CONCLUSION
"Georges Clemenceau, President of the Council and Minister of War, and
Marshal Foch, General-in-Chief of the Allied armies, have well deserved
the gratitude of the country."
That is the Resolution which, by the unanimous vote of the Senate
of the French Republic, will be placed in a conspicuous position in
every Town Hall and in the Council Chamber of every commune throughout
France. The Senators of France are not easily roused to enthusiasm.
What they thus unanimously voted, in the absence of Clemenceau, amid
general acclamation, is a fine recognition of his pre-eminent service
as well as of his indefatigable devotion to duty at the most desperate
crisis in the long and glorious history of his country. Nothing like
it has ever been known. The reward is unprecedented: the work done has
surpassed every record.
It is well that the great statesman should be honoured in advance of
the great military commander. Marshal Foch has accomplished marvels in
more than four years of continuous activity, from the first battle of
the Marne to the signing of the armistice of unconditional surrender.
All Europe and the civilised world are indebted to him for his masterly
strategy and successful manœuvres. But France owes most to Clemenceau.
Towards the close of this historic sitting Clemenceau himself entered
the Senate. He received an astounding welcome. Everyone present rose
to greet him. Men who but yesterday were his enemies, and are still
his opponents, rushed forward with the rest to applaud him, to shake
hands with him, to thank him, to embrace him. The excitement was so
overwhelming that Clemenceau, for the first time in his life, broke
down. Tears coursed down his cheeks and for some moments he was unable
to speak. When he did he, as always, refused to take the credit and
the glory of the overthrow of the Germans and their confederates to
himself. In victory in November, as when he was confronting difficulty
and danger in March and July, his first and his last thoughts were of
France. The spirit of France, the citizens of France, the soldiers and
sailors of France: these were they who in comradeship with the Allies
had achieved the great victory over the last convulsions of savagery.
He had been more than fully rewarded for all he had done by witnessing
the expulsion of the foreigner and the liberation of the territory.
His task had merely been to give full expression to the courage and
determination of his countrymen.
Clemenceau spoke not only as a French statesman, as the veteran
upholder of the French Republic, but as one who remembered well the
horrors and defeats of 1870-71, now followed, forty-eight years later,
by the horrors and the triumphs of 1918. The Senators who heard him
and acclaimed him felt that Clemenceau was addressing them as the man
who had embodied in himself, for all those long years, the soul of the
France of the Great Revolution, and now at last was able to show what
he really was.
This moving reception in the Senate had been preceded by an almost
equally glowing display of enthusiasm in the Chamber of Deputies.
There too--with the exception of a mere handful of Socialists whose
extraordinary devotion to Caillaux and Malvy blinds them to the genius
of their countryman--the whole Assembly rose up to welcome and cheer
him. Clemenceau, speaking there, also, under strong emotion, after two
stirring orations from M. Deschanel and M. Pichon, assured the Deputies
that the armistice which would be granted to Germany could only be on
the lines of those accorded to Bulgaria, Austria-Hungary and Turkey.
Marshal Foch would decide the details, which now all the world knows.
But, after having dealt with the armistice implored by Germany,
Clemenceau went back to the past and said: "When I remember that I
entered the National Assembly of Bordeaux in 1871, and was--I am the
last of them--one of the signers of the protests against the annexation
of Alsace-Lorraine . . . it is impossible for me, now peace is certain
and our victory assured, to leave the tribune without paying homage to
those who were the initiators and first workers in the immense task
which is being completed at this moment.
"I wish to speak of Gambetta" (the whole House rises with prolonged
cheering) "--of him who, defending the territory under circumstances
which rendered victory impossible, never despaired. With him and with
Chanzy I voted for the continuation of the war, and in truth, when I
think of what has happened in these fifty years, I ask myself whether
the war has not continued all the time. May our thoughts go back to
them; and when these terrible iron doors that Germany has closed
against us shall be opened, let us say to them: 'Pass in first. You
showed us the way.'"
