supposed to have sustained by the seduction and loss of his wife,

the punishment of the seducer not being altogether excluded from

consideration. Although this action was not unfrequently (and indeed,

for the purposes of a divorce, necessarily) brought, it was one which

naturally was regarded with disfavour.

_Effect of the Reformation._--Great as was the indirect effect of the

Reformation upon the law of divorce in England, the direct effect was

small. It might, indeed, have been supposed that the disappearance of

the sacramental idea of marriage entertained by the Roman Church would

have ushered in the greater freedom of divorce which had been associated

with marriage regarded as a civil contract. And to some extent this was

the case. It was for some time supposed that the sentences of divorce

pronounced by the ecclesiastical courts acquired the effect of allowing

remarriage, and such divorces were in some cases granted. In _Lord

Northampton's_ case in the reign of Edward VI. the delegates pronounced

in favour of a second marriage after a divorce _a mensa et thoro_. It

was, however, finally decided in _Foljambe's_ case, in the 44th year of

Elizabeth, that a marriage validly contracted could not be dissolved for

any cause. But the growing sense of the right to a complete divorce for

adequate cause, when no longer any religious law to the contrary could

be validly asserted, in time compelled the discovery of a remedy. The

commission appointed by Henry VIII. and Edward VI. to reform the

ecclesiastical law drew up the elaborate report known as the

_Reformatio Legum_, and in this they recommended that divorces _a mensa

et thoro_ should be abolished, and in their place complete divorce

allowed for the causes of adultery, desertion and cruelty. These

proposals, however, never became law. In 1669 a private act of

parliament was granted in the case of Lord de Roos, and this was

followed by another in the case of the duke of Norfolk in 1692. Such

acts were, however, rare until the accession of the House of Hanover,

only five acts passing before that period. Afterwards their number

considerably increased. Between 1715 and 1775 there were sixty such

acts, in the next twenty-five years there were seventy-four, and between

1800 and 1850 there were ninety. In 1829 alone there were seven, and in

1830 nine.

The jurisdiction thus assumed by parliament to grant absolute divorces

was exercised with great care. The case was fully investigated before a

committee of the House of Lords, and not only was the substance of

justice so secured, but the House of Lords further required that

application to parliament should be preceded by a successful suit in the

ecclesiastical courts resulting in a decree of divorce _a mensa et

thoro_, and in the case of a husband being the applicant, a successful

action at common law and the recovery of damages against the paramour.

In this way, and also, if needful, on its own initiative, the House of

Lords provided that there should be no connivance or collusion. Care was

also taken that a proper allowance was secured to the wife in cases in

which she was not the offending party. This procedure is still pursued

in the case of Irish divorces.

It is obvious, however, that the necessity for costly proceedings before

the Houses of Parliament imposed great hardship on the mass of the

population, and there can be little doubt that this hardship was deeply

felt. Repeated proposals were made to parliament with a view to reform

of the law, and more than one commission reported on the subject. It is

said that the final impetus was given by an address to a prisoner by Mr

Justice Maule. The prisoner's wife had deserted him with her paramour,

and he married again during her lifetime. He was indicted for bigamy,

and convicted, and Mr Justice Maule sentenced him in the following

words:--"Prisoner at the bar: You have been convicted of the offence of

bigamy, that is to say, of marrying a woman while you had a wife still

alive, though it is true she has deserted you and is living in adultery

with another man. You have, therefore, committed a crime against the

laws of your country, and you have also acted under a very serious

misapprehension of the course which you ought to have pursued. You

should have gone to the ecclesiastical court and there obtained against

your wife a decree _a mensa et thoro_. You should then have brought an

action in the courts of common law and recovered, as no doubt you would

have recovered, damages against your wife's paramour. Armed with these

decrees, you should have approached the legislature and obtained an act

of parliament which would have rendered you free and legally competent

to marry the person whom you have taken on yourself to marry with no

such sanction. It is quite true that these proceedings would have cost

you many hundreds of pounds, whereas you probably have not as many

pence. But the law knows no distinction between rich and poor. The

sentence of the court upon you, therefore, is that you be imprisoned for

one day, which period has already been exceeded, as you have been in

custody since the commencement of the assizes." The grave irony of the

learned judge was felt to represent truly a state of things well-nigh

intolerable, and a reform in the law of divorce was felt to be

inevitable. The hour and the man came in 1857, the man in the person of

Sir Richard Bethell (afterwards Lord Westbury), then attorney-general.

