Fortifying 203 Metre Hill—Situation at the beginning of
November—Mining operations.
On my inspections now I had to run and jump like a goat from traverse
to traverse, and even crawl on all-fours. I had indeed good reason for
complaining more often perhaps than any one else of the inaction of our
artillery.
Not long before this the Japanese smashed up our water-cart as it was
wending its way to Division Hill. Well, we ate the horses, but the cart
itself was shattered to pieces, and all because our guns allowed the
enemy to get too close up to our positions.
Thank God! the Japanese could not see our staff headquarters, or
otherwise the structure would have been razed to the ground. Stray
shells alone caused a certain amount of damage to it, so one can
imagine what would have happened if the opposing artillery had actually
ranged on it.
A short time ago, when the Japanese sent up a balloon, I climbed on to
the roof of one of the buildings to see if we were visible to the men
in its car.
I could see the balloon distinctly through my telescope, but it seemed
very doubtful if the Japanese could see the chimneys of our houses, so
we no longer worried about their safety.
I have already said that the Japanese sapping operations near 203 Metre
Hill were progressing apace, and consequently we were now racking
our brains to devise means of impeding their work. I proposed making
a sortie on a large scale. In order to ensure its success, I took a
photograph from 203 Metre Hill of our own and the Japanese works,
and told Major Fofanov, the officer commanding our 5th Company, whom
I had selected to lead the sortie, to make a careful study of the
ground himself, but in the end our senior officers refused to give us
permission to make any sortie on a large scale. We had, consequently,
to be content with a series of small ones. Numbers of men always
volunteered for these sorties, of whom Acting Ensign Makurin and
Rifleman Stoliarov of the 1st Scout Detachment especially distinguished
themselves.
One of their sorties was brilliantly successful. The Japanese in the
saps and trenches were bayoneted, the trenches were wrecked, and a
quantity of digging tools was captured, while our own losses were
insignificant. One sortie, however, made by Makurin on the night of
October 20–21, was a failure, probably for the reason that the Japanese
had anticipated it, and our men were thus met by rifle fire and hand
grenades. Our losses were heavy, Makurin himself being severely wounded
in the arm.
These sorties were our only means of combating the Japanese sap work,
until at last we discovered a new method—one that had been tried by
Midshipman Vlassev in the centre of our positions. A description of
the procedure was given us when we were all drinking tea (of which
we always had a plentiful supply) in the staff headquarters, and we
promptly decided to try the experiment ourselves.
The following day we dragged a 42-linia[99] gun to 203 Metre Hill,
mounted it in a trench and, with General Kondratenko’s permission,
asked Midshipman Vlassev to come over. Under his direction a stick
about 4 feet long was fixed into the base of a cylindro-conical shell
of calibre 41·5 linia. This wooden tail was pushed down the bore of
the gun, which was previously charged with a small quantity of powder.
On firing, the shell with its tail flew towards the enemy’s sap, where
the 20-lb. charge of pyroxylin exploded, and destroyed all the enemy’s
works as well as the men engaged in constructing them. Midshipman
Vlassev and Major Gobiato (a gunner) undertook to try this method of
firing. Though the first few shots were not successful, the wooden
tail being either burnt up or broken, and the shell failing to drop
where it was intended, they nevertheless struck fear into the hearts of
the Japanese! Afterwards firing became more accurate, and the shells
frequently fell right into the trenches.
For future fortress warfare some practical means must be devised for
throwing 20-lb. charges a short distance with precision, and then close
approach will be rendered so difficult as to be almost an impossibility.
Having noted the position of this dangerous gun, the enemy directed
a tremendous fire upon it, but it took him a month to dismount it,
and then only because it was impossible for us to protect it in the
trenches from the constant fall of heavy shell.
The discharge of these great tailed shell was watched with the greatest
interest by our riflemen. But the enemy, not to be outdone, also
began to discharge large mines at us, the effect of the explosion of
which was considerably greater than that of his 11-inch shell, but
their striking effect was weak and limited to a terrific roar and an
indescribable volume of smoke.
