Characteristics
"There is a point of view so lofty or so peculiar that from it we
are able to discern in men and women something more than and apart
from creed and profession and formulated principle; which indeed
directs and colours this creed and principle as decisively as it
is in its turn acted on by them, and this is their character or
humanity."--LORD MORLEY.
"As sets the sun in fine autumnal calm
So dost thou leave us. Thou not least but last
Link with that rare and gallant little band
Of seekers after truth, whose days, though past,
Shed lustre on the hist'ry of their land.
And thine, O Wallace, thine the added charm
Of modesty, thy mem'ry to embalm."--_Anonymous._
(_Received with a bunch of lilies-of-the-valley, a few days after Dr.
Wallace's death_.)
Addison somewhere says that modesty sets off every talent which a man
can be possessed of. This was manifestly true of Alfred Russel Wallace.
When, for instance, honours were bestowed upon him, he accepted or
rejected them with the same good-humour and unspoilable modesty. To
Prof. E.B. Poulton, whose invitation for the forthcoming Encæmia had
been conveyed in Prof. Bartholomew Price's letter, he wrote:
_Godalming. May 28, 1889._
My dear Mr. Poulton,--I have just received from Prof. B. Price the
totally unexpected offer of the honorary degree of D.C.L. at the coming
Commemoration, and you will probably be surprised and _disgusted_ to
hear that I have declined it. I have to thank you for your kind offer of
hospitality during the ceremony, but the fact is, I have at all times a
profound distaste of all public ceremonials, and at this particular
time that distaste is stronger than ever. I have never recovered from
the severe illness I had a year and a half ago, and it is in hopes of
restoring my health that I have let my cottage here and have taken
another at Parkstone, Dorset, into which I have arranged to move on
Midsummer Day. To add to my difficulties, I have work at examination
papers for the next two or three weeks, and also a meeting (annual) of
our Land Nationalisation Society, so that the work of packing my books
and other things and looking after the plants which I have to move from
my garden will have to be done in a very short time. Under these
circumstances it would be almost impossible for me to rush away to
Oxford except under absolute compulsion, and to do so would be to render
a ceremony which at any time would be a trial, a positive punishment.
Really the greatest kindness my friends can do me is to leave me in
peaceful obscurity, for I have lived so secluded a life that I am more
and more disinclined to crowds of any kind. I had to submit to it in
America, but then I felt exceptionally well, whereas now I am altogether
weak and seedy and not at all up to fatigue or excitement.--Yours very
faithfully,
ALFRED R. WALLACE. Prof. Poulton pressed him to reconsider his decision,
and he reluctantly gave way.
* * * * *
_Godalming. June 2, 1889._
My dear Mr. Poulton,--I am exceedingly obliged by your kind letters, and
I will say at once that if the Council of the University should again
ask me to accept the degree, to be conferred in the autumn, as you
propose, I could not possibly refuse it. At the same time I hope you
will not in any way urge it upon them, as I really feel myself too much
of an amateur in Natural History and altogether too ignorant (I left
school--a bad one--finally, at fourteen) to receive honours from a great
University. But I will say no more about that.--Yours very faithfully,
A.R. WALLACE.
* * * * *
In due course he received the degree. "On that occasion," says Professor
Poulton, "Wallace stayed with us, and I was anxious to show him
something of Oxford; but, with all that there is to be seen, one subject
alone absorbed the whole of his interest--he was intensely anxious to
find the rooms where Grant Allen had lived. He had received from Grant
Allen's father a manuscript poem giving a picture of the ancient city
dimly seen by midnight from an undergraduate's rooms. With the help of
Grant Allen's college friends we were able to visit every house in which
he had lived, but were forced to conclude that the poem was written in
the rooms of a friend or from an imaginary point of view."
His friend Sir W.T. Thiselton-Dyer, with others, was promoting his
election to the Royal Society, and wrote to him:
SIR W.T. THISELTON-DYER TO A.R. WALLACE
_Kew. October 23, 1892._
Dear Mr. Wallace,-- ... When you were at Kew this summer I took the
liberty of saying that it would give great pleasure to the Fellows of
the Royal Society if you would be willing to join their body. I
understood you to say that it would be agreeable to you. I now propose
to comply with the necessary formalities. But before doing so it will be
proper to ask for your formal consent. You will then, as a matter of
course, be included in the next annual election.
Will you forgive me if I am committing any indiscretion in saying that I
have good authority for adding (though I suppose it can hardly be stated
officially at this stage) that no demand will ever be made upon you for
a subscription?--Believe me yours sincerely,
W.T. THISELTON-DYER.
* * * * *
SIR W.T. THISELTON-DYER TO A.R. WALLACE
_Kew. January 12, 1893._
Dear Mr. Wallace,-- ... I was very vexed to hear that I had
misunderstood your wishes about the Royal Society. Of course, the matter
must often have presented itself to your mind, and I confess that it
argued a little presumption on the part of a person like myself, so far
inferior to you in age and standing, to think that you would yield to my
solicitation.
I was obliged for my health to go to Eastbourne, and there I had the
pleasure of seeing Mr. Huxley, who, you will be glad to hear, is
wonderfully well, and an ardent gardener! His present ambition is to
grow every possible saxifrage.
I told him that I had had the audacity to approach you on the subject of
the Royal Society. He heartily approved, and expressed the strongest
opinion that unless you had some insuperable objection you ought to
yield. All of us who belong to the R.S. have but one wish, which is that
it should stand before the public as containing all that is best and
worthiest in British Science. As long as men like you stand aloof, that
cannot be said. Lately we have been exposed to some very ill-natured
attacks: we have been told that we are professional, and not
discoverers. Well, this is all the more reason for your not holding
aloof from us. I wish you would think it over again. Huxley went the
length of saying that to him it seemed a plain duty. But this is
language I do not like to use.
As to attending the meetings or taking part in the work of the Society,
that is immaterial. Darwin never did either, though he did once come to
one of the evening receptions, and enjoyed it immensely.
In writing as I do I am not merely expressing my own opinions, but those
of many others of my own standing who are keenly interested in the
matter.
It is not a great matter to ask. I have the certificate ready. You have
but to say the word. You will be put to no trouble or pecuniary
responsibility. That my father-in-law arranged, long ago.
To dissociate yourself from the R.S. really amounts nowadays to doing it
an injury. And I am sure you do not wish that.
With all good wishes, believe me yours sincerely,
W.T. THISELTON-DYER.
* * * * *
TO SIR W.T. THISELTON-DYER
_Parkstone, Dorset. January 17, 1893._
Dear Mr. Thiselton-Dyer,--I have been rather unwell myself the last few
days or should have answered your very kind letter sooner. I feel really
overpowered. I cannot understand why you or anyone should care about my
being an F.R.S., because I have really done so little of what is usually
considered scientific work to deserve it. I have for many years felt
almost ashamed of the amount of reputation and honour that has been
awarded me. I can understand the general public thinking too highly of
me, because I know that I have the power of clear exposition, and, I
think, also, of logical reasoning. But all the work I have done is more
or less amateurish and founded almost wholly on other men's
observations; and I always feel myself dreadfully inferior to men like
Sir J. Hooker, Huxley, Flower, and scores of younger men who have
extensive knowledge of whole departments of biology of which I am
totally ignorant. I do not wish, however, to be thought ungrateful for
the many honours that have been given me by the Royal and other
Societies, and will therefore place myself entirely in your hands as
regards my election to the F.R.S.
I am much pleased to hear that Huxley has taken to gardening. I have no
doubt he will do some good work with his saxifrages. For myself the
personal attention to my plants occupies all my spare time, and I derive
constant enjoyment from the mere contemplation of the infinite variety
of forms of leaf and flower, and modes of growth, and strange
peculiarities of structure which are the source of fresh puzzles and
fresh delights year by year. With best wishes and many thanks for the
trouble you are taking on my behalf, believe me yours very faithfully,
ALFRED B. WALLACE.
* * * * *
In 1902 the _Standard_ announced that the degree of D.C.L. was to be
conferred upon him by the University of Wales. He wrote to Miss Dora
Best, who had sent him the information:
I have not seen the _Standard_. But I suppose it is about the offer of a
degree by the University of Wales. You will not be surprised to hear
that I have declined it "with thanks." The bother, the ceremony, the
having perhaps to get a blue or yellow or scarlet gown! and at all
events new black clothes and a new topper! such as I have not worn this
twenty years. Luckily I had a good excuse in having committed the same
offence before. Some ten years back I declined the offer of a degree
from Cambridge, so that settled it.
P.S.--Having already degrees two--LL.D. (Dublin) and D.C.L. (Oxford)--I
might have quoted Shakespeare: "To gild refined gold, to paint the
lily," etc. But I didn't!--A.R.W.
* * * * *
In 1908 he received the Order of Merit, the highest honour conferred
upon him. To his friend Mrs. Fisher he wrote:
Dear Mrs. Fisher,--Is it not awful--two more now! I should think very
few men have had three such honours within six months! I have never felt
myself worthy of the Copley Medal--and as to the Order of Merit--to be
given to a red-hot Radical, Land Nationaliser, Socialist,
Anti-Militarist, etc. etc. etc., is quite astounding and
unintelligible!...
There is another thing you have not heard yet, but it will be announced
soon. Sir W. Crookes, as Secretary of the Royal Institution, wrote to me
two weeks back asking me very strongly to give them a lecture at their
opening meeting (third week in January) appropriate to the Jubilee of
the "Origin of Species." I was very unwell at the time--could eat
nothing, etc.--and was going to decline positively, having nothing more
to say! But while lying down, vaguely thinking about it, an idea flashed
upon me of a new treatment of the whole subject of Darwinism, just
suitable for a lecture to a R.I. audience. I felt at once there was
something that ought to be said, and that I should like to say--so I
actually wrote and accepted, provisionally. My voice has so broken that
unless I can improve it I fear not being heard, but Crookes promised to
read it either wholly, or leaving to me the opening and concluding
paragraphs. I was very weak--almost a skeleton--but I am now getting
much better. But finishing up the "Spruce" book, and now all these
honours and congratulations and letters, etc., are giving me much work,
yet I am getting strong again, and really hope to do this "lecture" as
my last stroke for Darwinism against the Mutationists and Mendelians,
but much more effective, I hope, than my article in the August
_Contemporary Review_, though that was pretty strong.--Yours very
sincerely,
ALFRED R. WALLACE.
How more than true "Sunlight's"[64] words have come, "You will come out
of the hole! You will be more in the world. You will have satisfaction,
retrospection, and work"! Literally fulfilled!--A.R.W.
* * * * *
And to Mr. F. Birch:
_December 30, 1908._
Dear Fred,-- ... I received a letter from Lord Knollys--the King's
Private Secretary--informing me that His Majesty proposed to offer me
the Order of Merit, among the Birthday honours! This is an "Order"
established by the present King about eight years ago, solely for
"merit"--whether civil or military--it is a pity it was not civil only,
as the military have so many distinctions already. So I had to compose a
very polite letter of acceptance and thanks, and then later I had to beg
to be excused (on the ground of age and delicate health) from attending
the investiture at Buckingham Palace (on December 14th), when Court
dress--a kind of very costly livery--is obligatory! and I was kept for
weeks waiting. But at last one of the King's Equerries, Col. Legge (an
Earl's son), came down here about two weeks ago bringing the Order,
which is a very handsome cross in red and blue enamel and gold--rich
colours--with a crown above, and a rich ribbed-silk blue and crimson
riband to hang it round the neck! Col. Legge was very pleasant, stayed
half an hour, had some tea, and showed us how to wear it. So I shall be
in duty bound to wear it on the only public occasion I shall be seen
again (in all probability), when I give (or attempt to give) my
lecture.[65] Then, I had a letter from Windsor telling me that chalk
portraits of all the members of the Order were to be taken for the
collections in the Library, and a Mr. Strang came and stayed the night,
and in four hours completed a very good life-size head, in coloured
chalk, and so far, so good!--Yours very sincerely, ALFRED R. WALLACE.