_The Act of 1857._--Probably few measures have been conceived with such

consummate skill and knowledge, and few conducted through parliament

with such dexterity and determination. The leading opponent of the

measure was Mr Gladstone, backed by the zeal of the High Church party

and inspired by his own matchless subtlety and resource. But the contest

proved to be unequal, and after debates in which every line, almost

every word, of the measure was hotly contested, especially in the House

of Commons, the measure emerged substantially as it had been

introduced. Not the least part of the merit and success of the act of

1857 is due to the skill which, while effecting a great social change,

did so with the smallest possible amount of innovation. The act (which

came into operation on the 1st of January 1858) embodied two main

principles: 1. The constitution of a lay court for the administration of

all matters connected with divorce. 2. The transfer to that court, with

as little change as possible, of the powers exercised in matrimonial

matters by (a) the House of Lords, (b) the ecclesiastical courts, (c)

the courts of common law.

_The Constitution of the Court._--The new court, termed "The Court for

Divorce and Matrimonial Causes," was constituted by the lord chancellor,

the chiefs and the senior puisne judges of the three courts of common

law, and the judge of the court of probate (which was also established

in 1857), but the functions of the court were practically entrusted to

the judge of the court of probate, termed the "Judge Ordinary," who thus

in matters of probate and divorce became the representative of the

former ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The judge ordinary was empowered

either to sit alone or with one or more of the other judges to

constitute a full court. The parties to a suit obtained the right of

trial by jury of all disputed questions of fact; and the rules of

evidence of the common law courts were made to apply. An appeal to the

full court was given in all matters, which the judge ordinary was

enabled to hear sitting alone.

1. To this court were transferred all the powers of the ecclesiastical

courts with regard to suits for divorce _a mensa et thoro_, to which the

name was given of suits for "judicial separation," nullity, restitution

of conjugal rights, and jactitation of marriage, and in all such

proceedings it was expressly enacted (sec. 22) that the court should act

on principles and rules as nearly as possible conformable to the

principles and rules of the ecclesiastical courts. Judicial separation

could be obtained by either husband or wife for adultery, or cruelty, or

desertion continued for two or more years.

2. There were also transferred to the court powers equivalent to those

exercised by the legislature in granting absolute divorce. The husband

could obtain a divorce for adultery, the wife could obtain a divorce for

adultery coupled with cruelty or desertion for two or more years, and

also for incestuous or bigamous adultery, or rape, or unnatural

offences. The same conditions as had been required by the legislature

were insisted on. A petition for dissolution (sec. 30) was to be

dismissed in case of connivance, condonation or collusion; and further,

the court had power, though it was not compelled, to dismiss such

petition if the petitioner had been guilty of adultery, or if there had

been unreasonable delay in presenting or prosecuting the petition, or if

the petitioner had been guilty of cruelty or desertion without

reasonable excuse, or of wilful neglect or misconduct conducing to the

adultery. The exercise of these discretionary powers of the court, just

and valuable as they undoubtedly are, has been attended with some

difficulty. But the view of the legislature has on the whole been

understood to be that the adultery of a petitioner should not constitute

a bar to his or her proceeding, if it has been caused by the misconduct

of the respondent, and that cruelty should not constitute such a bar

unless it has caused or contributed to the misconduct of the respondent.

But the court, while regarding its powers as those of a judicial and not

an arbitrary discretion, has declined to fetter itself by any fixed rule

of interpretation or practice.

It is to be observed that this act assigned a new force to desertion.

The ecclesiastical law regarded it only as suggestive of connivance or

culpable neglect. But the act of 1857 made it (1) a ground of judicial

separation if continued for two years, (2) a ground in part of

dissolution of marriage if continued for the same period, (3) a bar, in

the discretion of the court, to a petition for dissolution, though it

was not made in a similar way any bar to a suit for judicial separation.

It is also to be observed that the act was confined to causes of divorce

recognized by the ecclesiastical law as administered in England. It did

not either extend the causes of a suit for nullity by adding such

grounds as antenuptial incontinence, even if accompanied with

pregnancy, nor did it borrow from the civil law of Rome either lunacy or

crime as grounds for divorce.