[Illustration: BLINDAGE ON THE LEFT FLANK OF 203 METRE HILL.
THE MEN ARE RIFLEMEN OF THE 2ND COMPANY,
5TH REGIMENT.
p. 215]
During the last month the work of fortifying 203 Metre Hill had
made rapid progress. One could walk freely about the trenches now,
without the risk of knocking one’s head against the cross-beams in the
blindages. Dug-outs had been made in the rear face of the trenches, so
that a third of the defenders could turn in at night and obtain proper
rest. The blindages in the most exposed places had been strengthened
with rails and 1/2-inch iron plates, with earth and stone piled up on
them to a height of about 6 feet, and the loopholes were furnished
with 1/2-inch iron shields, with a cross-shaped aperture in the middle
for the rifle, so that the men felt themselves fairly safe when
exchanging fire with the Japanese.
Unfortunately, however, the enemy began noticeably to increase his
fire on the hill from 11-inch howitzers. One shell hit a traverse 9
feet thick, blew it to pieces, in spite of the fact that it was nearly
all solid rock, and wrecked all the passages round it. I went to see
what damage had been done, and saw that it would need a great deal of
work to repair it. The passage round the traverse had been blown out
to a depth of 7 feet. Three riflemen, who were standing alongside the
traverse near an embrasure, were killed.
I asked the men: “Well, how do you like this kind of visitor? Do you
find it trying?” “Not a bit, sir. They seldom do much damage, beyond
singeing us a bit—look there!” and a soldier pointed to one of the
hills near the Shipinsin Pass where a puff of smoke was hanging. In
another second a huge 11-inch shell screamed over the hill, and,
striking somewhere behind, burst with a tremendous roar. Thousands of
splinters flew in all directions. “M-iles over,” drawled one of the men
unconcernedly.
“That is why they have put you here,” I continued. “Every one knows
what splendid men you are—that you will not surrender; you must be
proud that you are so honoured by the whole garrison. Men of the 5th
Regiment are posted in all the most dangerous positions.”
“We _are_ proud, sir,” answered a chorus of voices.
That is how things were when no attack was proceeding. But the end was
bound to come. The enemy’s saps had come half-way up the hill, and we
continued to strengthen our positions.
203 Metre Hill had by now a complete belt of wire entanglements round
it. To further strengthen this obstacle, I gave orders for abattis to
be constructed in it. Trees were cut down near the staff headquarters
and dragged up to the hill. In this way an open attack was rendered an
absolute impossibility. The redoubts and trenches on Akasaka Yama were
also completed. Acting Ensign Yermakov and Major Mousious surpassed
themselves. General Fock came to Akasaka Yama and was very satisfied
with the work done there, which I believe he has mentioned in his
“Notes.”[100]
I had many companies of other regiments on the positions in my section.
As I have already said, these companies were sent up as they were
needed, and so they became rather intermixed. This was in every respect
most undesirable, as, whenever anything went wrong, it was impossible
to determine who was really to blame.
It became very evident to me that it is not by any means the same thing
whether four companies of different units hold a position, or whether
it is defended by one battalion, under its own commander.
In view of this, the whole of the 27th Regiment, with the exception of
the 1st Company, was ordered to concentrate on Akasaka Yama and the 5th
on Division Hill, 203 Metre Hill being defended as before by the 2nd,
4th, and 6th Companies of the 5th Regiment, with four machine guns,
the 1st Company of the 27th Regiment, and the 7th Company of the 14th
Regiment under Lieutenant Vanikovski. These men were all familiar with
their various positions, and had become indifferent to constant danger
and quite accustomed to looking down from the top on the enemy digging
below without any particular feelings of alarm.
I must acknowledge that in view of past experience I did not like
changing my tried companies for new ones. I therefore organized them
in reliefs—two days’ rest near the staff headquarters to one on the
position.