* * * * *
Wallace regarded "Sunlight's" prophecy about "retrospection" as being
fulfilled in 1904, when he received the invitation of Messrs. Chapman
and Hall to begin collecting material for his autobiography which was
subsequently published in two large volumes, under the title of "My
Life."
Referring to this work he wrote to Mrs. Fisher:
_Broadstone, Dorset. April_ 17, 1904.
Dear Mrs. Fisher,--Thanks for your remarks on what an autobiography
ought to be. But I am afraid I shall fall dreadfully short. I seem to
remember nothing but ordinary facts and incidents of no interest to
anyone but my own family. I do not feel myself that anything has much
influenced my character or abilities, such as they are. Lots of things
have given me opportunities, and those I can state. Also other things
have directed me into certain lines, but I can't dilate on these; and
really, with the exception of Darwin and Sir Charles Lyell, I have come
into close relations with hardly any eminent men. All my doings and
surroundings have been commonplace!
I am now just reading a charming and ideal bit of autobiography--Robert
Dale Owen's "Threading my Way." If you have not read it, do get it
(published by Trübner and Co. in 1874). It is delightful. So simple and
natural throughout. But his father was one of the most wonderful men of
the nineteenth century--Robert Owen of New Lanark--and this book gives
the true history of his great success. Then R.D. Owen met Clarkson and
heard from his own lips how he worked to abolish the slave trade.
Then he had part of his education at Hofwyl under Fellenberg, an
experiment in education and self-government wonderfully original and
successful. He afterwards worked at "New Harmony" with his father, and
met during his life almost all the most remarkable people in England and
America.
This book only contains the first twenty-seven years of his life and I
am afraid he never completed it. Such a book makes me despair!--Yours
very sincerely,
ALFRED R. WALLACE.
* * * * *
When "My Life" was published, he wrote to the same old and valued
friend:
_Broadstone, Wimborne. November 7, 1905._
My dear Mrs. Fisher,--The reviewers are generally very fair about the
fads except a few. The _Review_ invents a new word for me--I am an
"anti-body"; but the _Outlook_ is the richest: I am the one man who
believes in Spiritualism, phrenology, anti-vaccination, and the
centrality of the earth in the universe, whose life is worth writing.
Then it points out a few things I am capable of believing, but which
everybody else knows to be fallacies, and compares me to Sir I. Newton
writing on the prophets! Yet of course he praises my biology up to the
skies--there I am wise--everywhere else I am a kind of weak, babyish
idiot! It is really delightful!
Only one is absolutely savage about it all--the _Liverpool_ _Daily Post
and Mercury_. The reviewer devotes over three columns almost wholly to
the fads--as to all of which he evidently knows absolutely nothing, but
he is cocksure that I am always wrong!...--Yours very sincerely,
ALFRED R. WALLACE.
* * * * *
He always thought that he was deficient in the gift of humour: "I am,"
he wrote to Mr. J.W. Marshall (May 6, 1905), "still grinding away at my
autobiography. Have got to my American lecture tour, and hope to finish
by about Sept. but have such lots of interruptions. I am just reading
Huxley's Life. Some of his letters are inimitable, but the whole is
rather monotonous. I find there is a good deal of variety in my life if
I had but the gift of humour! Alas! I could not make a joke to save my
life. But I find it very interesting." "Unless somebody," he wrote to
Miss Evans, "can make me laugh just before the critical moment I always
have a horrid expression in photographs." Yet another observant friend
remarked that "he had a keen sense of humour. It was always his boyish
joyous exuberance which touched me. He never grew old. When I had sat
with him an hour he was a young man, he became transfigured to me." ...
"The last time I saw Dr. Wallace," writes Prof. T.D.A. Cockerell of
Colorado, "was immediately after the Darwin Celebration at Cambridge in
1909. I was the first to give him the details concerning it, and vividly
remember how interested he was, and how heartily he laughed over some of
the funny incidents, which may not as yet be told in print. One of his
most prominent characteristics was his keen sense of humour, and his
enjoyment of a good story." In the summer of 1885 he spent a holiday
with Prof. Meldola at Lyme Regis. "After our ramble," said the
Professor, "we used to spend the evenings indoors, I reading aloud the
'Ingoldsby Legends,' which Wallace richly enjoyed. His humour was a
delightful characteristic. 'The inimitable puns of T. Hood were,' he
said, 'the delight of my youth, as is the more recondite and fantastic
humour of Mark Twain and Lewis Carroll in my old age.'"
* * * * *
Wallace loved to give time and trouble in aiding young men to start in
life, especially if they were endeavouring to become naturalists. He
sent them letters of advice, helped them in the choice of the right
country to visit, and gave them minute practical instructions how to
live healthily and to maintain themselves. He put their needs before
other and more fortunate scientific workers and besought assistance for
them.
"The central secret of his personal magnetism lay in his wide and
unselfish sympathy," writes Prof. Poulton.[66] "It might be thought by
those who did not know Wallace that the noble generosity which will
always stand as an example before the world was something
special--called forth by the illustrious man with whom he was brought in
contact. This would be a great mistake. Wallace's attitude was
characteristic, and characteristic to the end of his life.
"A keen young naturalist in the North of England, taking part in an
excursion to the New Forest, called on Wallace and confided to him the
dream of his life--a first-hand knowledge of tropical nature. When I
visited 'Old Orchard' in the summer of 1903, I found that Wallace was
intently interested in two things: his garden, and the means by which
his young friend's dream might best be realised. The subject was
referred to in seventeen letters to me; it formed the sole topic of some
of them. It was a grand and inspiring thing to see this great man
identifying himself heart and soul with the interests of one--till then
a stranger--in whom he recognised the passionate longings of his own
youth. By the force of sympathy he re-lived in the life of another the
splendid years of early manhood."
The late Prof. Knight recalled meeting him at the British Association in
Dundee, during the year 1867, when Wallace was his guest for the usual
time of the gathering. He wrote:
I, and everyone else who then met him at my house, were struck, as
no one could fail to be, by his rare urbanity, his social charm,
his modesty, his unobtrusive strength, his courtesy in explaining
matters with which he was himself familiar but those he conversed
with were not; and his abounding interest, not only in almost
every branch of Science, but in human knowledge in all its phases,
especially new ones. He was a many-sided scientific man, and had a
vivid sense of humour. He greatly enjoyed anecdote, as
illustrative of character. During those days he talked much on the
fundamental relations between Science and Philosophy, as well as
on the connection of Poetry with both of them. When he left Dundee
he went to Kenmore, that he might ascend Ben Lawers in search of
some rare ferns.
In 1872 I saw him, after meeting Thomas Carlyle and Dean Stanley
at Linlathen, when Darwin's theory was much discussed, and when
our genial host--Mr. Erskine--talked so dispassionately but
decidedly against evolution as explanatory of the rise of what was
new. A little later in the same year Matthew Arnold discussed the
same subject with some friends at the Athenæum Club, defending the
chief aim of Darwin's theory, and enlarging from a different point
of view what Wallace had done in the same direction. I remember
well that he characterised the two men as fellow-workers, not as
followers, or in any sense as copyists. Wallace's versatility not
only continued, but grew in many ways with the advance of years.
It was seen in his appreciation of the value of historical study.
Quite late in life he wrote: "The nineteenth century is quite as
wonderful in the domain of History as in that of Science."
Comparatively few know, or remember, that he and his young brother
Herbert--on whom he left an interesting chapter _in
memoriam_--both wrote verses, some of which were of real value.
It may be safely said that few scientific men have sympathetically
entered into bordering territories and therein excelled. The whole
field of psychical research was familiar to him, and he might have
been a leader in it.
My last meeting with him was at his final home, the "Old Orchard,"
Broadstone, in 1909. I was staying at Boscombe in Hants, and he
asked me to "come and see his garden, while we talked of past
days." He had then the freshness of boyhood, blent with the mellow
wisdom of age.--W.A.K.
The eminent naturalist and traveller, Dr. Henry O. Forbes, who later
explored the greater part of the lands visited by Wallace, contributes
the following appreciation of the latter's scientific work:
As a traveller, explorer and working naturalist, Wallace will
always stand in the first rank, compared even with the most modern
explorers. It ought not to be forgotten, however, how great were
the difficulties, the dangers and the cost of travel fifty years
ago, compared with the facilities now enjoyed by his successors,
who can command steam and motor transport to wellnigh any spot on
the coasts of the globe, and who have to their hand concentrated
and preserved foods, a surer knowledge of the causes of tropical
diseases, and outfits of non-perishable medicines sufficient for
many years within the space of a few cubic inches. Commissariat
and health are the keys to all exploration in uncivilised regions.
Wallace accomplished his work on the shortest of commons and lay
weeks at a time sick through inability to replenish his medical
stores.
He was no mere "trudger" over new lands. Where those before him,
and even many after him, have been able to see only sterile
objects, his discerning eyes perceived everywhere a meaning in
the varying modes of organic life, and in response to his
sympathetic mind Nature revealed to him more of her multitudinous
secrets than to most others. Wallace's Amazonian travels were far
from unfruitful, in spite of the irreparable loss he sustained in
the burning of his notes and the bulk of his collections in the
vessel by which he was returning home; but it was in the Malay
Archipelago that his most celebrated years of investigation were
passed, which marked him as one of the greatest naturalists of our
time. As a methodical natural history collector--which is "the
best sport in the world" according to Darwin--he has never been
surpassed; and few naturalists, if any, have ever brought together
more enormous collections than he. The mere statement, taken from
his "Malay Archipelago," of the number of his captures in the
Archipelago in six years of actual collecting, exceeding 125,000
specimens--a number greater than the entire contents of many large
museums--still causes amazement. The value of a collection,
however, depends on the full and accurate information attached to
each specimen, and from this point of view only a few collections,
including Darwin's and Bates's, have possessed the great
scientific value of his.
Wallace's Eastern explorations included nearly all the large and
the majority of the smaller islands of the Archipelago. Many of
them he was the first naturalist to visit, or to reside on. Ceram,
Batjian, Buru, Lombok, Timor, Aru, Ke and New Guinea had never
been previously scientifically investigated. When in 1858 "the
first and greatest of the naturalists," as Dr. Wollaston styles
Wallace, visited New Guinea, it was "the first time that any
European had ventured to reside alone and practically unprotected
on the mainland of this country," which, dangerous as it is now in
the same regions, was infinitely more so then. Of the journals of
his voyagings, "The Malay Archipelago" will always be ranked among
the greatest narratives of travel. The fact that this volume has
gone through a dozen editions is witness to its extraordinary
popularity among intelligent minds, and hardly supports the belief
that his scientific work has been forgotten. Nor can this
popularity be a matter of much surprise, for few travellers have
possessed Wallace's powers of exposition, his lucidity and charm
of style. Professor Strasburger of Bonn has declared that through
"The Malay Archipelago" "a new world of scientific knowledge" was
unfolded before him. "I feel it ... my duty," he adds, "to
proclaim it with gratitude." Wallace's narrative has attracted
during the past half-century numerous naturalists to follow in his
tracks, many of whom have reaped rich aftermaths of his harvest;
but certain it is that no explorer in the same, if in any other,
region has approached his eminence, or attained the success he
achieved.
As a systematic zoologist, Wallace took no inconsiderable place;
his _métier_, however, was different. He described, nevertheless,
large sections of his Lepidoptera and of his birds, on which many
valuable papers are printed in the _Transactions_ of the learned
societies and in various scientific periodicals. Of the former,
special mention may be made of that on variation in the
"Papilionidæ of the Malayan Region," of which Darwin has recorded:
"I have never in my life been more struck by any paper." Of the
latter, reference may be drawn to his account of the "Pigeons of
the Malay Archipelago" and his paper on the "Passerine Birds," in
which he proposed an important new arrangement of the families of
that group (used later in his "Geographical Distribution") based
on the feathering of their wings. Without a lengthy search through
the zoological records, it would be impossible to say how many
species Wallace added to science; but the constant recurrence in
the Catalogue of Birds in the British Museum of "wallacei" as the
name bestowed on various new species by other systematists, and of
"Wallace" succeeding those scientifically named by himself, is an
excellent gauge of their very large number.