Much comment has been made on the different grounds on which divorce is

allowed to a husband and to a wife,--it being necessary to prove

infidelity in both cases, but a wife being compelled to show either an

aggravation of that offence or an addition to it. Opinions probably will

always differ whether the two sexes should be placed on an equality in

this respect, abstract justice being invoked, and the idea of marriage

as a mere contract pointing in one direction, and social considerations

in the other. But the reason of the legislature for making the

distinction is clear. It is that the wife is entitled to an absolute

divorce only if her reconciliation with her husband is neither to be

expected nor desired. This was no doubt the view taken by the House of

Lords. In 1801 a Mrs Addison claimed an absolute divorce on the ground

of her husband's incest with her sister. The matter was long debated,

but Lord Thurlow, who appeared in the House of Lords for the last time

in order to support the bill, turned the scale by arguing that it was

improper that the wife should under such circumstances return to her

husband (see Campbell, _Lives of the Chancellors_, vii. 145). "Why do

you," he said, "grant to the husband a divorce for the adultery of the

wife? Because he ought not to forgive her, and separation is inevitable.

Where the wife cannot forgive, and separation is inevitable by reason of

the crime of the husband, the wife is entitled to the like remedy."

The act (sec. 32) provided, in case of dissolution, for maintenance of

the wife by the husband on principles similar to those recognized by the

ecclesiastical courts, and (sec. 45) for the settlement of the property

of a guilty wife on her husband or children; but this enactment was

imperfect, as provision was made only for a settlement and not for

payment of an allowance, and none was made for altering settlements made

in view or in consequence of a marriage. The act (sec. 35) provides also

in all divorce proceedings, and also in those of nullity, for provision

for the custody, maintenance and education of children by the court:

provisions of great value, which were unfortunately for some time

limited by an erroneous view of the court that the age of the children

to which such provisions applied should be considered limited to

sixteen. The act of 1857 also transferred to the new court the powers

exercised by the common law courts in the action for criminal

conversation. It was made obligatory to join an alleged adulterer in the

suit, and damages (sec. 33) might be claimed against him, and he might

be ordered to pay the cost of the proceedings (sec. 34), the extent

depending upon the circumstances of each case.[1]

The act of 1857 in one respect went beyond a transfer of the powers

exercised by the ecclesiastical courts or the legislature. It provided

(sec. 21) that a wife deserted by her husband might apply to a

magistrate in petty sessions and obtain an order which had the effect of

protecting her earnings and property, and during the currency of such

order of protection a wife was to be in the same position as if she had

obtained an order for judicial separation. The effect of this section

appears to have been small; but the Summary Jurisdiction (Married Women)

Act 1895 has afforded a cheap and speedy remedy to all classes.

The framers of the act of 1857 were careful to avoid offending the

scruples of clergymen who disapproved of the complete dissolution of

marriage by a lay court. It was provided (secs. 57 and 58) that no

clergyman should be compelled to solemnize the marriage of any person

whose former marriage had been dissolved on the ground of his or her

adultery, but should permit any other clergyman to solemnize the

marriage in any church or chapel in which the parties were entitled to

be married. It is to be feared that this concession, ample as it

appears, has not allayed conscientious objections, which are perhaps

from their nature insuperable. The act made no provision as to the name

to be borne by a wife after a divorce; and this omission led to

litigation in the case of a peer's wife, in _Cowley_ v. _Cowley_, in

which Lady Cowley was allowed to retain her status.