The French Premier went on to speak of the problems of peace, which
could only be solved, like the problems of war, by national unity for
the common cause, "for the Republic which we made in peace, which we
have upheld in war, the Republic which has saved us during the war." He
appealed "First for solidarity with the Allies, and then for solidarity
among the French." This was needful for the maintenance of peace and
the future of their common humanity. Humanity's great crusade was
inspired not by the thought of God but of France. "_Ce n'est pas Dieu,
c'est la France qui le veut._"
The Deputies rose again and again. It would have been strange if they
had not.
But fine though these speeches were, and impressive as was the Prime
Minister's adjuration that, since the problems of peace were harder
than those of war, they must prove their worth in both fields--it
was Clemenceau's personal influence that gave them their special
value. Undoubtedly the splendid fighting of the French and British
and American troops and the admirable skill of their commanders had
produced that dramatic change from the days of depression from March
to July to the period of continuous triumph from July to November.
This Clemenceau never allows us for one moment to forget. But he it
was who had breathed new life into the whole combination, military
and civilian, at the front and in the factories. No man of his time
of life, perhaps no man of any age, ever carried on continuously such
exhausting toil, physical and mental, as that which this marvellous old
statesman of seventy-seven undertook and carried though from November
1917 to November 1918.
His energy and power of work were those of a vigorous young man in
the height of training. Starting for the front in a motor-car at four
or five o'clock in the morning at least three times a week, he kept
in touch with generals, officers and soldiers all along the lines
to an extent that would have seemed incredible if it had not been
actually done. Once at the front he walked about under fire as if he
had come out for the pleasure of risking his life with the _poilus_
who were fighting for La Patrie. Marshal Foch and Higher Command were
in constant fear for him. But he knew what he was about. Valuable as
his own life might be to the country, to court death was a higher duty
than to take care of himself, if by this seeming indifference he made
Frenchmen all along the trenches feel that he and they were one. He
succeeded. Fortune favoured him throughout. Then having discoursed
with the Marshal and his generals, having saluted and talked with the
officers, he chatted with the rank and file of the soldiery and rushed
back to Paris, arriving at the Ministry of War at ten or eleven o'clock
at night, ready to attend to such pressing business as demanded his
personal care. And all the time cheerful, alert, confident, showing,
when things looked dark, as when the great advance began, that the
Prime Minister of the Republic never for one moment doubted the Germans
would be hurled back over the frontier and France would again take her
rightful place in the world.
And that is not all. Clemenceau's influence in the Council Chamber of
the Allies was and is supreme. The old gaiety of heart remains, but
the soundness of judgment and determination to accept no compromise
of principle are more marked than ever. Many dangerous intrigues
during the past few months, of which the world has heard little, were
snuffed clean out by Clemenceau's force of character and overwhelming
personality. The French Prime Minister wanted final victory for France
and her Allies. Nothing short of this would satisfy him. There was
no personal loyalty he wished to build up, no political object that
he desired to attain, no section or party that he felt himself bound
to propitiate. Therefore the other Ministers of the Allies found
themselves at the table with a statesman who was something more than an
individual representative of his nation. He was the human embodiment of
a cause. What that meant and still means will only be known when the
dust of conflict has passed from us and the whole truth of Clemenceau's
policy can be told.
For my part I have done my best as an old and convinced
Social-Democrat, and on some important points his opponent, to give
a frank and unbiassed study of Clemenceau's fine career. His very
mistakes serve only to throw into higher relief his sterling character
and the genius which has enabled him to command success. Read aright,
his actions do all hang together, and constitute one complete whole.
Comprising within himself the brilliant yet thorough capacity of his
French countrymen, he has risen when close upon eighty to the height of
the terribly responsible position he was forced to fill.
Therefore his efforts have been crowned with complete victory. Having
forgotten himself in his work, the man Clemenceau will never be
forgotten. He will stand out in history as the great statesman of the
Great War.
And now that he and we have won--our aid, as none knows or
appreciates better, having been absolutely indispensable to the
French triumph--Clemenceau feels so deeply that France as a whole
has shared in the great awakening that, having himself appointed the
devout Catholic Marshal Foch generalissimo of the Allied armies, he,
of all men, joined in the _Te Deum_ of Thanksgiving in the Cathedral
of Lille! The work he has done, the risks he has run, the unshakable
determination he has displayed, have raised him high above all petty
considerations of politics, creeds, classes, or conditions. Therefore
he is the hero of France after her desperate struggle for national
existence.