Interval Hill was occupied by one company of the 25th Regiment under
Major Veselovski. In the reserve I had the companies of the 4th Reserve
Battalion.
* * * * *
Towards the end of November the fortifications on all the hills were
complete. On 203 Metre Hill was a huge redoubt, with two keeps,
completely surrounded by wire entanglements.[101] The interval between
203 Metre Hill and False Hill was covered by several rows of fougasses.
Akasaka Yama was encircled with a well-built line of trenches, and had
a strong redoubt on the top, with two weaker ones on the right flank.
On Division Hill there was a large redoubt with two retrenchments, the
fire of which was directed towards Extinct Volcano, as an attack, we
thought, was certain to come from that direction.
The communication trenches to Akasaka Yama and Division Hill were well
screened from view and impervious to rifle fire. False Hill was also
surrounded by well-constructed trenches, with covered communication
passages leading to them.
The space between False Hill and Fort Ta-yang-kou North was the only
piece in the section resembling a fortified position in the ordinary
sense of the word, and it was held by only two companies, and four
guns of small calibre. All the hills were self-contained and capable of
making a separate resistance, and in case of need I could reinforce any
one of them by two or three companies from the general reserve.
The men on the positions lived now in much greater comfort than before,
particularly since there was room for all in suitable covered dug-outs
at night.
They all had good kitchens, and on Akasaka Yama even baths had been
made. In the matter of food there was, however, little variety, neither
butter nor beef being available. Where had the artillery horses been
taken? We saw none of them. We often ate mules and horses that had
been killed on the positions, but some regiments were unable even to
get them. The garrison was, in consequence, beginning to suffer from
scurvy, and eventually this cursed disease stealthily found its way in
among us also, and laid low many of our best men.
* * * * *
While we were, so to speak, having an easy time of it, important events
were taking place in the centre.[102] Time after time we received
reports from there of the defeat of the enemy’s attacks and his heavy
losses. But we also knew that the enemy’s approaches were within
striking distance of the forts, and that it would not be long before
mining operations would commence.
On the evening of November 8, I received a note from General
Kondratenko, inviting me to come and examine the mining work at
Fort Chi-kuan,[103] where they could already hear the enemy’s miners
working. The main object of this examination was to ascertain how far
off their work was going on.
That evening I rode into Port Arthur and met Colonel Grigorenko.[104]
Having had tea with him and a fairly large gathering of officers, who
made one feel quite at home, we all set out in carriages for Fort
Chi-kuan, where we arrived without any mishap.
In company with General Nikizhin, Colonel Reiss, and several staff
officers we passed through the north gate of the town, where the sentry
was inclined to stop us, because, as he said, he had received no order
to let us through.
The road passed through some dark ravines, and by a way which was quite
unknown to me. In half an hour’s time we reached General Nadyein’s
headquarters, which consisted of two barrack rooms, surrounded on all
sides and roofed over with several rows of sand-bags.
General Nadyein had taken some time in building this splinter-proof,
and had used thousands of sand-bags over its construction. Inside it
was comfortable and light. It stood close under a steep cliff. On the
way to it we had heard a good many bullets whistling around, but the
staff quarters themselves were in an absolutely safe place.
Telephone wires on service poles radiated in all directions from the
headquarters office.
General Kondratenko and Colonel Irman joined us here and accompanied
us to the position, to the advanced lines of which we proceeded on foot.
There was a continuous rattle of rifle fire from all sides, and it
was already quite dark. We proceeded along the narrow communication
passages, sometimes coming out into a deep ravine, and thence into the
fighting trenches, where our riflemen were standing in silence with
their overcoats half thrown open (a coat turned inside-out looks like a
rock from a distance, and the men in my section always wore their coats
like that). Occasionally some of them would take aim and fire into the
darkness.