In the field of anthropology Wallace could never be an
uninterested spectator. He took a deep interest, he tells us, in
the study of the various races of mankind. His accounts of the
Amazonian tribes suffered greatly by the loss of his journals; but
of the peoples of the Malay Archipelago he has given us a most
interesting narrative, detailing their bodily and mental
characteristics, and showing how their distribution accorded with
that of the fauna on the opposite sides--Malays to the West,
Papuans to the East--of Wallace's Line. If fuller investigation of
the New Guinea tribes requires some modification in regard to
their origin, his observations, as broadly outlined then, remain
true still. His opinions on the origin of the Australian
aborigines--that they were a low and primitive type of Caucasian
race--which, when first promulgated, were somewhat sceptically
received, are now those accepted by many very competent
anthropologists.
Wallace's contributions to Geographical Science were only second
in importance to those he so pre-eminently made to biology. Though
skilled in the use of surveying instruments, he did little or no
map-making--at all times a laborious and lengthy task--for, with
more important purposes in his mind, he could not spare the time,
nor did the limitations to his movements permit any useful
attempt. Yet he did pure geographical work quite as important. The
value of the comparative study of the flora and fauna of
neighbouring regions, the great differences in the midst of much
likeness between the organic life of neighbouring land masses, was
a subject that was always in Wallace's mind during his exploration
of the Amazon Valley, for he perceived that the physical geography
and the distribution of these animals and plants were of the
greatest service in elucidating their history where the geological
record was defective. As is well known, the visual inspection of
the geological structure of tropical countries is always difficult
and often impossible to make out because of the dense vegetation
upon the surface and even the faces of the river gorges. But for
the loss of his collections and notes we should have had from
Wallace's pen a Physical History of the Amazon. This loss was,
however, amply made up by his very original contributions to the
geography of the Malay Archipelago. "The Zoological Geography of
the Malay Archipelago" and "The Physical Geography of the Malay
Archipelago" (written on Eastern soil, with the texts of his
discourses around him) were the forerunners of his monumental
"Geographical Distribution of Animals," elaborated in England
after his return. "To the publication of the 'Geographical
Distribution of Animals' we owe the first scientific study of the
distribution of organic life on the globe, which has broadened
ever since, and continues to interest students daily; his
brilliant work in Natural History and Geography ... is universally
honoured," are the opinions of Dr. Scott speaking as President of
the Linnean Society of London.
One of Wallace's most important contributions to the physical
geography of the Malay region was his discovery of the physical
differences between the western and the eastern portions of the
Archipelago; i.e. that the islands lying to the east of a line
running north from the middle of the Straits of Bali and outside
Celebes were fragments of an ancient and larger Australian
continent, while those to the western side were fragments of an
Asiatic continent. This he elucidated by recognising that the
flora and fauna on the two sides of the line, close though these
islands approached each other, were absolutely different and had
remained for ages uncommingled. This line was denominated
"Wallace's Line" by Huxley, and this discovery alone would have
been sufficient to associate his name inseparably with this region
of the globe.--H.O.F.
Like Darwin, Wallace gave excessive attention to the suggestions and
criticisms of people who were obviously ignorant of the subjects about
which they wrote. He was never impatient with honest ignorance or
considered the lowly position of his correspondents. He replied to all
letters of inquiry (and he received many from working men), and always
gave his best knowledge and advice to anyone who desired it. There was
not the faintest suggestion of the despicable sense of superiority about
him.
"I had, of course, revelled in 'The Malay Archipelago' when a boy," says
Prof. Cockerell, "but my first personal relations with Dr. Wallace arose
from a letter I wrote him after reading his 'Darwinism,' then (early in
1890) recently published. The book delighted me, but I found a number of
little matters to criticise and discuss, and with the impetuosity of
youth proceeded to write to the author, and also to send a letter on
some of the points to _Nature_. I have possibly not yet reached years of
discretion, but in the perspective of time I can see with confusion that
what I regarded as worthy zeal might well have been characterised by
others as confounded impudence. In the face of this, the tolerance and
kindness of Dr. Wallace's reply is wholly characteristic: 'I am very
much obliged to you for your letter containing so many valuable
emendations and suggestions on my "Darwinism." They will be very useful
to me in preparing another edition. Living in the country with but few
books, I have often been unable to obtain the _latest_ information, but
for the purpose of the argument the facts of a few years back are often
as good as those of to-day--which in their turn will be modified a few
years hence.... You appear to have so much knowledge of details in so
many branches of natural history, and also to have thought so much on
many of the more recondite problems, that I shall be much pleased to
receive any further remarks or corrections on any other portions of my
book.' This letter, written to a very young and quite unknown man in the
wilds of Colorado, who had merely communicated a list of more or less
trifling criticisms, can only be explained as an instance of Dr.
Wallace's eagerness to help and encourage beginners. It did not occur to
him to question the propriety of the criticisms, he did not write as a
superior to an inferior; he only saw what seemed to him a spark of
biological enthusiasm, which should by all means be kindled into flame.
Many years later, when I was at his house, he produced with the greatest
delight some letters from a young man who had gone to South America and
was getting his first glimpse of the tropical forest. What discoveries
he might make! What joy he must have on seeing the things described in
the letter, such things as Dr. Wallace himself had seen in Brazil so
long ago!"
Wallace's critical faculty was always keen and vigilant. Unlike some
critics, however, he relished genuine and well-informed criticism of his
own writings. Flattery he despised; whilst the charge of dishonesty
aroused strongest resentment. Deceived he might be, but he required
clear proof that his own eyes and ears had led him astray. Romanes, who
had propounded the forgotten theory of physiological selection, charged
Wallace with adopting it as his own. This was not only untrue, it was
ridiculous; and Wallace, after telling him so and receiving no apology,
dropped him out of his recognition. During Romanes' illness Mr.
Thiselton-Dyer wrote to Wallace and sought to bring about a
reconciliation, and Wallace replied:
* * * * *
_Parkstone, Dorset. September 26, 1893._
My dear Thiselton-Dyer,--I am sorry to hear of Romanes' illness, because
I think he would have done much good work in carrying out experiments
which require the leisure, means and knowledge which he possesses. I
cannot, however, at all understand his wishing to have any communication
from myself. I do not think I ever met Romanes in private more than
once, when he called on me more than twenty years ago about some curious
psychical phenomena occurring in his own family; and perhaps half a
dozen letters--if so many--may have passed between us since. There is
therefore no question of personal friendship disturbed. I consider,
however, that he made a very gross misstatement and personal attack on
me when he stated, both in English and American periodicals, that in my
"Darwinism" I adopted his theory of "physiological selection" and
claimed it as my own, and that my adoption of it was "unequivocal and
complete." This accusation he supported by such a flood of words and
quotations and explanations as to obscure all the chief issues and
render it almost impossible for the ordinary reader to disentangle the
facts. I told him then that unless he withdrew this accusation as
publicly as he had made it I should decline all future correspondence
with him, and should avoid referring to him in any of my writings.
This is, of course, very different from any criticism of my theories;
that, or even ridicule, would never disturb me; but when a man has made
an accusation of literary and scientific dishonesty, and has done all he
can to spread this accusation over the whole civilised world, my only
answer can be--after showing, as I have done (_see Nature_, vol. xliii.,
pp. 79 and 150), that his accusations are wholly untrue--to ignore his
existence.
I cannot believe that he can want any sympathy from a man he says has
wilfully and grossly plagiarised him, unless he feels that his
accusations were unfounded. If he does so, and will write to me to that
effect (for publication, if I wish, after his death), I will accept it
as full reparation and write him such a letter as you suggest.--Believe
me yours very faithfully,
ALFRED R. WALLACE.
* * * * *
SIR W.T. THISELTON-DYER TO A.R. WALLACE
_Kew. September 27, 1897._
Dear Mr. Wallace,--I am afraid I have been rather guilty of an
impertinence which I hope you will forgive.
Romanes is an old acquaintance of mine of many years' standing.
Personally, I like him very much; but for his writings I confess I have
no great admiration.
Pray believe me I had no mission of any sort on his part to write to
you. But I feel so sorry for him that when he told me how much he
regretted that he did not stand well with you, I could not resist
writing to tell you of the calamities that have befallen him.
I must confess I was in total ignorance of what you tell me. I don't
see how, under the circumstances, you can do anything. I was never more
surprised in my life, in fact, than when I read your letter. The whole
thing is too childishly preposterous.
Romanes laments over _me_ because he says I wilfully misunderstand his
theory. The fact is, poor fellow, that I do not think he understands it
himself. If his life had been destined to be prolonged I should have
done all in my power to have induced him to occupy himself more with
observation and less with mere logomachy.
I cannot get him to face the fact that natural hybrids are being found
to be more and more common amongst plants. At the beginning of the
century it was supposed that there were some sixty recognisable species
of willows in the British Isles: now they are cut down to about sixteen,
and all the rest are resolved into hybrids.--Ever sincerely,
W.T. THISELTON-DYER.
* * * * *
Wallace was a seeker after Truth who was never shy of his august
mistress, whatever robes she wore. "I feel within me," wrote Darwin to
Henslow, "an instinct for truth, or knowledge, or discovery, of
something of the same nature as the instinct of virtue." This was
equally true of Wallace. He had a fine reverence for truth, beauty and
love, and he feared not to expose error. He paid no respect to
time-honoured practices and opinions if he believed them to be false.
Vaccination came under his searching criticism, and in the face of
nearly the whole medical faculty he denounced it as quackery condemned
by the very evidence used to defend it. He very carefully examined the
claims of phrenology, which had been laughed out of court by scientific
men, and he came to the conclusion that "in the present (twentieth)
century phrenology will assuredly attain general acceptance. It will
prove itself to be the true science of the mind. Its practical uses in
education, in self-discipline, in the reformatory treatment of
criminals, and in the remedial treatment of the insane, will gain it
one of the highest places in the hierarchy of the sciences; and its
persistent neglect and obloquy during the last sixty years of the
nineteenth century will be referred to as an example of the almost
incredible narrowness and prejudice which prevailed among men of science
at the very time they were making such splendid advances in other fields
of thought and discovery."[67]
Wallace was not even scared out of his wits by ghosts, for, unlike
Coleridge, he believed in them although he thought he had seen many.
Whether truth came from the scaffold or the throne, the séance or the
sky, it did not alter the truth, and did not prejudice or overbear his
judgment. He shed his early materialism (which temporarily took
possession of him as it did of many others as a result of the shock
following the overwhelming discoveries of that period) when he was
brought face to face with the phenomena of the spiritual kingdom which
withstood the searching test of his keen observation and reasoning
powers. Prejudices, preconceived notions, respect for his scientific
position or the opinions of his eminent friends or the reputation of the
learned societies to which he belonged--all were quietly and firmly put
aside when he saw what he recognised to be the truth. If his
fellow-workers did not accept it, so much the worse for them. He stood
four-square against the onslaught of quasi-scientific rationalism, which
once threatened to obliterate all the ancient landmarks of morality and
religion alike. He made mistakes, and he admitted and corrected them,
because he verily loved Truth for her own sake. And to the very end of
his long life he kept the windows of his soul wide open to what he
believed to be the light of this and other worlds.
He was, then, a man of lofty ideals, and his idealism was at the base
of his opposition to the materialism which boasted that Natural
Selection explained all adaptation, and that Physics could give the
solution of Huxley's poser to Spencer: "Given the molecular forces in a
mutton chop, deduce Hamlet and Faust therefrom," and which regarded mind
as a quality of matter as brightness is a quality of steel, and life as
the result of the organisation of matter and not its cause.