INDEX
Adulteration, John Bright on, 194
Albert, 16
Amadé, General, 212
Arago, Etienne, 9, 24, 32, 35
Armistice of 1871, 36
Aumale, Duc d', and Boulanger, 95
Bakunin, 50
Barodet, 69, 86, 87
Barrès, M., 265
Basly, M., miners' agent, 180
Bazaine, Marshal, 32, 36, 40
Bebel and Jaurès on the Fleet, 238
---- and the Social-Democrats, 244
Beesly, Prof., 50
Bellers, John, 234
Benedek, Marshal, 27
Berlin, brutality and greed of, 34
Beslay, 45, 49
Billot, General, 157
Bismarck--the forgery at Ems, 33
Blanc, Louis, 16, 39, 78, 85
Blanqui, 49, 56, 58, 59, 61
"Blessed word," the, 19
Boer War, the, 216, 217
Boisdeffre, General, 157
Bolo Pasha, 273-280
_Bonnet Rouge_, arrest of proprietors, 267
Bordeaux, the Government at, 249
Boulanger, General, 10
Boulanger, General, and Army reforms, 96
----, as War Minister, 96
----, candidate for Paris, 101
----, deprived of his command, 99
----, downfall, its effect on the influence of Clemenceau, 105
----, elected for the Nord, 100
----, enters politics, a candidate for the Nord and the Dordogne, 99
----, fails to profit by his success, 103
----, flight and suicide, 104
----, his duel with M. Floquet, 98
----, his popularity after the affair Schnäbele, 97
----, his relations with the Duc d'Aumale, 95
----, his visits to Paris, 99
----, posted to the command of army corps at Clermont-Ferrand, 99
----, returned for Paris by a heavy majority, 103
----, rides through Paris on his black charger, 102
----, the pet of the _Salons_ 97
Bourbon, House of, 16
Brandès, M., Clemenceau's attack on, 251
Briand, M., 206
----, as an anarchist, 225
Bright, John, on adulteration, 194
Brisson, M., 78, 157, 162
British statesmanship, blindness of, 236
Broglie, Duc de, 10, 73, 74, 78, 101
Brousse, Paul, 100
Brown, John, and the American Civil War, 52
Buffet, 72
Butchery of peaceful citizens, 17
Caillaux, M., 206
----, and a German peace, 267-269
----, and Italian defeatists, 272
----, and the Income tax, 268
----, before the Army Committee of the Senate, 270
----, the financier, and the Income tax, 227
Calmette, M., the murder of, 269
Cambon, Jules, warns M. Pichon in 1913, 250
Camélinat, 45, 49
Canrobert, 17
Carnot, M. Sadi-, 93, 118
----, President, supports Lesseps 112, 113
Carrousel, the inscription on the, 138, 139
Casablanca, French settlers at, 212
Caserio, the anarchist, 137
Cassagnac, Paul de, 125
Charles X, 20
Chateaubriand, 17
Church and State, conflict between, 220-224
Cipriani, 58
Cinquet, M., 166
Citoyen Egalité, 16
Clemenceau, a Premier, asks England how many hundred thousand men she
could land in North-Eastern France in case of a sudden war, 219
---- and Boulanger, 95
---- and Boulangism, 100
---- and Morocco, 202
---- and strikes, 198-201
---- and the coal miners, 135
---- and the doctrine of _laissez-faire_ 135
---- and the _Entente_, 120
---- and the story of Boaz and Ruth, 137
---- and the strikers at Carmaux, 120
---- and the wine-growers' agitation, 195-197
----'s anti-Czarist policy, 120
----'s appeal to Frenchmen, 245
---- as a conversationalist, 124
---- as a duellist, 125
---- as an orator, 123, 124
---- as doctor at Montmartre, 32
---- as Mayor of Montmartre, 35
---- as Minister of the Interior, 172
---- as municipal dictator, 35
---- as one of M. Floquet's seconds at the duel with Boulanger, 99
---- as professor of French at Stanford, U.S.A., 29
---- as Senator for Var, 171
---- at Nantes as a student, 15
----'s attitude in the matter of M. Wilson's trading in decorations, 93