Just as I was going past one of the men, he literally deafened me for
the moment with the report of his rifle. “What are you firing at?” I
asked. “Into the trench there, sir.” “What are you firing into the
trench for?” “I saw something moving there,” he said. I looked over the
parapet. The enemy’s trench was indeed very close,[105] but I doubt if
it were possible to see anything moving in it.
In this way we went on for a long time, now crawling along on the
ground, now standing up to our full height, Colonel Reiss suffering
most inconvenience of all. He had to bend the whole time, as he was so
tall that otherwise his head would have been quite a foot over the top
of the parapets of the trenches.
At last we stopped. “What’s the matter?” we asked of those in front.
“We have to run one by one across this piece of open ground.” I took
my turn to run across. There was a good deal of firing going on
here, I suppose in order to let the Japanese know that we were on the
alert. The rifle firing, however, was accompanied by fairly frequent
discharges of what appeared to be heavy guns.
Having made one more turn, we saw before us a magnificent spectacle,
which at once explained the firing we had heard. It was not gun firing,
but the bursting of the Japanese hand grenades hurled at Fort Chi-kuan.
I thought how pleasant it would be to be hit on the head by such a
projectile.
But it was indeed a wonderful sight. From behind the breastwork of
Chi-kuan (we were near the gorge) hissing streams of fire, either
singly or in “bouquets,” shot high into the air and, falling into the
fort, burst with a report like that of a heavy gun.
For about five minutes we watched this wonderful firework display. An
officer who had been farther to the front explained that the missiles
were pyroxylin or melinite cartridges, to which was attached some
wadding saturated with kerosene. The wadding was lighted and the
cartridge thrown into the fort by some mechanical means, and there it
burst as soon as the “slow-match” had burnt down.
The Japanese hoped by this means to set fire to the sand-bags, planks
and beams that were piled up in stacks at the entrance to the fort.
Not knowing how long this display would last, we went across the
entrance of the fort into a bomb-proof on the other side without any
one being injured. Thanks to the light of some small lanterns and the
flames of the wadding which was blazing everywhere, I was able to see
that the fort was almost completely wrecked; parapets and traverses
presented an absolutely ruined appearance, everywhere pieces of planks
and beams from blown-up bomb-proofs were heaped up, and there were
numbers of deep, wide holes where 11-inch shell had burst.
I noticed several riflemen on the parapet lying behind sand-bags.
They were sentries. I also noticed a well-built retrenchment in the
principal salient of the fort.
As I followed the others as quickly as possible into the stone
bomb-proof, I became conscious that a moment before I had been somewhat
uneasy as to whether I should escape without having my face damaged
(just before I had seen a soldier with his face and arms horribly
burnt).
The large vaulted casemate we had entered was filled with soldiers,
quietly seated all round it. We passed through it and turned to the
left, and then proceeded farther through several doors until we
suddenly found ourselves in the brightly lit casemate of the officer
commanding the fort. We had a short rest there. Colonel Grigorenko
explained the situation, making it clear to us that the enemy’s mining
parties, drilling their way through in two directions, had already got
very close to the wall of the semi-caponiers which were placed in the
chief salient of the fort, while we had counter-mined in two places.
It was now necessary to determine how near we were to the enemy’s
miners and to calculate the charge required. There were very few expert
miners among officers or men. The sapper company had been but lately
formed, and its commander was a pontoon expert, while all the other
officers were young. Major Linder (commanding the company) had never
had any experience of mining operations, and the only people who knew
anything about them were Colonel Grigorenko and Lieutenant-Colonel
Rashevski. The former had served with me in the 6th Battalion and knew
that I had for some years practised offensive and defensive mining
operations at the Engineer College at Kiev, and for that reason he had
asked me to come and help him at this critical moment. According to the
officer who was superintending the work in our mines, the enemy was
extremely close, but just then they could only occasionally hear the
sound of very cautious digging.