"We have ourselves," wrote Prof. H.F. Osborn in an account of Wallace's
scientific work which Wallace praised, "experienced a loss of confidence
with advancing years, an increasing humility in the face of
transformations which become more and more mysterious the more we study
them, although we may not join with this master in his appeal to an
organising and directing principle." But profound contemplation of
nature and of the mind of man led Wallace to belief in God, to accept
the Divine origin of life and consciousness, and to proclaim a hierarchy
of spiritual beings presiding over nature and the affairs of nations.
"Whatever," writes Dr. H.O. Forbes, "may be the last words on the deep
and mysterious problems to which Wallace addressed himself in his later
works, the unquestioned consensus of the highest scientific opinion
throughout the world is that his work has been for more than half a
century, and will continue to be, a living stimulus to interpretation
and investigation, a fertilising and vivifying force in every sphere of
thought."
It is perhaps unprofitable to go further than in previous chapters into
his so-called heresies--political, scientific or religious. Yet we may
imitate his boldness and ask whether he was not, perhaps, in advance of
his age and whether his heresies were not shrewd anticipations of some
truth at present but partially revealed. Take the example of
Spiritualism, which, I suppose, has more opponents than
anti-vaccination. No one can overlook the fact that Spiritualism has
many scientific exponents--Myers, Crookes, Lodge, Barrett and others.
Prejudices against Spiritualism are as unscientific as the credulity
which swallows the mutterings of every medium. Podmore's two ponderous
volumes on the History of Spritualism are marred by an obvious anxiety
to make the very least, if not the very worst, of every phenomenon
alleged to be spiritualistic. That kind of deliberate and obstinate
blindness which prided itself on being the clear cold light of science
Wallace scorned and denounced. He did not insist upon spiritualistic
manifestations shaping themselves according to his own predesigned
moulds in order to be investigated. He watched for facts whatever form
they assumed. He fully recognised that the phenomena he saw and heard
could be easily ridiculed, but behind them he as fully believed that he
came into contact with spiritual realities which remain, and which led
him to other explanations of the higher faculties of man and the origin
of life and consciousness than were acceptable to the materialistic
followers of Haeckel, Büchner and Huxley. And who dares dogmatically to
assert in the name of science and in the second decade of the twentieth
century, when the deeper meanings of evolution are being revealed, and
the philosophy of Bergson is spoken about on the housetops, that he was
wrong? In these views may he not become the peer of Darwin?
At first blush it may seem to be a bad example of special pleading to
attempt to discover the reason for his opposition to vaccination in his
idealism. But it is not far from the truth. He believed in a Ministry of
Public Health, that doctors should be servants of the State, and that
they should be paid according as they kept people well and not ill.
Health is the natural condition of the human body when it is properly
sustained and used. And chemicals, even in sickness, are of less
importance than fresh air, light and proper food. He ridiculed, too, the
notion of unhealthy places. "It is like," he wrote to Mr. Birch, "the
old idea that every child must have measles, and the sooner the better."
To the same correspondent, who was contemplating going into virgin
forests and who expressed his fear of malaria, he replied: "There is no
special danger of malaria or other diseases in a dense forest region. I
am sure this is a delusion, and the dense virgin forests, even when
swampy, are, in a state of nature, perfectly healthy to live in. It is
man's tampering with them, and man's own bad habits of living, that
render them unhealthy. Having now gone over all Spruce's journals and
letters during his twelve years' life in and about the Amazonian
forests, I am sure this is so. And even where a place is said to be
notoriously 'malarious,' it is mostly due not to infection only but to
predisposition due to malnutrition or some bad mode of living. A person
living healthily may, for the most part, laugh at such terrors. Neither
I nor Spruce ever got fevers when we lived in the forests and were able
to get wholesome food." "Health," he said to the present writer, "is the
best resistant to disease, and not the artificial giving of a mild form
of a disease in order to render the body immune to it for a season.
Vaccination is not only condemned upon the statistics which are used to
uphold it, but it is a false principle--unscientific, and therefore
doomed to fail in the end." Besides which, he believed in mental
healing, and had recorded definite and certain benefit from spiritual
"healers." And he reminded himself that amongst doctors (witness the
blind opposition encountered by Lister's discoveries) were found from
time to time not a few enemies of the true healing art, and obstinate
defenders of many forms of quackery. Wallace made no claim to be an
original investigator. He knew his limitations, and said again and again
that he could not have conducted the slow and minute researches or have
accumulated the vast amount of detailed evidence to which Darwin, with
infinite patience, devoted his life. He was genuinely glad that it had
not fallen to his lot to write "The Origin of Species." He felt that his
chief faculty was to reason from facts which others discovered. Yet he
had that original insight and creative faculty which enabled him to see,
often as by flashlight, the explanation which had remained hidden from
the eyes of the man who was most familiar with the particular facts, and
he elaborated it with quickening pulse, anxious to put down the whole
conception which filled his mind lest some portion of it should escape
him. Therein lay one secret of his great genius. He often said that he
was an idler, but we know that he was a patient and industrious worker.
His idleness was his way of describing his long musings, waiting the
bidding of her whom God inspires--Truth, who often hides her face from
the clouded eyes of man. For hours, days, weeks, he was disinclined to
work. He felt no constraining impulse, his attention was relaxed or
engaged upon a novel, or his seeds, or the plan of a new house, which
always excited his interest. Then, apparently suddenly, whilst in one of
his day-dreams, or in a fever (as at Ternate, to recall the historical
episode when the theory of Natural Selection struck him), an
explanation, a theory, a discovery,[68] the plan of a new book, came to
him like a flash of light, and with the plan the material, the
arguments, the illustrations; the words came tumbling one over the
other in his brain, and as suddenly his idleness vanished, and work,
eager, prolonged, unwearying, filled his days and months and years until
the message was written down and the task fully accomplished. Whilst
writing he referred to few books, but wrote straight on, adding
paragraph to paragraph, chapter to chapter, without recasting or
revision.[69] And the result was fresh, striking, original. It was a
creation. The work being done, he relapsed into his busy idleness. The
truth, as he saw it, seemed to come to him. Some people called him a
prophet, but he was not conscious of that high calling. I do not
remember him saying that he was only a messenger. Perhaps later, when he
was reviewing his life, he connected his sudden inspirations with a
higher source, but for their realisation he relied upon a foundation of
veritable facts, facts patiently accumulated, a foundation laid broad
and deep. He had the vision of the prophet allied with the wisdom of the
philosopher and the calm mental detachment of the man of science.
Perhaps another explanation of his genius may be found in his
open-mindedness. Truth found ready access to his conscience, and always
a warm welcome, and he saw with open eyes where others were stone-blind.
He belonged to our common humanity. No caste or acquired pride or
unapproachable intellectualism cut him off from the people. His simple
humanness made him one with us all. And his humanity was singularly
comprehensive. It led him, for instance, to investigate the subject of
suffering in animals. He noticed that all good men and women rightly
shrank from giving pain to them, and he set himself to prove that the
capacity for pain decreased as we descended the scale of life, and that
poets and others were mistaken when they imputed acute suffering to the
lower creation, because of the very restricted response of their nervous
system. Even in the case of the human infant, he concluded that only
very slight sensations are at first required, and that such only are
therefore developed. The sensation of pain does not, probably, reach its
maximum till the whole organism is fully developed in the adult
individual. "This," he added, with that characteristic touch which made
him kin to all oppressed people, "is rather comforting in view of the
sufferings of so many infants needlessly sacrificed through the terrible
defects of our vicious social system."
To Wallace pain was the birth-cry of a soul's advance--the stamp of rank
in nature is capacity for pain. Pain, he held, was always strictly
subordinated to the law of utility, and was never developed beyond what
was actually needed for the protection and advance of life. This brings
the sensitive soul immense relief. Our susceptibility to the higher
agonies is a condition of our advance in life's pageant.
Take another instance. Amongst his numerous correspondents there were
not a few who decided not to take life, for food, or science, or in war.
One young man who went out with the assistance of Wallace to Trinidad
and Brazil to become a naturalist, and to whom he wrote many letters[70]
of direction and encouragement, gave up the work of collecting--to
Wallace's sincere disappointment--and came home because he felt that it
was wrong to take the lives of such wondrous and beautiful birds and
insects. Another correspondent, who had joined the Navy, wrote a number
of long letters to Wallace setting forth his conscientious objections to
killing, arrived at after reading Wallace's books; and although Wallace
endeavoured from prudential considerations to restrain him from giving
up his position, he nevertheless wholly sympathised with him and in the
end warmly defended him when it was necessary to do so. The sacrifice,
too, of human life in dangerous employments for the purpose of financial
gain, no less than the frightful slaughter of the battlefield, was
abhorrent to Wallace and aroused his intensest indignation. Life to him
was sacred. It had its origin in the spiritual kingdom. "We are lovers
of nature, from 'bugs' up to 'humans,'" he wrote to Mr. Fred Birch.
By every means he laboured earnestly to secure an equal opportunity of
leading a useful and happy life for all men and women. He championed the
cause of women--of their freer life and their more active and public
part in national service. He found the selective agency, which was to
work for the amelioration he desired, in a higher form of sexual
selection, which will be the prerogative of women; and therefore woman's
position in the not distant future "will be far higher and more
important than any which has been claimed for or by her in the past."
When political and social rights are conceded to her on equality with
men, her free choice in marriage, no longer influenced by economic and
social considerations, will guide the future moral progress of the race,
restore the lost equality of opportunity to every child born in our
country, and secure the balance between the sexes. "It will be their
(women's) special duty so to mould public opinion, through home training
and social influence, as to render the women of the future the
regenerators of the entire human race."
He was acutely anxious that his ideals should be realised on earth by
the masses of the people. He had a large and noble vision of their
future. And he had his plan for their immediate redemption--national
ownership of the soil, better housing, higher wages, certainty of
employment, abolition of preventable diseases, more leisure and wider
education, not merely for the practical work of obtaining a livelihood
but to enable them to enjoy art and literature and song. His opposition
to Eugenics (to adopt the word introduced by Galton, which Wallace
called jargon) sprang from his idealism and his love of the people, as
well as from his scientific knowledge. On the social side he thought
that Eugenics offered less chance of a much-needed improvement of
environment than the social reforms which he advocated, whilst on the
scientific side he believed that the attempt, with our extremely limited
knowledge, to breed men and women by artificial selection was worse than
folly. He feared that, as he understood it, Eugenics would perpetuate
class distinctions, and postpone social reform, and afford
quasi-scientific excuses for keeping people "in the positions Nature
intended them to occupy," a scientific reading of the more offensive
saying of those who, having plenty themselves, believe that it is for
the good of the lower classes to be dependent upon others. "Clear up,"
he said to the present writer one day, when we drifted into a warm
discussion of the teachings of Eugenists; "change the environment so
that all may have an adequate opportunity of living a useful and happy
life, and give woman a free choke in marriage; and when that has been
going on for some generations you may be in a better position to apply
whatever has been discovered about heredity and human breeding, and you
may then know which are the better stocks."
"Segregation of the unfit," he remarked to an interviewer after the
Eugenic Conference, at which much was unhappily said that wholly
justified his caustic denunciation, "is a mere excuse for establishing
a medical tyranny. And we have enough of this kind of tyranny already
... the world does not want the eugenist to set it straight.... Eugenics
is simply the meddlesome interference of an arrogant scientific
priestcraft."