_Modifications of the Act of 1857._--Subsequent legislation has made

good many of the defects of the act of 1857. In 1859 power was given to

the court, after a decree of dissolution or of nullity of marriage, to

inquire into the existence of ante- and post-nuptial settlements, and to

make orders with respect to the property settled either for the benefit

of children of the marriage or their parents; and a subsequent act (41 &

42 Vict. c. 19, s. 3) removed a doubt which was entertained whether

these powers could be exercised if there were no children of the

marriage. In 1860 a very important change was made, having for its

object a practical mode of preventing divorces in cases of connivance

and collusion or of misconduct of the petitioner. It was provided that a

claim of dissolution (a provision afterwards extended to decrees of

nullity) should in the first instance be a decree nisi, which should not

be made absolute until the expiration of a period then fixed at not less

than three, but by subsequent legislation enlarged to not less than six,

months. During the interval which elapsed between the decree nisi and

such decree being made absolute, power was given to any person to

intervene in the suit and show cause why the decree should not be made

absolute, by reason of the same having been obtained by collusion, or by

reason of material facts not brought before the court; and it was also

provided that, at any time before the decree was made absolute, the

queen's proctor, if led to suspect that the parties were acting in

collusion for the purpose of obtaining a divorce contrary to the justice

of the case, might under the direction of the attorney-general intervene

and allege such case of collusion. This enactment (extended in the year

1873 to suits for nullity) was ill drawn and unskilfully conceived. The

power given to any person whomsoever to intervene is no doubt too wide,

and practically has had little or no useful effect as employed by

friends or enemies of parties to a suit. The limitation in terms of the

express power of the queen's proctor to intervene in cases of collusion

was undoubtedly too narrow. But the queen's proctor, or the official by

whom that officer was afterwards represented, has in practice availed

himself of the general authority given to any person to show cause why a

decree _nisi_ should not be made absolute, and has thus been enabled to

render such important service to the administration of justice that it

is difficult to imagine the due execution of the law of divorce by a

court without such assistance. By the Matrimonial Causes Act 1866 power

was given to the court to order an allowance to be paid by a guilty

husband to a wife on a dissolution of marriage. This act also can hardly

be considered to have been drawn with sufficient care, inasmuch as while

it provides that if the husband's means diminish, the allowance may be

diminished or suspended, it makes no corresponding provision for

increase of the allowance if the husband's means increase; nor,

apparently, does it permit of an allowance in addition to, but only in

substitution for, a settlement. The act makes no provision for allowance

to a guilty wife, and it certainly is a serious defect that the power to

grant an allowance does not extend to cases of nullity. In 1868 an

appeal to the House of Lords was given in cases of decree for

dissolution or nullity of marriage.

The great changes effected by the Judicature Acts included the court for

divorce and matrimonial causes. Under their operation a division of the

high court of justice was constituted, under the designation of the

probate division and admiralty division, to which was assigned that

class of legal administration governed mainly by the principles and

practice of the canon and civil law. The division consists of a

president, and a justice of the high court, with registrars

representing each branch of the jurisdiction. Appeals lie to the court

of appeal, and thence to the House of Lords.

In 1884 the legislature interfered to prevent imprisonment being the

result of disobedience to an order for restitution of conjugal rights.

That mode of enforcing the order of the court was abolished, and the

matter was left to a proper adjustment of the pecuniary relations of the

husband and wife; and a respondent disobeying such an order was held to

be guilty of desertion without reasonable cause, such desertion having

further given to it a similar effect to that assigned to desertion for

two years or upwards. The effect of this provision has been that the

suit for restitution of conjugal rights is most frequently brought for

the purpose of shortening the time within which a wife can obtain a

decree for dissolution of marriage.

Proceedings in the divorce court have shown the improvement in the law

of evidence which has been effected with regard to other legal

proceedings. The act of 1857 made an inroad on the former law, which

prohibited evidence being given by parties interested in the

proceedings, by allowing a petitioner (sec. 43) to be called and

examined by order of the court, absolving such petitioner, however, from

the necessity of answering any question tending to show that he or she

had been guilty of adultery. In the next year power was given to the

court to dismiss any person, with whom a party to the suit was alleged

to have committed adultery, from the suit if there should not appear to

be sufficient evidence against him or her, the object being to allow

such person to give evidence; and in 1859 it was provided that, on a

petition by a wife for a divorce on the grounds of cruelty or desertion

with adultery, the husband and wife could be competent and compellable

witnesses as to the cruelty or desertion. A few years later, however, in

1869, the subject was finally dealt with by repealing all previous rules

which limited the powers to give evidence on questions of adultery with

the safeguard that no witness in any proceeding can be asked or bound to

answer any question tending to show that he or she has been guilty of

adultery, unless in the same proceeding such witness shall have given

evidence in disproof of his or her alleged adultery. It has been held

that the principles of these enactments apply to interrogatories as well

as to evidence given in court.