After hearing this report, we all went into the semi-caponier. We
proceeded for a considerable distance through some dark casemates, and
then came to the place where the mining was being done. We ordered
every one out of the mine and climbed in to listen. Colonel Grigorenko
and Lieutenant-Colonel Rashevski were with me. We began to listen,
but our movements and breathing prevented our hearing well, so my two
companions went out and I was left alone. Putting my ear close to the
wall nearest the enemy, I held my breath and listened intently, but not
a sound broke the dead silence.
I acknowledge that when my comrades climbed out of the mine, which
dropped down steeply in the enemy’s direction, I felt none too happy.
Supposing the enemy had laid his charge and was just about to explode
it! There would not be much of me left!
In my imagination I conjured up some very disquieting pictures, and all
the time not a sound from the enemy. This rather confirmed me in the
correctness of my supposition.
Long and intently I listened, several times changing my position, as my
legs got stiff and cramped owing to my not being able to stretch them
out. I strained my ears, ... not a sound. Suddenly ... a blow, a very
careful one, then ... another and another; I tried to guess the enemy’s
direction, and how far off he was. Though the formation was somewhat of
the nature of sand-stone, still one ought to be able to judge fairly
accurately. The man was working very cautiously with a pick, and I
could hear it from all sides of our mine. As if it were now (one does
not forget such moments!), I remember that the blows sounded near the
left side of the passage and a little above it. The distance was less
than a sagene (7 feet), but more than an archine (28 inches).
Though the worker was very careful in using his pick, yet he scraped
away the loose earth and stones rather noisily.
This scraping sound was plainly audible through the intervening rock,
but it was thought very probably that an enemy on the other side could
not hear it.
When I had quite decided how attacker and defender were situated with
regard to each other, I climbed out of the mine and reported the result
of my observations. Colonel Grigorenko and his miners accepted my
conclusions, and decided to lay their charge. A report was made to the
commandant of the hill, who had himself heard the enemy at work, and he
personally exploded our mine, which completely destroyed that of the
Japanese, and, bursting along the gallery, hurled planks, tools, and
men to destruction.
However, having once laid open part of the caponier, which was now
quite unprotected by earth, the Japanese blew it up with dynamite and
became masters of part of the interior, and from this time there was a
continual struggle for the possession of this place, which lasted for a
very long time. Some one who was actually there must, however, describe
what happened. I only know about it from what I have heard, and cannot
give any reliable information except as to what I personally saw on
a visit to the fort after the Japanese had blown up the roof of the
gallery.
I do not now remember why I went to the fort that day, but I think it
was simply out of curiosity. The roof of a large bomb-proof inside
had then been wrecked by an 11-inch shell, and I noticed the amount
of damage done. I saw the wooden wall dividing the ruined part of the
casemate from the unharmed and habitable portion, near which General
Kondratenko and seven of General Gorbatovski’s best officers were
killed.
When I left the semi-caponier, it was thick with smoke from our
rifles, though it was possible to breathe in it. Near the sand-bag
wall dividing the portion occupied by the Japanese from ours stood two
riflemen, who continued to fire through the embrasures at the enemy
hidden in the dark on the other side. There was a huge heap of empty
cartridge cases piled up round them, reaching almost as high as their
waists.
* * * * *
The enemy in my section worked away at his saps, and we continued
firing at the sap-heads, throwing grenades into them, and frequently
making sorties, the majority of which were most successful. Many of the
men who took part in these sorties were deserving of, and recommended
for St. George’s Crosses; but General Fock did not credit the 5th
Regiment with any particular bravery, and kept back the reward lists
(ordering them to be curtailed and combined on one general sheet), so
that, when eventually the fortress fell, they were probably all lost,
and many heroic deeds passed unrewarded.