----'s attitude towards the Catholics, 61
----, author's conversation with, 207
---- becomes "suspect" and ceases to be Mayor of Montmartre, 42
----'s betrothal to Mary Plummer, 30
---- calls up the State engineers and re-lights Paris, 183
----, charges against him, 119, 120
----'s contempt for politicians as politicians, 94
----'s criticism on the German fête of Sedan, 138
----'s criticism on the catastrophe of the Charity Bazaar, 137
---- defends himself in the National Assembly, 119
---- denounces M. Ribot, 265
----'s disregard of monetary considerations, 125
----'s distrust of colonisation by conquest, 234
----, Dreyfus affair, 151-170
----'s duel with Commandant Poussages, 53
----, efforts of his enemies to connect him with the Panama scandal, 117
----, failure to attain Presidentship of Chamber, 126
----, fight for Draguignan, 122
----, freedom of speech, 94
----, French intervention in Egypt, 91
----, French peasantry, knowledge of, 133
----, his reception by the miners at Lens, 177
---- in America, 29
---- in prison of Mazas, 25
----'s individualism antipathetic to Socialist view of collective social
progress, 121
----'s influence in council chamber of the Allies, 299
---- introduces measure to establish Municipal Council of Paris, 54
----'s knowledge of Parisian life, 54
----, letters to the _Temps_, 29
----, literary works, 141
----, love of animals, 142
----, love of Paris, 139, 140
---- on French intervention in Egypt, 91
---- on the "Right to Strike," 174
----, opponent of Gambetta, 90
---- opposed to colonial adventure, 88
---- opposed to colonisation by conquest, 62
---- opposed to execution of Generals Lecomte and Thomas, 42
----'s opposition to M. Ferry and his support of M. Sadi-Carnot, 93
----'s powerful personality, 131
----'s power of work, 125
----'s reply to Jaurès, 189
---- retires from parliamentary life after defeat at Draguignan, 123
----'s sense of humour, 55
----'s speech at Hyères, 206
----'s speech at Lyons on the miners' strike, 181
----'s speech in favour of amnesty of Communists, 56
----'s speech in the National Assembly, 43
----'s statement of Socialism, 131
---- the Tiger, 81
----, the universal sceptic, 172
----, tour of propaganda, 43
---- turns journalist, 128
---- turns lecturer, 232
----'s view of Boulangist agitation, 101
----'s warning after the battle of the Marne, 250
----, 1870-71, the war of, 237
Cluseret, 48, 51
Commune, administration of the, 45
----, establishment of the, 41
"Communist Manifesto," the, 50
Comte, Auguste, 25, 26
Constans, M., said to be the cause of the Boulanger fiasco, 103
"Co-operative Commonwealth," 51
Cottu, M., indictment of, 116
Courbet, 45
Courrières-Lens colliery disaster, the, 173
Damiens, the assassin, 136
d'Aumale, Duc, 23
Daudet, M. Léon, 265
Delcassé, M., 173
---- and Clemenceau, antagonism between, 229-231
---- and the Kaiser, 205
----, King Edward's courtesy to, 218
Declaration, Clemenceau's, 284-290
Delescluze, 45, 51, 58
Déroulède, M., saves a situation, 217
Dilke, Sir Charles, 89, 204
Dombrowski, 51
Doumergue, M., 206
Dreyfus, 10
Dufaure, 78, 84
Edward VII, King, 213
Eiffel, M., indictment of, 116
Electrical engineers' strike in Paris, 182
_Encyclopædia Britannica_: tribute to M. Clemenceau, 214
Engels, 50
England's opposition to construction of Suez Canal, 106
Esterhazy, Major, 157-162
Fallières, M., 213
---- and M. Clemenceau in London, 218
Favre, Jules, 36