It is a most remarkable omission in the act of 1857, especially when we

remember the high legal authority from whom it proceeded, that the act

nowhere defines the class of persons with regard to whom the

jurisdiction of the court should be exercised. This omission has given

rise to a misapprehension of the law which, though now set at rest,

prevailed for a considerable period, and has undoubtedly led to the

granting of divorce in several cases in which it could not legally be

given. It was supposed that the court could grant a dissolution of

marriage to all persons who had anything more than a casual and fleeting

residence within the jurisdiction of the court; and this view, although

its correctness was doubted by Lord Penzance, the judge of the divorce

court, was upheld by a majority of the judges of the court of appeal in

the case of _Niboyet_ v. _Niboyet_ (4 P. D. 1). It was supposed that

such residence gave what was termed a matrimonial domicile. But this

view was undoubtedly erroneous as regards dissolution of marriage,

although probably correct as regards judicial separation, and the true

view is no doubt that indicated with great learning and ability by Lord

Watson in a judgment given by him in the privy council in the case of

_Le Mesurier_ v. _Le Mesurier_ (1895, App. Cas. 517), that the only true

test of jurisdiction for a decree of divorce altering the status of the

parties to a marriage is to be found in the domicile of the

spouses--that is to say, of the husband, as the domicile of a wife

follows that of her husband--at the time of the divorce. Domicile means

a person's permanent home, the place at which he resides with no

intention of making his home elsewhere, and, if he leaves it, with the

intention of returning to it.

It is now also clearly recognized as the law of England that the English

courts will not recognize a divorce purporting to be made by a foreign

tribunal with regard to persons domiciled in England. For a considerable

time doubt appears to have clouded the law on this subject. In a famous

case known as _Lolley's_ case, decided in 1812, the judges of England

(the point arose in connexion with a criminal charge) unanimously held

"that no sentence or act of any foreign country or any state could

dissolve an English marriage _a vinculo matrimonii_ for grounds on which

it was not liable to be dissolved _a vinculo matrimonii_ in England."

This case has been frequently understood as deciding that a marriage

celebrated in England cannot be dissolved elsewhere, and on this point

the courts of Scotland differ from the view supposed to be taken by the

English judges. But the matter has been fully explained in one of the

most masterly of Lord Hannen's judgments (_Harvey_ v. _Fairnie_, 5. P.

D. 154), afterwards upheld by the House of Lords in 1882 (8 App. Cas.

43); and it is now clear that while the parties are domiciled in this

country no decree of any foreign court dissolving their marriage will be

recognized here, unless it proceed on the grounds on which a divorce may

be obtained in this country, and even the exception just mentioned

appears to rest rather on reasoning and principle than on the authority

of any decided case. This principle received the highest sanction in the

prosecution of Earl Russell for bigamy before the House of Lords (1901),

in which it was held that, where a divorce had been refused him in

England, an American divorce would not relieve a man from the guilt of

marrying again.

_Summary Proceedings for Separation._--The legislature has sought to

extend the relief afforded by the courts in matrimonial causes by a

procedure fairly to be considered within the reach of all classes. In

1895 an act was passed which re-enacted in an improved form the

provisions of an act of 1878 of similar effect. By the act of 1895 power

was given to a married woman whose husband (1) has been guilty of an

aggravated assault upon her within the Offences against the Person Act

1861, or (2) convicted on indictment of an assault on her and sentenced

to pay a fine of more than L5 or to imprisonment for more than two

months, or (3) shall have deserted her, or (4) been guilty of persistent

cruelty to her or wilful neglect to maintain her or her infant children,

and by such cruelty or neglect shall have caused her to leave and live

apart from him, to apply to a court of summary jurisdiction and to

obtain an order containing all or any of the following provisions:--(1)

that the applicant be not forced to cohabit with her husband, (2) that

the applicant have the custody of any children under sixteen years of

age, (3) that the husband pay to her an allowance not exceeding L2 a

week. The act provides that no married woman guilty of adultery should

be granted relief, but with the very important proviso, altering as it

does the rule of the common law, that the husband has not conduced or

connived at, or by wilful neglect or misconduct conduced to, such

adultery. The provisions of this act[2] have been largely put in force,

and no doubt to the great advantage of the poorer classes of the

community. It will be observed that the act is unilateral, and affords

no relief to a husband against a wife; and the complaint is often heard

that no misconduct of the wife, except adultery, relieves the husband

from the necessity of maintaining her and allowing her to share his

home, unless he can obtain access to the high court.[3]