[Illustration: GROUP OF OFFICERS AT DINNER. AT THE END OF THE TABLE
COLONEL SEMENOV, ON HIS RIGHT GENERAL KONDRATENKO, ON
HIS LEFT GENERAL GORBATOVSKI (WITH CROSS), AND NEXT TO
HIM COLONEL IRMAN.
p. 227]
Availing ourselves of this period of comparative quiet, we varied
occasionally the every-day routine work by riding into the town, or
visiting other portions of our line of defences. However, a drive into
the town was no great treat, as it was continually swept by fire, and
once my horses were nearly killed by a shell bursting just ahead of
them.
I generally went to see Colonel Grigorenko, but I also visited, though
rarely, the commandant (General Smirnov) and General Stessel. We could
always have tea with them and hear the latest news about everything.
It was most interesting to go to Golden Hill, whence they were
continually firing on the enemy’s torpedo-boats, and where latterly
an attack by fire-ships was expected. The search-lights were kept
going all night, and if one of the Japanese ships happened to cross
the illuminated area, she fared badly. All the shore batteries would
open at once a terrific fire on the unfortunate vessel, and the sea
round her would boil and spout columns of water thrown up by the
falling shell. In the town the firing sounded like thunder, and as
the bombardment nearly always continued at night, the flash of the
guns produced the effect of lightning; indeed, when one heard the
low, unceasing rumble and crash, and saw the frequent flashes, it
seemed as if this were not the work of man’s hand, but a grand natural
phenomenon. But this display cost us hundreds of precious shells which
we were unable to replace.
The Japanese kept a very keen look-out at sea, and even Chinese junks
found great difficulty in slipping past them. Imagine our surprise and
delight, when one night a _steamer_ came into Pigeon Bay. The general
conjecture was that it had brought machine guns and shell.
We were told that the vessel had brought some supplies, and that my
wife had sent me a large quantity of foodstuffs from Tientsin; but
Major Dostovalov, the officer in charge of stores and transport,
would not tell me what kind they were, or how much there was of them.
Everything that had been brought was commandeered by the commissariat
staff, and several days passed without a word being said about our
presents.
So I went to Major Dostovalov and asked him to let me have what had
been sent me.
“Yes, I have got something for you,” he said, “but I have not been able
to send it to you yet. If you like, I will give you five Westphalian
hams and we will consider everything square, eh?”
I did not expect to get so much as that, I must confess, and my mouth
watered at the thought of the five hams.
“Rather,” I said. “I shall be quite satisfied.”
I received my five hams and returned home in triumph.
The officers were even more pleased than I was, and we demolished the
hams with the greatest relish, feeling very well disposed towards Major
Dostovalov, who had added as I went away: “I am sorry you have come a
bit late, Colonel, as I would have let you have more, but I can’t now,
as all I have left is for the generals.”
I heard afterwards that my wife had sent me twelve hams, some fruit,
sausages, coffee, and so on—300 roubles’[106] worth altogether. So
after deducting the five hams I actually received, there was a good
deal left, all of which was snapped up by the senior officers.
Though we were rather sore about it, and there was a good deal of
grumbling, yet we blamed Major Dostovalov and our Chi-fu Consul
(Tiddeman) even more for not sending us some newspapers.
FOOTNOTES:
[99] The linia is a Russian unit of measurement, and equals 1/10 inch;
hence the calibre of the gun was 4·2 inches.
[100] General Fock wrote a number of “Notes” during the siege, which
were published from time to time and distributed throughout the
garrison. As many of them contained severe criticisms of commanders
of regiments (which were read by junior officers), General Fock was
charged at the court-martial, held in St. Petersburg, in 1908, with
conduct to the prejudice of military discipline, and General Stessel
was also blamed for allowing them to be published. Compare Official
History, Part III., p. 144 (3).
[101] See Map V.
[102] This refers to the repulse of the Japanese second general assault
(October 26–31).
[103] The last direct attack on this fort had been repulsed on October
31, since when mining operations had continued.
[104] Commanding the Engineers.
[105] Only 40 yards now separated the assailants (see Official History,
chap. xix., p. 81).
[106] About £30.