Thus his radicalism and his so-called fads were born of his high
aspirations. He was not the recluse calmly spinning theories from a
bewildering chaos of observations, and building up isolated facts into
the unity of a great and illuminating conception in the silence and
solitude of his library, unmindful of the great world of sin and sorrow
without. He could say with Darwin, "I was born a naturalist"; but we can
add that his heart was on fire with love for the toiling masses. He had
felt the intense joy of discovering a vast and splendid generalisation,
which not only worked a complete revolution in biological science, but
has also illuminated the whole field of human knowledge. Yet his
greatest ambition was to improve the cruel conditions under which
thousands of his fellow-creatures suffered and died, and to make their
lives sweeter and happier. His mind was great enough and his heart large
enough to encompass all that lies between the visible horizons of human
thought and activity, and even in his old age he lived upon the topmost
peaks, eagerly looking for the horizon beyond. In the words of the late
Mr. Gladstone, he "was inspired with the belief that life was a great
and noble calling; not a mean and grovelling thing that we are to
shuffle through as we can, but an elevated and lofty destiny."
* * * * *
But we must not be tempted into further disquisition. As he grew older
the public Press as well as his friends celebrated his birthdays.
Congratulations by telegram and letter poured in upon him and gave him
great pleasure. Minor poets sang special solos, or joined in the
chorus. One example may be quoted:
ALFRED RUSSEL WALLACE
8TH JANUARY, 1911
A little cot back'd by a wood-fring'd height,
Where sylvan Usk runs swiftly babbling by:
Here thy young eyes first look'd on earth and sky,
And all the wonders of the day and night;
O born interpreter of Nature's might,
Lord of the quiet heart and seeing eye,
Vast is our debt to thee we'll ne'er deny,
Though some may own it in their own despite.
Now after fourscore teeming years and seven,
Our hearts are jocund that we have thee still
A refuge in this world of good and ill,
When evil triumphs and our souls are riv'n;
A friend to all the friendless under heav'n;
A foe to fraud and all the lusts that kill.
O champion of the Truth, whate'er it be!
World-wand'rer over this terrestrial frame;
Twin-named with Darwin on the roll of fame;
This day we render homage unto thee;
For in thy steps o'er alien land and sea,
Where life burns fast and tropic splendours flame.
Oft have we follow'd with sincere acclaim
To mark thee unfold Nature's mystery.
For this we thank thee, yet one thing remains
Shall shrine thee deeper in the heart of man,
In ages yet to be when we are dust;
Thou hast put forth thy hand to rend our chains,
Our birthright to restore from feudal ban;
O righteous soul, magnanimous and just!
W. BRAUNSTON JONES.
Sir William Barrett, one of Wallace's oldest friends, visited him during
the last year of his life, and thus describes the visit:
In the early summer of 1913, some six months before his death, I
had the pleasure of paying another visit and spending a delightful
afternoon with my old friend. His health was failing, and he sat
wrapped up before a fire in his study, though it was a warm day.
He could not walk round his garden with me as before, but pointed
to the little plot of ground in front of the French windows of his
study--where he had moved some of his rarer primulas and other
plants he was engaged in hybridising--and which he could just
manage to visit. His eyesight and hearing seemed as good as ever,
and his intellectual power was undimmed....
Dr. Wallace then, pointing to the beautiful expanse of garden,
woodland and sea which was visible from the large study windows,
burst forth with vigorous gesticulation and flashing eyes: "Just
think! All this wonderful beauty and diversity of nature results
from the operation of a few simple laws. In my early unregenerate
days I used to think that only material forces and natural laws
were operative throughout the world. But these I now see are
hopelessly inadequate to explain this mystery and wonder and
variety of life. I am, as you know, absolutely convinced that
behind and beyond all elementary processes there is a guiding and
directive force; a Divine power or hierarchy of powers, ever
controlling these processes so that they are tending to more
abundant and to higher types of life."
This led Dr. Wallace to refer to my published lecture on "Creative
Thought" and express his hearty concurrence with the line of
argument therein; in fact he had already sent me his views, which,
with his consent, I published as a postscript to that lecture.
Then our conversation turned upon recent political events, and it
was remarkable how closely he had followed, and how heartily he
approved, the legislation of the Liberal Government of the day.
His admiration for Mr. Lloyd George was unfeigned. "To think that
I should have lived to see so earnest and democratic a Chancellor
of the Exchequer!" he exclaimed, and he confidently awaited still
larger measures which would raise the condition of the workers to
a higher level; and nothing was more striking than his intense
sympathy with every movement for the relief of poverty and the
betterment of the wage-earning classes. The land question, we
agreed, lay at the root of the matter, and land nationalisation
the true solution. In fact, ever since I read the proof-sheets of
his book on this subject, which he corrected when staying at my
house in Kingstown, I have been a member of the Land
Nationalisation Society, of which he was President.
Needless to say, Dr. Wallace was an ardent Home Ruler and Free
Trader,[71] but on the latter question he said there should be an
export duty on coal, especially the South Wales steam coal, as our
supply was limited and it was essential for the prosperity of the
country--and "the purchaser pays the duty," he remarked. I
heartily agreed with him, and said that a small export duty _had_
been placed on coal by the Conservative Government, but
subsequently was removed. This he had forgotten, and when later on
I sent him particulars of the duty and its yield, he replied
saying that at that time he was so busy with the preparation of a
book that he had overlooked the fact. He wrote most energetically
on the importance of the Government being wise in time, and urged
at least a 2s. export duty on coal.
We talked about the question of a portrait of Dr. Wallace being
painted and presented to the Royal Society, which had been
suggested by the Rev. James Marchant, to whom Dr. Wallace
referred, when talking to me, in grateful and glowing
terms.--W.F.B.
Perhaps it should be added to Sir William Barrett's reminiscences that
the movement which was set on foot to carry out this project was stayed
by Wallace's death.
During the last years of his life his pen was seldom dry. His interest
in science and in politics was fresh and keen to the closing week. He
wrote "Social Environment and Moral Progress" in 1912, at the age of 90.
The book had a remarkable reception. Leading articles and illustrated
reviews appeared in most of the daily newspapers. The book, into which
he had put his deepest thoughts and feelings upon the condition of
society, was hailed as a virile and notable production from a truly
great man. After this was issued, he saw another, "The Revolt of
Democracy," through the press. But this did not exhaust his activities.
He entered almost immediately into a contract to write a big volume upon
the social order, and as a side issue to help, as is mentioned in the
Introduction, in the production of an even larger book upon the writings
and position of Darwin and Wallace and the theory of Natural Selection
as an adequate explanation of organic evolution. Age did not seem to
weaken his amazing fertility of creative thought, nor to render him less
susceptible to the claims of humanity, which he faced with a noble
courage. In nobility of character and in magnitude, variety and richness
of mind he was amongst the foremost scientific men of the Victorian Age,
and with his death that great period, which was marked by wide and
illuminating generalisations and the grand style in science, came to an
end.
Apart altogether, however, from his scientific position and attainments,
which set him on high, he was a noble example of brave, resolute, and
hopeful endeavour, maintained without faltering to the end of a long
life. And this is not the least valuable part of his legacy to the race.
When Henslow died, Huxley wrote to Hooker: "He had intellect to
comprehend his highest duty distinctly, and force of character to do it;
which of us dare ask for a higher summary of his life than that? For
such a man there can be no fear in facing the great unknown; his life
has been one long experience of the substantial justice of the laws by
which this world is governed, and he will calmly trust to them still as
he lays his head down for his long sleep." Let that also stand as the
estimate of Wallace by his contemporaries, an estimate which we believe
posterity will confirm. And to it we may add that death, which came to
him in his sleep as a gentle deliverer, opened the door into the larger
and fuller life into which he tried to penetrate and in which he firmly
believed. If that faith be founded in truth, Darwin and Wallace, yonder
as here, are united evermore.
* * * * *
I am writing these concluding words on the second anniversary of his
death. Before me there lies the telegram which brought me the sad news
that he had "passed away very peacefully at 9.25 a.m., without regaining
consciousness." He was in his ninety-first year. It was suggested that
he should be buried in Westminster Abbey, beside Charles Darwin, but
Mrs. Wallace and the family, expressing his own wishes as well as
theirs, did not desire it. On Monday, November 10th, he was laid to rest
with touching simplicity in the little cemetery of Broadstone, on a
pine-clad hill swept by ocean breezes. He was followed on his last
earthly journey by his son and daughter, by Miss Mitten, his
sister-in-law, and by the present writer. Mrs. Wallace, being an
invalid, was unable to attend. The funeral service was conducted by the
Bishop of Salisbury (Dr. Ridgeway), and among the official
representatives were Prof. Raphael Meldola and Prof. E.B. Poulton
representing the Royal Society; the latter and Dr. Scott representing
the Linnean Society, and Mr. Joseph Hyder the Land Nationalisation
Society. A singularly appropriate monument, consisting of a fossil
tree-trunk from the Portland beds, has been erected over his grave upon
a base of Purbeck stone, which bears the following inscription:
ALFRED RUSSEL WALLACE, O.M.
Born Jan. 8th, 1823, Died Nov. 7th, 1913
A year later, on the 10th of December, 1914, his widow died after a long
illness, and was buried in the same grave. She was the eldest daughter
of Mr. William Mitten, of Hurstpierpoint, an enthusiastic botanist, and
in no mean degree she inherited her father's love of wild flowers and of
the beautiful in nature. It was this similarity of tastes which led to
her close intimacy and subsequent marriage, in 1866, with Wallace. Their
married life was an exceedingly happy one. She was able to help him in
his scientific labours, and she provided that atmosphere in the home
life which enabled him to devote himself to his many-sided enterprises.
And nothing would give him more joy than to know that this book is
dedicated to her memory.
[Illustration: THE GRAVE OF ALFRED RUSSEL AND ANNIE WALLACE]
Soon after Wallace's death a Committee was formed (with Prof. Poulton as
Chairman and Prof. Meldola as Treasurer) to erect a memorial, and the
following petition was sent to the Dean and Chapter of Westminster
Abbey:
We, the undersigned, earnestly desiring a suitable national
memorial to the late Alfred Russel Wallace, and believing that no
position would be so appropriate as Westminster Abbey, the
burial-place of his illustrious fellow-worker Charles Darwin,
petition the Right Reverend the Dean and Chapter for permission to
place a medallion in Westminster Abbey. We further guarantee, if
the medallion be accepted, to pay the Abbey fees of £200.
ARCH. GEIKIE
WILLIAM CROOKES
A.B. KEMPE
E. RAY LANKESTER
D.H. SCOTT
D. PRAIN
A.E. SHIPLEY
RAPHAEL MELDOLA
P.A. MACMAHON
JOHN W. JUDD
OLIVER J. LODGE
E.B. POULTON
A. STRAHAN
H.H. TURNER
J. LARMOR
W. RAMSAY
SILVANUS P. THOMPSON
JOHN PERRY
JAMES MARCHANT (Hon. Sec.)
To which the Dean replied:
_The Deanery, Westminster, S.W. December 2, 1913._
Dear Mr. Marchant,--I have pleasure in informing you that I
presented your petition at our Chapter meeting this morning, and a
glad and unanimous assent was accorded to it.
I should be glad later on to be informed as to the artist you are
employing; and probably it would be as well for him and you and
some members of the Royal Society to meet me and the Chapter and
confer together upon the most suitable and artistic arrangement or
rearrangement of the medallions of the great men of science of the
nineteenth century.
Nothing could have been more satisfactory or impressive than the
document with which you furnished me this morning. I hope to get
it specially framed.--Yours sincerely,
HERBERT E. RYLE.
Mr. Bruce-Joy, who had made an excellent medallion of Dr. Wallace during
his lifetime, accepted the commission to fashion the medallion for
Westminster Abbey, and it was unveiled, by a happy but undesigned
coincidence, on All Souls' Day, November 1 1915, together with
medallions to the memory of Sir Joseph Hooker and Lord Lister. In the
course of his sermon, the Dean said--and with these words we may well
conclude this book:
"To-day there are uncovered to the public view, in the North Aisle of
the Choir, three memorials to men who, I believe, will always be ranked
among the most eminent scientists of the last century. They passed away,
one in 1911, one in 1912, and one in 1913. They were all men of
singularly modest character. As is so often observable in true
greatness, there was in them an entire absence of that vanity and
self-advertisement which are not infrequent with smaller minds. It is
the little men who push themselves into prominence through dread of
being overlooked. It is the great men who work for the work's sake
without regard to recognition, and who, as we might say, achieve
greatness in spite of themselves.