Ferry, Jules, 78, 84, 87, 88, 89, 92, 213
---- and colonial expansion, 119
Fez, French delegation at, 204
Flahault, 17
Floquet, 78, 115
----, duel with Gen. Boulanger, 98
Flourens, M., his pen-picture of King Edward, 214-216
Foch, Marshal, 295
Fontane, M., indictment of, 116
Fontenay le Comte, 14
Foreign affairs in 1908, 213
France and England, a better feeling between, 21
---- and Great Britain, relations between, 213
----, the wealth of, 234, 235
Francis Joseph, 27
Franco-German agreement of 1909, 239
---- convention of 1911, 239-241
_Fraser's Magazine_, extract from, 45
French Revolution, 16
Freycinet, M., 84, 96
Gallifet, 51
Gambetta, 10, 43, 44, 60, 64-79, 82, 83, 87, 88, 89, 90, 210
Gauthier, M., urges the Government to complete Panama Canal, 114
Germany and Morocco, 202
----, preparations of, 243
Germinat, Admiral, and the Navy, 226
Gonse, General, 157, 163, 166
Grévy, Albert, 78, 82, 84, 85, 86, 88, 92, 93
Gribelin, M., 166
Guesde, Jules, 261
Guesdists, the, 121
Haldane, Lord, 204
----, "sublime confidence" in Germany, 242
"Harum, David," his motto, 62
Haussmann, Baron, 22
Henry, Colonel, 158, 165
----, the anarchist, 136, 137
Henty, George, 167
Herz, M. Cornelius, and his part in the Panama scandal, 109, 116, 117, 118
Hugo, Victor, 23
Humbert, M., 272
Hyndman, Hugh, 45
Income tax, a graduated, 227
Infiltration, German, and France, 258-260
Interpenetration, German, 257
Ismail Pasha, Khedive, 106
Italian campaign, the, 21
Italian Carbonari, 17
Jacques, a liquor dealer, chosen to fight Paris against the General, 102
Jaurès and peace, 238
----, 124, 125, 139, 157, 163, 164, 168, 169, 170, 183-192, 212
---- in public affairs, 121
Jouaust, Colonel, 165, 166
Jourde, 45, 49
Judet, M., one of Clemenceau's detractors, 118
Junck, M., 166
Junker party and the Crown Prince, 205
_Justice, La_ 84
Kaiser, the, and preparations for the war, 218
----, and the King of Spain, 203
----, and the Sultan of Morocco, 203
King Edward and Clemenceau, 214-217
Labori, M., 160
Labour, Minstry of, and M. Viviani, 229
Lac, Father du, 158
Langlois, Colonel, 53
Lauth, Major 165, 166
Le Blond, Maurice, 29
Lecomte, General, 41, 42, 53
Lesseps, M. Ferdinand, 106-107
----, Count Ferdinand de, indictment of, 116
----, Count de, 115
----, Count, two estimates of his character, 111, 112
----, M. C. de, indictment of, 116
Lichnowsky's, Prince, revelations, 244
Liebknecht, Wilhelm, 168, 169
Longuet, 45, 262
Lottery Bill, the Panama, 109
Loubet, President, 118
Louis XVI, 16
---- XVIII, 20
---- Philippe, 16, 20
MacMahon, Marshal, 10, 36, 69, 72-78, 82, 85
Madeira wine and a story about Cette, 191
Malvy, M., and pro-Germans, 264
Mannesmann, Brothers, 212
Marx, 50, 131
Marxists, the, 121
Méline, M., 157
Mercier, General, 157, 166
Michel, E. B., 45
Mill, John Stuart, a dedication to, 25
Montagnards, insurrection of the, 57
Morny, 17
Morocco affair, the, 173
----, French policy in, 211
Mouilleron-en-Pareds, 14
Napoleon III, 20, 22, 23, 33
----, chief cause of downfall of, 27
----, loss of prestige, 32
----, Louis, 16, 17, 19, 21, 27, 28
----, the Court of, 21
Naquet, 87
Narbonne and Montpellier, disaffection among the wine-growers, 194
National workshops, 16
Nicholas, Emperor, 21
1918, June, the Socialists and Clemenceau, 291-293
Noir, Victor, murder of, 32
Norton, M., 118
"Novel with a purpose," the, 146
Orleans, House of, 16
Orsini bomb, the, 21
Painlevé, M., 282
Panama Canal, a congress of nations called by Lesseps, 107