_Separation Deeds._--Although nothing in the development of the law of

divorce has tended to give to married persons the right absolutely to

dissolve their marriage by consent, and, on the contrary, any such

agreement would be held to be strong evidence of collusion, the view of

the Church expressed in the ecclesiastical law has been entirely

departed from as regards agreements for separation. Such agreements were

embodied in deeds, and usually contained mutual covenants not to sue in

the ecclesiastical courts for restitution of conjugal rights. The

ecclesiastical courts, however, wholly disregarded such agreements, and

considered them as affording no answer to a suit for restitution of

conjugal rights. For a considerable period the court of chancery refused

to enforce the covenant in such deeds by restraining the parties from

proceeding to the ecclesiastical courts. But at last a memorable

judgment of Lord Westbury (1861) asserted the right (_Hunt_ v. _Hunt_, 4

De G. F. & J. 221; see also _Marshall_ v. _Marshall_, 5 P. D. 19) of the

court of chancery to maintain the claim of good faith in this as in

other cases, and restrained a petitioner from suing in the

ecclesiastical court contrary to his covenant. Thereafter these deeds

became common, and no doubt often afford a solution of matrimonial

difficulties of very great value. When the courts of the country became

united under the Judicature Acts, it became practicable to set up in the

divorce division a separation deed in answer to a suit for restitution

of conjugal rights without the necessity of recourse to any other

tribunal.

_Statistics._--The statistics of divorce in England have for some

years been regularly published in the volumes of judicial statistics

published annually by the Home Office.

The number of petitions for divorce (including in the term both

divorce _a mensa et thoro_ and divorce _a vinculo_) for the years from

1858 to 1905 inclusive are as follows:--

1858 326 | 1874 469 | 1890 644

1859 291 | 1875 451 | 1891 632

1860 272 | 1876 536 | 1892 629

1861 236 | 1877 551 | 1893 645

1862 248 | 1878 632 | 1894 652

1863 298 | 1879 555 | 1895 683

1864 297 | 1880 615 | 1896 772

1865 284 | 1881 589 | 1897 781

1866 279 | 1882 481 | 1898 750

1867 294 | 1883 561 | 1899 727

1868 303 | 1884 647 | 1900 698

1869 351 | 1885 541 | 1901 848

1870 351 | 1886 708 | 1902 987

1871 384 | 1887 662 | 1903 914

1872 374 | 1888 680 | 1904 822

1873 416 | 1889 654 | 1905 844

It is probably impossible to account for the variations which the

above table discloses. It was no doubt natural that the year

immediately succeeding the passing of the act which originated

facilities for divorces _a vinculo_ should exhibit a larger number of

divorces than its successors for a considerable period. But there does

not appear to be any adequate cause for the comparative increase which

seems to have prevailed in the decade between 1878 and 1888, unless it

be found in the increase of marriages which culminated in 1873 and

1883, falling after each of those years. The number of marriages again

rose high in 1891 and 1892, and this may account for the increased

number of divorces in 1896 and the following years. But it may

certainly be said with confidence that as compared with the growth of

population the number of divorces in England has shown no alarming

increase.

The total number of petitions in matrimonial causes presented by

husbands exceed those presented by wives, but in no marked degree.

This excess would seem to be due to the fact that the larger number of

petitions for dissolution presented by husbands, owing no doubt to the

difference in the law affecting the two sexes, is not entirely

counterbalanced by the much larger number of petitions for judicial

separation presented by wives. The following figures for various years

may be taken as typical:--

+------------------------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+

| | 1895 | 1896 | 1897 | 1898 | 1899 | 1905 |

+------------------------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+

| Petitions for Dissolution-- | | | | | | |

| Presented by husbands | 353 | 393 | 414 | 401 | 383 | 429 |

| Presented by wives | 220 | 280 | 269 | 243 | 262 | 323 |

| Petitions for Judicial Separation--| | | | | | |

| Presented by husbands | 4 | 3 | 2 | 4 | 4 | 5 |

| Presented by wives | 106 | 96 | 96 | 102 | 78 | 87 |

| Totals-- | | | | | | |

| Presented by husbands | 357 | 396 | 416 | 405 | 387 | 434 |

| Presented by wives | 326 | 376 | 365 | 345 | 340 | 410 |

+------------------------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+

Speaking generally, it may be said that about 70% of the petitions

presented are successful and result in decrees. This percentage has a

tendency, however, to rise.

Attempts have been made to ascertain the classes which supply the

petitioners for divorce, but this cannot be done with such certainty

as to warrant any but the most general conclusions. It may, however,

safely be said that while all classes, professions and occupations are

represented, it is certainly not those highest in the scale that are

the largest contributors. The principles of the act of 1857 have

beyond question been justified by the relief required by and afforded

to the general community.

Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Edition, "Dinard" to "Dodsworth, Roger" Volume 8, Slice 5 · 第 20 / 26 题