[Illustration: THE WALLACE AND DARWIN MEDALLIONS IN THE NORTH AISLE OF
THE CHOIR OF WESTMINSTER ABBEY]
"Alfred Russel Wallace was a most famous naturalist and zoologist. He
arrived by a flash of genius at the same conclusions which Darwin had
reached after sixteen years of most minute toil and careful
observation.... It was a unique example of the almost exact concurrence
of two great minds working upon the same subject, though in different
parts of the world, without collusion and without rivalry.... Between
Darwin and Wallace goodwill and friendship were never interrupted.
Wallace's life was spent in the pursuit of various objects of
intellectual and philosophical interest, over which I need not here
linger. All will agree that it is fitting his medallion should be placed
next to that of Darwin, with whose great name his own will ever be
linked in the worlds of thought and science.
"All will acknowledge the propriety of these three great names being
honoured in this Abbey Church, even though it be, to use Wordsworth's
phrase, already
'Filled with mementoes, satiate with its part
Of grateful England's overflowing dead.'
"These are three men whose lifework it was to utilise and promote
scientific discovery for the preservation and betterment of the human
race."
APPENDIX
LISTS OF WALLACE'S WRITINGS
I.--BOOKS
Date Title
1853 "Palm Trees on the Amazon"
1853 "A Narrative of Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro." New
Edition in "The Minerva Library," 1889
1866 "The Scientific Aspect of the Supernatural"
1869 "The Malay Archipelago," 2 vols. Tenth Edition, 1 vol., 1890
1870 "Contributions to the Theory of Natural Selection." Republished,
with "Tropical Nature," 1891
1874 "Miracles and Modern Spiritualism." Revised Edition, 1896
1876 "The Geographical Distribution of Animals," 2 vols.
1878 "Tropical Nature and other Essays." Printed in 1 vol. with
"Natural Selection," 1891
1879 "Australasia." "Stanford's Compendium of Geography and Travel."
(New issue, 1893)
1880 "Island Life." Revised Edition, 1895
1882 "Land Nationalisation"
1885 "Bad Times"
1889 "Darwinism." 3rd Edition, 1901
1898 "The Wonderful Century." New Edition, 1903
1900 "Studies, Scientific and Social"
1901 "The Wonderful Century Reader"
1901 "Vaccination a Delusion"
1903 "Man's Place in the Universe." New Edition, 1904. Cheap 1s.
Edition, 1912
1905 "My Life," 2 vols. New Edition, 1 vol., 1908
1907 "Is Mars Habitable?"
1908 "Notes of a Botanist on the Amazon and Andes," by Richard
Spruce. Edited by A.R. Wallace
1910 "The World of Life"
1913 "Social Environment and Moral Progress"
1913 "The Revolt of Democracy"
II.--ARTICLES, PAPERS, REVIEWS, ETC.
_The articles marked with an asterisk were republished in Wallace's
"Studies, Scientific and Social."_
-----------------+---------------------+----------------------------------
DATE | PERIODICAL OR | SUBJECT
| SOCIETY |
--------+--------+---------------------+----------------------------------
| 1850 | Proc. Zool. Soc., | On the Umbrella Bird
| | Lond. |
| 1852 | " " | Monkeys of the Amazon
| 1852-3 | Trans. Entomol. | On the Habits of the Butterflies
| | Soc. | of the Amazon Valley
| 1853 | Zoologist | On the Habits of the Hesperidæ
| 1853 | Proc. Zool. Soc., | On some Fishes allied to Gymnotus
| | Lond. |
June 6 | 1853 | Entomolog. Soc. | On the Insects used for Food by
| | | the Indians of the Amazon
June 13 | 1853 | Royal Geograph. Soc.| The Rio Negro
| 1854-5 | Zoologist | Letters from Singapore and Borneo
| 1854-6 | Trans. Entomol. | Description of a New Species of
| | Soc. | Ornithoptera
| 1855 | Annals and Mag. | On the Ornithology of Malacca
| | of Nat. Hist. |
| 1855 | Journ. Bot. | Botany of Malacca
| 1855 | Zoologist | The Entomology of Malacca
Sept. | 1855 | Annals and Mag. | On the Law which has regulated
| | of Nat. Hist. | the Introduction of New Species
| 1856 | " " | Some Account of an Infant
| | | Orang-Outang
| 1856 | " " | On the Orang-Outang or Mias of
| | | Borneo
Dec. | 1856 | " " | On the Habits of the Orang-Outang
| | | of Borneo
| 1856 | " " | Attempts at a Natural Arrangement
| | | of Birds
Nov. 22 | 1856 | Chambers's Journ. | A New Kind of Baby
| 1856 | Journ. Bot. | On the Bamboo and Durian of Borneo
| 1856 | Zoologist | Observations on the Zoology of
| | | Borneo
| 1856-8 | Trans. Entomol. | On the Habits, etc., of a Species
| | Soc. | of Ornithoptera inhabiting the
| | | Aru Islands
| 1856-9 | " " | Letters from Aru Islands and from
| | | Batchian
Dec. | 1857 | Annals and Mag. | Natural History of the Aru Islands
| | of Nat. Hist. |
| 1857 | " " | On the Great Bird of Paradise
| 1857 | Proc. Geograph. | Notes of a Journey up the Sadong
| | Soc. | River
| 1858 | " " | On the Aru Islands
| 1858 | Zoologist | Note on the Theory of Permanent
| | " " | and Geographical Varieties
| 1858 | " " | On the Entomology of the Aru
| | | Islands
| 1858-61| Trans. Entomol. | Note on the Sexual Differences in
| | Soc. | the Genus Lomaptera
| 1859 | Annals and Mag. | Correction of an Important Error
| | of Nat. Hist. | affecting the Classification of
| | | the _Psittacidæ_
| 1859 | Proc, Linn. Soc. |On the Tendency of Varieties to
| | (iii. 45) | Depart Indefinitely from the
| | | Original Type[72]
Oct. | 1859 | Ibis |Geographical Distribution of Birds
Dec. | 1859 | Entomolog. Soc. |Note on the Habits of Scolytidæ and
| | | Bostrichidæ
| 1860 | Journ. Geograph. |Notes of a Voyage to New Guinea
| | Soc. |
| 1860 | Ibis |The Ornithology of North Celebes
| 1860 | Proc. Zool, Soc., |Notes on Semioptera wallacii
| | Lond. |
| 1860 | Proc. Linn. Soc. |Zoological Geography of Malay
| | (iv. 172) | Archipelago
| 1861 | Ibis |On the Ornithology of Ceram and
| | | Waigiou
| 1861 | " |Notes on the Ornithology of Timor
| 1862 | Proc. and Journ. |On the Trade between the Eastern
| | Geogr. Soc. | Archipelago and New Guinea
| | | and its Islands
| 1862 | Proc. Zool. Soc., |List of Birds from the Sula Islands
| | Lond. |
| 1862 | Ibis |On some New Birds from the Northern
| | | Moluccas
| 1862 | Proc. Zool. Soc., |Narrative of Search after Birds of
| | Lond. | Paradise
| 1862 | " |On some New and Rare Birds from New
| | | Guinea
| 1862 | " |Description of Three New Species
| | | of _Pitta_ from the Moluccas
| 1863 | Annals and Mag. |On the Proposed Change in Name of
| | of Nat. Hist. | _Gracula pectoralis_
| 1863 | Entomol. Journ. |Notes on the Genus _Iphias_
| 1863 | Ibis |Note on _Corvus senex _and _Corvus
| | | fuscicapillus_
| 1863 | " |Notes on the Fruit-Pigeons of Genus
| | | _Treron_
| 1863 | Intellectual |The Bucerotidæ, or Hornbills
| | Observer |
| 1863 | Proc. Zool, Soc. |List of Birds collected on Island
| | Lond. | of Bouru
April | 1863 | Zoologist |Who are the Humming-Bird's
| | | Relations?
June | 1863 | Royal Geograph. |Physical Geography of the Malay
| | Soc. | Archipelago
| 1863 | Proc, Zool. Soc., |On the Identification of _Hirundo
| | Lond. | esculenta_, Linn.
| 1863 | " |List of Birds inhabiting the
| | | Islands of Timor, Flores and
| | | Lombok
| 1863 | Annals and Mag. |On the Rev. S. Haughton's Paper on
| | of Nat. Hist. | the Bee's Cell and the Origin of
| | | Species
Jan. 1 | | Nat. Hist. Rev. |Some Anomalies in Zoological and
| | | Botanical Geography
Jan. 7 | 1864 |Edinburgh New |Ditto
| | Journ. (Philos.) |
| 1864 | Proc. Zool. Soc., | Parrots of the Malayan Region
| | Lond. |
| 1864 | Anthropol. Soc. | The Origin of Human Races and the
| | Journ. | Antiquity of Man deduced from
| | | Natural Selection
| 1864 | Proc. Entom. Soc. | Effect of Locality in producing
| | and Zoologist | Change of Form in Insects
| 1864 | Proc. Entom. Soc. | Views on Polymorphism
| 1864 | Ibis | Remarks on the Value of
| | | Osteological Characters in the
| | | Classification of Birds
| 1864 | " | Remarks on the Habits,
| | | Distribution, etc., of the Genus
| | | _Pitta_
| 1864 | " | Note on _Astur griseiceps_
| 1864 | Nat. Hist. Rev. | Bone Caves in Borneo
| 1865 | Proc. Zool. Soc., | List of the Land Shells collected
| | Lond. | by Mr. Wallace in the Malay
| | | Archipelago
Jan. | 1865 | Trans. Ethnolog. | On the Progress of Civilisation in
| | Soc. | North Celebes
Jan. | 1865 | " | On the Varieties of Man in the
| | | Malay Archipelago
| 1865 | Proc. Zool. Soc., | Descriptions of New Birds from the
| | Lond. | Malay Archipelago
June 17 | 1865 | Reader | How to Civilise Savages*
Oct. | 1865 | Ibis | Pigeons of the Malay Archipelago
| 1866 | Trans. Linn. Soc. | On the Phenomena of Variation and
| | (xxv.) (Abstract | Geographical Distribution as
| | in Reader, April, | illustrated by Papilionidæ of
| | 1864) | the Malayan Region
| 1866 | Proc. Zoo. Soc., | List of Lepidoptera collected by
| | Lond. | Swinton at Takow, Formosa
| 1866 | Proc. Entomol. }| Exposition of the Theory of
| | Soc. }| Mimicry as explaining Anomalies
| 1867 | Zoologist }| of Sexual Variation
| 1867 | Intellectual | The Philosophy of Birds' Nests
| | Observer |
Jan. | 1867 | Quarterly Journ. | Ice-Marks in North Wales
| | of Sci. |
April | 1867 | " | The Polynesians and their
| | | Migrations*
July | 1867 | Westminster Rev. | Mimicry and other Protective
| | | Resemblances among Animals
Sept. | 1867 | Science Gossip | Disguises of Insects
Oct. | 1867 | Quarterly Journ. | Creation by Law
| | of Sci. |
| 1867 | Proc. Entomol. }|
| | Soc. }| A Catalogue of the Cetoniidæ of
| 1868 | Trans. Entomol. }| the Malayan Archipelago, etc.
| | Soc. }|
Jan. 7 | 1868 | Ibis | Raptorial Birds of the Malay
| | | Archipelago
| 1868 | Trans. Entomol. | On the Pieridæ of the Indian and
| | Soc. | Australian Regions
| 1868 | --- | The Limits of Natural Selection
| | | applied to Man*
| 1869 | Trans. Entomol. | Note on the Localities given in
| | Soc. | the "Longicornia Malayana"
| 1869 | Journ. of Travel | A Theory of Birds' Nests
| | and Nat. Hist. |
April | 1869 | Quarterly Rev. | Reviews of Lyell's "Principles
| | | of Geology" (entitled
| | | "Geological Climates and
| | | Origin of Species")
| 1869 | Macmillan's Mag. | Museums for the People*
| 1869 | Trans. Entomol. | Notes on Eastern Butterflies (3
| | Soc. | Parts)
| 1870 | Brit. Association | On a Diagram of the Earth's
| | Report | Eccentricity, etc.