---- and financial corruption, 110
---- and opponents of the Republic, 111
----, collapse of the company, 113
----, horrors on the Isthmus, 109
----, indictment of directors, 116
---- scandal, accusation of deputies, senators, and academicians, 115
---- scandal, Presidents Carnot and Loubet's attitude, 111
---- scandal, the, 10
Paris and the Provinces, 19
Paty du Clam, Colonel, 158
Peace as desired by Socialist leaders, 238
Perovskaia, Sophie, 58
Persigny, 17
Phylloxera ravages in the Bordeaux vineyards, 194
Pichon, M., 206, 213
Picquart, Colonel, 157, 162, 164, 166, 206
Plébiscite, the, 17, 19, 20, 33
Poincaré and Clemenceau, relations between, 255
Population, concentration of, John Bellers on, 234
----, Petty on the same, _ibid._
Pyat, 43, 44, 51
Radolin, Prince, 212
Railways, the nationalisation of, 226
Raspail, 58
Ravachol, the anarchist, 136
Reinach, M. Jacques, and his part in the Panama Scandal, 109
----, the tragedy of his death, 116, 117, 118
Rémusat, de, 69
Republic of 1848, 16
Retreat, the great, of August 1914, 248
Revolution, the French, Clemenceau on, 228
Ribot, M., denounced by Clemenceau, 265
Rochefort, 23
Roget, M., 166
Rollin, Ledru, 16
Rosen, Dr., 212
Rossel, 51
Rouher, 23
Rousseau, M., reports unfavourably on Panama Canal, 108
Rouvier, M., 115, 172
----, defends the President in the Wilson affair, 93
----, refuses to accept Boulanger as War Minister, 98
Russia, campaign against, 21
Sarrien, M., 172, 193, 206
Scheurer-Kestner, 157-163
Schnäbele affair, the, Boulanger's part in it, 96, 97
Second Empire, the, 15
Shaw, Bernard, 192
Simon, Jules, 73, 74
Social-Democracy, German, and the war, 244
Socialist demonstration against Clemenceau at unveiling of statue to
M. Floquet, 227
---- Party, the, anti-patriotic, 262-3
Sonnino, Baron, and Caillaux, 272
Spüller, 90
Suez Canal, the, 106
Thiers, 9, 37, 39, 44, 50, 51, 54, 68, 69
Thomas, Albert, 261
----, General, 41, 42, 53
Trochu, General, 36
Tunis, the question of, 88
"_Utrinque paratus_," 9
Vaillant, 45, 125
---- and Hervé, and the war, 261
---- and peace, 238
----, the anarchist, 136, 137
----, Edouard, the Blanquist, 121
Vendée, La, 13, 14, 15
Venice, the annexation of, 27
Verdun, Clemenceau on the victories at, 251
Vermorel, 43
Victoria, Queen, 34
_Ville Lumière, La_, 24
Viviani, M., 206, 229
Waddington, 83, 84
Ward, Mrs. Humphry, 8
Wilson, trading in decorations, 92
Wine, adulteration of, 194
Working Men's Association, the International, 50
Wyse, Buonaparte, sells concession for Panama canal scheme to Lesseps, 108
Zola, 157-160
----, the trial of, 162, 164
Zurlinden, General, 157
WORKS BY GEORGES CLEMENCEAU.
_De la Génération des Éléments Anatomiques._ 8vo. Paris: Baillière et
fils. 1865.
_Notions d'Anatomie et de Physiologie Générale. De la Génération des
Éléments Anatomiques._ Précédée d'une introduction par M. Charles
Robin. 8vo. Paris: Germer Baillière. 1867.
J. Stuart Mill: _Auguste Comte et le Positivisme_. 18mo. Paris: Germer
Baillière. 1868. Alcau. 1893.
_L'Amnistie devant le Parlement._ Discours Chambre des Députés, 16
Mai, 1876. 18mo. Paris: Imp. Wittersheim. 1876.
_Affaires Egyptiennes._ Discours Chambre des Députés, 19 and 20
Juillet, 1882. 18mo. Paris: Imp. Wittersheim. 1882.
_Discours prononcé au Cirque Fernando le 25 Mai, 1884._ (Account of
Clemenceau's stewardship.) 18mo. Paris: Imp. Schiller. 1884.
_Affaire du Tonkin._ Discours Chambre des Députés, 27 Nov., 1884.
18mo. Paris: Imp. Schiller. 1884.
