CHAPTER XXIII. FOREIGN COMPLICATIONS.

The entire navy left by the late Government is to be got ready for

service with all possible speed. In addition to this, the standing

army, which had already been increased to 500,000 men with a view the

better to maintain order at home, and to keep a good watch on the

frontiers, has been still further strengthened. These are amongst the

first measures taken by the new Chancellor to avert dangers which

menace us from abroad.

In the speech which the Foreign Secretary made before the Committee

of Government, and in which he unfolded the above measures, he calls

attention to the necessity there is for them, in consequence of the

deplorable growth of friction, of complications and dissensions with

foreign powers. But it must distinctly be understood that the Minister

for Foreign Affairs was in no way responsible for this unfortunate

state of things. In the socialised Community it was the province of

this Minister to arrange with foreign powers for the barter of all

goods between State and State. It resulted from this arrangement that

all complaints in respect of inferiority of goods, or unpunctuality

in supplying them, had to be attended to in the form of diplomatic

notes. All that tension which sometimes ensued from the breaking

off of business connections, from the jealousies of competition, or

from similar commercial causes, and which formerly had only affected

mercantile circles, was now transferred to the direct relations

which one nation had with another. This is in the nature of the new

arrangements.

The Minister went on to say it had been hoped that the almost universal

consciousness of having adopted right principles, and the sentiment of

the brotherhood of all nations, would play a different part than had

been found to be the case in actual practice, toning down differences,

and bringing universal peace. He said it need occasion no surprise

that the English, that egotistical Manchester race, and their American

cousins, would have nothing at all to do with Socialism. They never

could get over it that the socialistic European continent, by the

repudiation of all State bonds, shares, and so on, had shaken off all

slavish indebtedness to English holders of continental scrip. But even

these inveterate lovers of money ought to see that Germany had lost

unnumbered millions more by the repudiation than it had gained. This

was evident, inasmuch as all the Russian, Austrian, Italian and other

bonds in German hands had also been repudiated by the socialistic

governments of those countries.

These various socialistic governments do not thank us a bit for

having, in our lofty consciousness of the international value of

Socialism, accepted without a murmur the abolition of all claims for

interest on such foreign bonds as were in our possession. Several of

these governments have latterly become so egotistical, and they show

such a want of regard for us, that they positively go the length of

refusing to let us have any goods except against either money down,

or an equivalent value in such other goods as they may require.

Payment in money was no difficulty to our Government so long as any of

those stocks of coined and uncoined gold and silver which had become

worthless to us were left. But now that we have by degrees got to the

end of our stock of noble metals, we are constantly coming across

all kinds of obstacles in the way of the exchange of our goods for

commodities which we need from other countries, such as corn, timber,

flax, cotton, wool, petroleum, coffee, etc. These obstructions are not

confined to the snobbish gentlemen of England and America, but they

are every bit as numerous on the part of the neighbouring socialistic

nations. Our requirements for the articles just mentioned have not

diminished one atom under our socialistic form of government. Quite

the reverse. But the neighbouring States, with similar views to our

own, tell us that since the introduction of the socialistic form

of government they find no demand at all for German goods, such as

velvets, shawls, ribbons, mantles, embroideries, gloves, pianos, glass

and similar wares. They say that since the restoration of the precise

balance of social equality, they produce more of these goods themselves

than there is a demand for.

The English and Americans, in their enmity to Socialism, are

everlastingly drumming it into us that our manufactures, from ironware

and textile goods down to stockings and toys, have so deteriorated

under the new system of manufacture, that they can no longer pay us

the old prices; and they say that unless an improvement takes place

they will have to look to other sources of supply. But even as it is,

with the enhanced cost of production, we cannot make our trade pay. All

attempts to settle an international maximum working-day have failed,

as the various socialistic governments allow particular interests to

influence them, and pretend that in this matter they must be guided by

such special features as climate, national character, and the like.

What is our Government to do in this dilemma? The fact that we, on

our part, now require no more silk, and no more expensive wines from

abroad, is but a meagre compensation for the loss of our export

trade, amounting to many millions. It can occasion no surprise that

the exchange of diplomatic notes partakes daily of an increasingly

irritable character. Already, both on the West and on the East, hints

have fallen that the right thing for Germany to do, seeing she seems

incapable of maintaining her population, would be for her to cede

slices of the country to neighbouring States. Nay, the question is even

debated whether it would not be advisable, as a precautionary measure,

to lay an attachment on these border lands, as security for the bill

which Germany had run up for goods supplied to her.

Foreign holders of German bonds who feel themselves injured by our

repudiation, take every opportunity of indemnifying themselves by

laying an embargo on German vessels and merchandise. Then again, the

assistance given by foreign ships to fugitives from our country, is a

permanent cause of angry representations.

In short, the hope that the advent of Socialism everywhere would prove

synonymous with the reign of eternal peace between the nations, was so

far from being realised that the very opposite threatened. The Minister

concluded his speech by saying that the Committee of Government could

hence hardly fail to see the necessity there was for the navy being

again fitted out for service; and it would doubtless also sanction the

increase of the army to a million men.

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