March | 1871 | Academy | Review of Darwin's "Descent of
| | | Man"
May 23 | 1871 | Entomolog. Soc. | Address on Insular Faunas, etc.
| 1871 | " | The Beetles of Madeira and
| | | their Teachings*
Nov. | 1871 | ---- | Reply to Mr. Hampden's Charges
| 1873 | Journ. Linnean Soc. | Introduction to F. Smith's
| | | Catalogue of Aculeate
| | | Hymenoptera, etc.
Jan. 4 | 1873 | Times | Spiritualism and Science
April | 1873 | Macmillan's Mag. | Disestablishment and
| | | Disendowment, with a Proposal
| | | for a really National Church
| | | of England*
Sept. 16| 1873 | Daily News | Coal a National Trust*
Dec. | 1873 | Contemp. Rev. | Limitation of State Functions
| | | in the Administration of
| | | Justice*
Jan. 17 | 1874 | Academy | Reviews of Mivart's "Man and
| | | Apes" and A.J. Mott's "Origin
| | | of Savage Life"
April | 1874 | ---- | Review of W. Marshall's
| | | "Phrenologist amongst the
| | | Todas"
April | 1874 | ---- | Review of G. St. Clair's
| | | "Darwinism and Design"
| 1874 | Ibis | On the Arrangement of the
| | | Families constituting the
| | | Order Passeres
May | 1876 | Academy | Review of Mivart's "Lessons
| | | from Nature"
| 1877 | Proc. Geograph. | The Comparative Antiquity of
| | Soc. | Continents
July | 1877 | Quarterly Journ. of | Review of Carpenter's
| | Sci. | "Mesmerism and Spiritualism,"
| | | etc.
Sept. | 1877 | Macmillan's Mag. | The Colours of Animals and
and Oct.| | | Plants
Nov. | 1877 | Fraser's Mag. | The Curiosities of Credulity
Dec. | 1877 | Fortnightly Rev. | Humming-Birds
Dec. | 1877} | Athenæum | {Correspondence with W.B.
Jan. | 1878} | " | { Carpenter on Spiritualism
Nov. | 1878 | Fortnightly Rev. | Epping Forest, and How to Deal
| | | with it
Feb. | 1879 | Contemp. Rev. | New Guinea and its Inhabitants
April | 1879 | Academy | Review of Haeckel's "Evolution
| | | of Man"
July | 1879 | Nineteenth Cent. | Reciprocity: A Few Words in
| | | Reply to Mr. Lowe*
July | 1879 | Quarterly Rev. | Glacial Epochs and Warm Polar
| | | Climates
Jan. | 1880 | Nineteenth Cent. | The Origin of Species and
| | | Genera*
Oct. | 1880 | Academy | Review of A.H. Swinton's
| | | "Insect Variety"
Nov. | 1880 | Contemp. Rev. | How to Nationalise the Land*
| | |
Dec. 4 | 1880 | Academy | Review of Seebohm's "Siberia In
| | | Europe"
| 1881 | Rugby Nat. Hist. | Abstract of Four Lectures on
| | Soc. Rept. | the Natural History of
| | | Islands
Dec. | 1881 | Contemp. Rev. | Monkeys: Their Affinities and
| | | Distribution*
Aug. and| 1883 | Macmillan's Mag. | The Why and How of Land
Sept. | | | Nationalisation*
March | 1884 | Christn. Socialist | The Morality of Interest--The
| | | Tyranny of Capital
| 1886 | Claims of Labour | The Depression of Trade*
| | Lectures |
Mar. 5 | 1887 | Banner of Light | Letter "_In re_ Mrs. Ross
| | | (Washington, D.C.)"
Mar. 17 | 1887 | Independ. Rev. | Review of E.D. Cope's "Origin
| | | of the Fittest"
| 1887 | Nation |"
Oct. | 1887 | Fortnightly Rev. | American Museums*
| 1888 | ---- | The Action of Natural Selection
| | | in producing Old Age, Decay
| | | and Death
June | 1889 | Land Nationalisation| Address
| | Soc. |
Sept. | 1890 | Fortnightly Rev. | Progress without Poverty (Human
| | | Selection)*
Oct. | 1891 | " | English and American Flowers*
Dec. | 1891 | " | Flowers and Forests of the Far
| | | West*
Jan. | 1892 | Arena | Human Progress, Past and
| | | Future*
| 1892 | Address to L.N.S. | Herbert Spencer on the Land
| | | Question*
Aug. | 1892 | Nineteenth Cent. | Why I Voted for Mr. Gladstone
Aug. and| 1892 | Natural Sci. | The Permanence of Great Ocean
Dec. | | | Basins*
Nov. | 1892 | Fortnightly Rev. | Our Molten Globe*
Dec. | 1892 | Natural Sci. | Note on Sexual Selection
Feb. | 1893 | Nineteenth Cent. | Inaccessible Valleys*
Mar. and| 1893 | Arena | The Social Quagmire and the Way
Apr. | | | Out of it*
Apr. and| 1893 | Fortnightly Rev. | Are Individually Acquired
May | | | Characters Inherited?*
Nov. | 1893 | " | The Ice Age and its Work*
Dec. | 1893 | " | Erratic Blocks, etc. Lake
| | | Basins*
| 1893 | Arena | The Bacon-Shakespeare Case
April 9 | 1894 | Land Nationalisation| Address on Parish Councils
| | Soc. |
June | 1894 | Natural Sci. | The Palearctic and Nearctic
| | | Regions compared as regards
| | | Families and Genera of
| | | Mammalia and Birds
June | 1894 | Contemp. Rev. | How to Preserve the House of
| | | Lords*
July | 1894 | Land and Labour | Review of F.W. Hayes' "Great
| | | Revolution of 1905"
Sept. | 1894 | Natural Sci. | The Rev. G. Henslow on Natural
| | | Selection*
| 1894 | Smithsonian Rep. | Method of Organic Evolution
Oct. | 1894 | Nineteenth Cent. | A Counsel of Perfection for
| | | Sabbatarians*
| | |
| 1894 | Vox Clamantium | Economic and Social Justice*
Feb. and| 1895 | Fortnightly Rev. | Method of Organic Evolution*
March | | |
Oct. | 1895 | " | Expressiveness of Speech or
| | | Mouth-Gesture as a Factor in
| | | the Origin of Language*
| 1895 | Agnostic Annual | Why Live a Moral Life?*
May | 1896 | Contemp. Rev. | How Best to Model the Earth*
July 25 | 1896 | Labour Leader | Letter on International Labour
| | | Congress
Aug. | 1896 | Fortnightly Rev. | The Gorge of the Aar and its
| | | Teaching*
Dec. | 1896 | Journ. Linn. Soc. | The Problem of Utility: Are
| | (v. 25) | Specific Characters always or
| | | generally Useful?
March | 1897 | Natural Sci. | Problem of Instinct*
| 1897 | "Forecasts of | Re-occupation of Land, Solution
| | Coming Century" | of the Unemployed Problem*
March 20| 1898 | Lancet | Letter on Vaccination
May 9 | 1898 | Shrewsbury Chron. | Letter to Dr. Bond and A.K.W.
| | | on Vaccination
June 16,| | |
21, 25,| 1898 | Echo |"
Aug. 15 | | |
Sept. 1 | 1898 | The Eagle and the | Darwinism and Nietzscheism in
| | Serpent | Sociology
| 1898 | Printed for private | Justice not Charity (Address to
| | circulation | International Congress of
| | | Spiritualists, London, June,
| | | 1898)*
Dec. 31 | 1898 | Academy | Paper Money as a Standard of
| | | Value*
Feb., | 1899 | Journ. Soc. | Letters on Mr. Podmore _re_
March,| | Psychical Res. | Clairvoyance, etc.
April | | |
May | 1899 | L'Humanité | The Causes of War and the
| | Nouvelle | Remedies*
Nov. 18 | 1899 | Clarion | Letter on the Transvaal War
| 1899 | N.Y. Independent | White Men in the Tropics*
| | |
| 1900 | N.Y. Sun | Evolution
Nov. | 1900 | N.Y. Journ. | Social Evolution in the
| | | Twentieth Century: An
| | | Anticipation
| 1900 | ---- | Ralahine and its Teachings*
| | ---- | True Individualism the
| | | Essential Preliminary of a
| | | Real Social Advance*
| 1901 | Morning Leader | An Appreciation of the Past
| | | Century
Jan. 17 | 1903 | Black and White | Relations with Darwin
March | 1903 | Fortnightly Rev. | Man's Place in the Universe
Sept. | 1903 | " | Man's Place in the Universe.
| | | Reply to Critics
Oct. | 1903 | Academy | The Wonderful Century. Reply to
| | | Dr. Saleeby
Nov. 12 | 1903 | Daily Mail | Does Man Exist in Other Worlds?
| | | Reply to Critics
Jan. 1 | 1904 | Clarion | Anticipations for the Immediate
| | | Future, Written for the
| | | _Berliner Lokalanzeiger_, and
| | | refused
Feb., | 1904 | Fortnightly Rev. | An Unpublished Poem by E.A.
April | | | Poe, "Leonainie"
Apr., | 1904 | Independent Rev. | Birds of Paradise in the
May | | | Arabian Nights
| 1904 | Anti-Vaccination | Summary of the Proofs that
| | League | Vaccination does not Prevent
| | | Small-pox, but really
| | | Increases it
| 1904 | Labour Annual | Inefficiency of Strikes
| 1904 | Clarion | Letter on Opposition to
| | | Military Expenditure
| | Vaccination | Letter on Inconsistency of the
| | Inquirer | Government on Vaccination
Oct. 27 | 1906 | Daily News | Why Not British Guiana? Five
| | | Acres for 2s. 6d.
Nov. | 1906 | Independent Rev. | The Native Problem in South
| | | Africa and Elsewhere
Jan. | 1907 | Fortnightly Rev. | Personal Suffrage, a Rational
| | | System of Representation and
| | | Election
Feb. | 1907 | " | A New House of Lords
| 1907 |Harmsworth's "History| How Life became Possible on the
| | of the World" | Earth
Sept. 13| 1907 | Public Opinion | Letter on Sir W. Ramsay's
| | | Theory: Did Man reach his
| | | Highest Development in the
| | | Past?
Jan. 1 | 1908 | N.Y. World | Cable on Advance in Science in
| | | 1907
Jan. 18 | 1908 | Outlook | Letter on Woman
Jan. | 1908 | Fortnightly Rev. | Evolution and Character
June and| 1908 | Socialist Rev. | The Remedy for Unemployment
July | | |
July | 1908 | Times | Letter on the First Paper on
| | | Natural Selection
July | 1908 | Delineator | Are the Dead Alive?