_Politique Coloniale._ Discours Chambre des Députés, 30 Juillet, 1884.
18mo. Paris: Imp. Schiller. 1885.
_Discours prononcé à Draguignan, 13 Septembre 1885._ 18mo. Paris: Imp.
Schiller. 1885.
_La Mêlée Sociale._ 18mo. Paris: Charpentier et Fasquelle. 1895.
_Le Grand Pan._ 18mo. Paris: Charpentier et Fasquelle. 1896.
_Les Plus Forts._ Roman contemporain. 18mo. Paris: Fasquelle. 1898.
_Au Pied du Mont Sinai._ 4to. Paris: Floury. 1898.
_L'Iniquité._ Notes sur l'affaire Dreyfus. 18mo. Paris: Stock. 1899.
_Fils des Jours._ Paris: Stock. 1899.
_Le Voile du Bonheur._ Pièce en un acte. 18mo. Paris: Fasquelle. 1901.
_La Honte._ 18mo. Paris: Stock. 1903.
_Aux Embuscades de la Vie._ Dans la foi, dans l'ordre établi, dans
l'amour. 18mo. Paris: Fasquelle. 1903.
_L'Enseignement dans le Droit Républicain._ Discours au Sénat. 18mo.
Paris: Fasquelle. 1904.
_Figures de la Vendée._ Paris: Hessèle. 1904.
_La France devant l'Allemagne._ Imp. 8vo. Payot. 1918.
* * * * *
The above is a list of Clemenceau's most important works. His speeches
in the Chamber of Deputies from 1876 up to 1893, and in the Senate,
since 1902, will be found in the _Journal Officiel_ and the _Annales
du Sénat_. There are several studies of Clemenceau and his career: the
most recent is _Clemenceau_ (8vo, Paris--Charpentier, 1918), of which
M. Georges Lecomte is the author. But he has been disinclined to have
any detailed personal biography published. Though he must be well aware
of the eminent part he has played in the history of his own country
and of Europe, he has always preferred to speak of himself, and to be
spoken of, as only one of the people of the France whom he has so well
served.
FOOTNOTES:
[A] M. Maurice Le Blond.
[B] "Yes, bear in mind, reader, Monsieur Brandès's fear under existing
conditions is that Germany may be humiliated! Denmark has been
humiliated by the people of supermen who constitute the German race.
France, also, I take it, and even Belgium: perhaps Brandès will admit
that? He has not protested. He even refuses to explain himself on this
point, declaring that his silence (prolix enough) is golden--that sort
of gold which won't stand the touchstone. But his overmastering dread
is that the organisers of the greatest crime against civilisation,
against the independence of the peoples, against the dignity of the
human species, the authors of the appalling atrocities from which
Belgium and France are still bleeding, may not themselves undergo
_humiliation_."
[C] I happen to know the configuration of this district well, having
walked all over it in 1866, after I went up into the Tyrol with
Garibaldi.
[D] Since the extreme pacifist and anti-nationalist section of
Socialists captured the French Socialist Party a body of the French
Socialist Deputies have constituted a group of their own in the
Assembly. They number in all forty-one and they have a well-edited and
well-written daily journal, _La France Libre_, which represents their
views. Among their leading members are the Citizens Varenne, De la
Porte, Compère Morel, Albert Thomas and others. They are thoroughly
sound Socialists in all domestic affairs, but they cannot accept the
views of those who are now led by Jean Longuet and Marcel Cachin on
questions affecting the independence and welfare of France as a nation.
Their opinions are, in fact, much the same as those which have been
so vigorously and successfully championed by the National Socialist
Party in Great Britain. It seems a pity that none of their party have
seen their way to accept the positions in the Cabinet offered by M.
Clemenceau. The results of the General Election in Great Britain may
give them encouragement to do so.
[E] CLEMENCEAU'S MINISTRY.
CLEMENCEAU, Prime Minister and Minister for War.
PICHON, Foreign Affairs.
PAMS, Interior.
KLOTZ, Finance.
LEYGUES, Marine }
CLEMENTEL, Commerce }
CLAVALLE, Public Works } Members of late Ministry.
LOUCHEUR, Munitions }
COLLIARD, Labour }
BORET, Supplies and Agriculture.