The general election is at last to take place, and next Sunday is fixed
as the polling day. This choice of a day of rest and leisure deserves
the highest commendation, as nowadays a hundred times more issues
depend upon the result of an election than was formerly the case. Laws
are everything in a socialistic State; the law has to prescribe to each
separate individual how long he must labour, how much he has to eat and
drink, how he must be dressed, housed and what not.
This is already very apparent in the addresses to constituents, and in
the election cries. The number of parties which advocate particular
interests is legion. Many of the addresses issued by the candidates
bristle with proposals for the reform of the daily bills of fare, for
the increase of the meat rations, for better beer, stronger coffee,
(since the complications with various foreign powers, we scarcely ever
get any coffee that is not made exclusively of chicory,) for finer
houses, better heating apparatus, more splendid lighting, cheaper
clothes, whiter underlinen, etc. etc.
Many women are extremely indignant at the rejection of their demand
that one half of the representatives in the various divisions be of
their sex. The ground for this rejection was that the demand was a
reactionary endeavour to split up the interests of the whole Community
into separate interests. The women, however, on their part, fear that,
by throwing in their lot with the men, and having divisions common to
both, many of their voters will in the end go over to the men’s side.
They fear that the result of this, coupled with the other fact that the
support of women candidates by men is not at all to be relied on, will
be that they will be able to carry but a limited number of candidates.
A large number of women, quite irrespective of age, have now thrown
in their lot with the Younkers, and this party, the better to render
the new alliance permanent, has inscribed upon its banner the right of
all women to marriage. These politicians are now constantly appealing
to Bebel’s book on woman, and they want to make out that they are the
real genuine Bebelites. Their programme is--A four hours’ maximum
working-day; four weeks’ holiday in the year for everybody, with a
sojourn at the sea-side or in the country; the re-introduction of
free amusements; weekly change in the kind of labour to be performed;
and lastly, the monthly duration of all appointments to high offices
and offices of State (including the office of Chancellor), all
such appointments to be held in rotation by all persons in the
State, without distinction. The Government party shows considerable
confidence, although, in reality, the programme it has issued does not
go beyond ordinary commonplace; but it calls upon all other parties,
as true patriots, to forget their differences, and to unite and form
a grand Party of Order, in opposition to the party of negation and
demolition, which was stealthily increasing, and which, under the
enticing name of a Party of Freedom, sought to ingratiate itself with
the nation. This so-called party of freedom demands the re-recognition
of the right of parents to bring up their children, abolition of the
State cookshops, free choice of trades and professions, entire liberty
to move about as one pleases, and a better recompense for the higher
kinds of labour. Now, it is abundantly clear that the concession of
demands such as these must of necessity upset all equality, and be
eminently calculated to sap the very foundations of Socialism. The
candidates of the Government party very properly point out in their
addresses to constituents that the granting of such demands would
inevitably open the door to the return of personal possessions, the
doctrine of inheritance, the sovereignty of wealth, and the plundering
system of bygone days.
But, after all, the amount of excitement shown at the present election
is strangely out of proportion to the number and many-sidedness of
the election cries. In old days people took a good deal more interest
in an election. People can now say what they think. Following the
resolutions passed at the Erfurt Conference, in October, 1891, all such
laws as tended to limit freedom of speech and the right of combination
are now abrogated; but what is the good of a free press so long as
the Government is in possession of every printing establishment? What
is the right of public meeting worth when every single meeting-hall
belongs to the Government? True, the public halls, when not already
engaged, may be taken by parties of all shades of politics for purposes
of public meeting. Only, as it chances, it is just the various
Opposition parties that invariably have such ill-luck in this way. As
often as they want a hall or a room, they find it has been previously
engaged, so they are unable to hold a meeting. The press organs of
the Government are in duty bound to insert such election notices from
all parties as are paid for as advertisements; but by an unfortunate
oversight at the issue of the money-certificates, there were no coupons
supplied for such particular purposes. The unpleasant result of this
omission is a total lack of all funds with which to pay the expenses
of an election. In this respect the Socialists were vastly better off
under the old style. They then had large sums at their disposal, and it
must be admitted they knew how to apply them judiciously.
The Opposition parties complain bitterly of the scarcity of persons
who, when it comes to the test, have the requisite courage to boldly
face the Government as opponents, either as candidates for Parliament
or as speakers at election meetings. The fact that every obnoxious
person may be unceremoniously told off by the Government to some other
occupation, or sent away to a distant part of the country, may have
something to do with this hanging back. Such sudden changes involve
frequently the endurance of many unpleasantnesses and hardships,
particularly to people of riper years. Of course everybody has the
right to protest against a transfer which looks like mere caprice on
the part of the Government. But how can an individual undertake to
prove that the transfer was not a well-advised step, and not justified
by other alterations elsewhere in the general labour scheme, which
rendered this particular appointment necessary?
The daily conferences which we controllers have together, make it
more and more clear that the minds of men, both in the towns and in
the country, are in a bad ferment. It is impossible to resist the
conviction that the most trifling cause might, at any moment, suffice
to call forth a violent eruption of popular feeling in favour of a
restoration of the old order of things. From all parts of the country
reports are constantly coming in, detailing violent collisions between
civilians and the troops which were sent out to establish Socialism.
The Government is not even quite sure of the troops. This is the
reason why Berlin, in spite of the great augmentation of the army,
has not received any garrison. But our police force, on the other
hand, which has been picked from the ranks of perfectly reliable
Socialists throughout the whole country, has been increased to 30,000
men. In addition to mounted police, the police force is now further
strengthened by the addition of artillery and pioneers.
The voting takes place by means of voting-papers, which bear the
official stamp, and which are handed in in sealed envelopes. But
in view of the system of espionage in the hands of the Government,
which penetrates into everyone’s most private affairs; in view of the
publicity which everybody’s life now has, and the system of control
that all are subject to; in view of these things, many persons seem to
mistrust the apparent security and secrecy of the voting-papers, and
not to vote according to their inmost convictions. In former times,
somewhat of this sort of thing prevailed in small electoral districts.
Now, however, every single individual is a spy on his neighbour.
There is, hence, a great deal of uncertainty as to the result of the
elections. If the nation gives expression to its real wishes, we shall
see the return of a majority bent upon a restoration of the old order
of things. But if these wishes are kept in check by fear, we shall get
a parliament which is a mere tool in the hands of the Government.
I do not yet at all know, for my part, how I shall vote. I fancy,
somehow, that through my son’s flight a sharp eye is being kept on me.
I shall most likely end by giving in a blank voting-paper.