Aug. 14 | 1908 | Public Opinion | Is it Peace or War? A Reply
Aug. | 1908 | Contemp. Rev. | Present Position of Darwinism
Sept. | 1908 | New Age | Letter on Nationalisation, not
| | | Purchase, of Railways
Dec. | 1908 | Contemp. Rev. | Darwinism _v._ Wallaceism
Christ | 1908 | Christian | On the Abolition of Want
-mas | | Commonwealth |
Jan. 22 | 1909 | Royal Institution | The World of Life, as
| | | Visualised, etc., by
| | | Darwinism
Feb. | 1909 | Clarion pamphlet | The Remedy for Unemployment
| | (? Socialist Rev.)|
Feb. 6 | 1909 | Daily News | Flying Machines in War
Feb. 12 | 1909 | Daily Mail | Charles Darwin (Centenary)
Feb. 12 | 1909 | Clarion | The Centenary of Darwin
March | 1909 | Fortnightly Rev. | The World of Life (revised
| | | Lecture)
April 8 | 1909 | Daily News | Letter on Aerial Fleets
April 8 | 1910 | " | Man in the Universe
Oct. 14 | 1910 | Public Opinion | A New Era in Public Opinion
Jan. 25 | 1912 | Daily Chronicle | Letter on the Insurance Act
Aug. 9 | 1912 | Daily News | A Policy of Defence
Sept. | 1912 | ---- | The Nature and Origin of Life
III.--LETTERS, REVIEWS, ETC., IN "NATURE"
--------+----------+------+--------------------------------------------
VOL. | PAGE | DATE | SUBJECT
--------+----------+------+--------------------------------------------
I. | 105 | 1869 | Origin of Species Controversy
" | 132 | " | " " "
" | 288, 315 | 1870 | Government Aid to Science
" | 399, 452 | " | Measurement of Geological Time
" | 501 | " | Hereditary Genius
II. | 82 | " | Pettigrew's "Handy Book of Bees"
" | 234 | " | A Twelve-wired Bird of Paradise
" | 350 | " | Early History of Mankind
" | 465 | " | Speech on the Arrangement of Specimens
| | " | in a Natural History Museum (British
| | " | Association)
" | 510 | " | Glaciation of Brazil
III. | 8, 49 | " | Man and Natural Selection
" | 85, 107 | " | " " "
" | 165 | " | Mimicry versus Hybridity
" | 182 | 1871 | Leroy's "Intelligence and Perfectibility of
| | | Animals"
" | 309 | " | Theory of Glacial Motion
" | 329 | " | Duncan's "Metamorphoses of Insects"
" | 385 | " | Dr. Bevan's "Honey Bee"
" | 435 | " | Anniversary Address at the Entomological
| | " | Society
" | 466 | " | Sharpe's Monograph of the Alcedinidæ
IV. | 22 | " | Staveley's "British Insects"
" | 178 | " | Dr. Bastian's Work on the Origin of Life
" | 181 | " | H. Howorth's Views on Darwinism
" | 221 | " | " " "
" | 222 | " | Recent Neologisms
" | 282 | " | Canon Kingsley's "At Last"
V. | 350 | 1872 | The Origin of Insects
" | 363 | " | Ethnology and Spiritualism
VI. | 237 | " | The Last Attack on Darwinism (Reviews)
" | 284, 299 | " | Bastian's "Beginnings of Life"
" | 328 | " | Ocean Circulation
" | 407 | " | Speech on Diversity of Evolution (British
| | | Association)
" | 469 | " | Houzeau's "Faculties of Man and
| | | Animals"
VII. | 68 | " | Misleading Cyclopædias
" | 277 | 1873 | Modern Applications of the Doctrine of
" | | | Natural Selection (Reviews)
" | 303 | " | Inherited Feeling
" | 337 | " | J.T. Moggridge's "Harvesting Ants and
| | | Trapdoor Spiders"
" | 461 | " | Cave Deposits of Borneo
VIII. | 5 | 1873 | Natural History Collections in the East
| | | India Museum
" | 65, 302 | " | Perception and Instinct In the Lower
" | | | Animals
" | 358 | " | Dr. Page's Textbook on Physical Geography
" | 429 | " | Works on African Travel (Reviews)
" | 462 | " | Lyell's "Antiquity of Man"
IX. | 102 | " | Dr. Meyer's Exploration of New Guinea
" | 218 | 1874 | Belt's "Naturalist in Nicaragua"
" | 258 | " | David Sharp's "Zoological Nomenclature"
" | 301, 403 | " | Animal Locomotion
X. | 459 | " | Migration of Birds
" | 502 | " | Automatism of Animals
XII. | 83 | 1875 | Lawson's "New Guinea"
XIV. | 403 | 1876 | Opening Address in Biology Section, British
" | | | Association
" | 473 | " | Erratum in Address to Biology Section,
" | | | British Association
" | 24 | " | Reply to Reviewers of "Geographical
" | | | Distribution of Animals"
" | 174 | " | "Races of Men"
" | 274 | 1877 | Glacial Drift in California
" | 431 | " | The "Hog-wallows" of California
XVI. | 548 | " | Zoological Relations of Madagascar and
" | | | Africa
XVII. | 8 | " | Mr. Wallace and Reichenbach's Odyle
" | 44 | " | The Radiometer and its Lessons
" | 45 | " | Bees Killed by Tritoma
" | 100 | " | The Comparative Richness of Faunas and
" | | | Floras tested Numerically
" | 101 | " | Mr. Crookes and Eva Fay
" | 182 | 1878 | Northern Affinities of Chilian Insects
XVIII. | 193 | " | A Twenty Years' Error in the Geography of
" | | | Australia
XIX. | 4 | " | Remarkable Local Colour-Variation in
" | | | Lizards
" | 121, 244 | " | The Formation of Mountains
" | 289 | 1879 | " " "
" | 477 | " | Organisation and Intelligence
" | 501, 581 | " | Grant Allen's "Colour Sense"
" | 582 | " | Did Flowers Exist during the
| | | Carboniferous Epoch
XX. | 141 | " | Butler's "Evolution, Old and New"
" | 501 | " | McCook's "Agricultural Ants of Texas"
" | 625 | " | Reply to Reviewers of Wallace's
" | | | "Australasia"
XXI. | 562 | 1880 | Reply to Everett on Wallace's "Australasia"
XXII. | 141 | " | Two Darwinian Essays
XXIII. | 124, 217,| " | Geological Climates
| 266 | |
" | 152, 175 | " | New Guinea
" | 169 | " | Climates of Vancouver Island and
" | | " | Bournemouth
" | 195 | " | Correction of an Error in "Island Life"
XXIV. | 242 | 1881 | Tyler's "Anthropology"
XXIV. | 437 | 1881 | Weismann's "Studies in the Theory of
| | | Descent"
XXV. | 3 | " | Carl Bock's "Head-Hunters of Borneo"
" | 381 | 1882 | Grant Allen's "Vignettes from Nature"
" | 407 | " | Houseman's "Story of Our Museum"
XXVI. | 52 | " | Weismann's "Studies in the Theory of
| | | Descent"
" | 86 | " | Müller's "Difficult Cases of Mimicry"
XXVII. | 481 | 1883 | " " "
" | 482 | " | On the Value of the Neo-arctic as One of the
| | | Primary Zoological Regions
XXVIII. | 293 | " | W.F. White's "Ants and their Ways"
XXXI. | 552 | 1885 | Colours of Arctic Animals
XXXII. | 218 | " | H.O. Forbes's "A Naturalist's Wanderings
| | | in the Eastern Archipelago"
XXXIII. | 170 | 1886 | Victor Hehn's "Wanderings of Plants and
| | | Animals"
XXXIV. | 333 | " | H.S. Gorham's "Central American Entomology"
" | 467 | " | Physiological Selection and the Origin of
| | | Species
XXXV. | 366 | 1887 | Mr. Romanes on Physiological Selection
XXXVI. | 530 | " | The British Museum and the American
| | | Museums
XXXIX. | 611 | 1889 | Which are the Highest Butterflies? (Quotations
| | | from Letter of W.H. Edwards)
XL. | 619 | " | Lamarck _versus_ Weismann
XLI. | 53 | " | Protective Coloration of Eggs
XLII. | 289 | 1890 | E.B. Poulton's "Colours of Animals"
" | 295 | " | Birds and Flowers
XLIII. | 79, 150 | " | Romanes on Physiological Selection
" | 337 | 1891 | C. Lloyd Morgan's "Animal Life and
| | | Intelligence"
" | 396 | " | Remarkable Ancient Sculptures from North-West
| | | America
XLIV. | 529 | " | David Syme's "Modification of Organisms"
XLVI. | 518 | " | Variation and Natural Selection
XLV. | 31 | " | Topical Selection and Mimicry
" | 553 | 1892 | W.H. Hudson's "The Naturalist in La
| | | Plata"
XLVI. | 56 | " | Correction in "Island Life"
XLVII. | 55 | " | An Ancient Glacial Epoch in Australia
" | 175, 227 | " | The Earth's Age
" | 437 | 1893 | The Glacial Theory of Alpine Lakes
" | 483 | " | W.H. Hudson's "Idle Days in Patagonia
XLVIII. | 27 | " | H.O. Forbes's Discoveries in the Chatham
| | | Islands
" | 73 | " | Intelligence of Animals
" | 198 | " | The Glacier Theory of Alpine Lakes
" | 267 | " | The Non-inheritance of Acquired Characters
" | 389 | " | Pre-natal Influences on Character
" | 390 | " | Habits of South African Animals
" | 589 | " | The Supposed Glaciation of Brazil
XLIX. | 3 | 1893 | The Recent Glaciation of Tasmania
" | 52, 101 | " | Sir W. Howorth on "Geology in Nubibus"
" | 53 | " | Recognition Marks
" | 197, 220 | 1894 | The Origin of Lake Basins
" | 333 | " | J.H. Stirling's "Darwinianism, Workmen and
| | | Work"
" | 549 | " | B. Kidd's "Social Evolution"
" | 610 | " | What are Zoological Regions? (Read at Cambridge
| | | Natural Science Club)
L. | 196 | " | Panmixia and Natural Selection
" | 541 | " | Nature's Method in the Evolution of Life
LI. | 533 | 1895 | Tan Spots over Dogs' Eyes
" | 607 | " | The Age of the Earth
LII. | 4 | " | Uniformitarianism in Geology
" | 386 | " | H. Dyer's "Evolution of Industry"
" | 415 | " | The Discovery of Natural Selection
LIII. | 220 | 1896 | The Cause of an Ice Age
" | 317 | " | The Astronomical Theory of a Glacial Period
" | 553 | " | E.D. Cope's "Primary Factors of Organic
| | | Evolution"
" | 553 | " | G. Archdall Reid's "Present Evolution of Man"
LV. | 289 | 1897 | E.B. Poulton's "Charles Darwin and the Theory
| | | of Natural Selection"
LIX. | 246 | 1899 | The Utility of Specific Characters
LXI. | 273 | 1900 | Is New Zealand a Zoological Region?
LXVII. | 296 | 1903 | Genius and the Struggle for Existence
LXXV. | 320 | 1907 | Fertilisation of Flowers by Insects
LXXVI. | 293 | " | The "Double Drift" Theory of Star Motions
=======+==========+======+=================================================
INDEX
A
"Acclimatisation," Wallace's article on, ii. 11
Acquired characters, non-inheritance of (_see_ Non-inheritance)
Africa, flora of, i. 309
Agassiz, Louis, attacks Darwin's "Origin of Species," i. 142;
glacial theories of, 176;
on diversity of human races, ii. 28
Alexandria, Wallace at, i. 45-7
Allbutt, Sir Clifford, theory of generation, i. 214
Allen, Charles (Wallace's assistant), i. 39, 40, 46, 48, 49, 51, 53, 54,
60, 79
---- Grant, on origin of wheat, ii. 46;
Wallace and, 219
Alpine plants, i. 210, 311
Amazon and Rio Negro, Wallace's exploration of, i. 26-30
Amboyna, Wallace at, i. 106
America, Wallace's lecture tour in, ii. 14
"Anatomy of Expression," Bell's, i. 182
"Ancient Britain and the Invasions of Julius Cæsar," Holmes's, ii. 86
Angræcum sesquipedale, i. 189 (note)
Animals and plants, distribution of, Darwin's views, i. 131
"---- ---- under Domestication," i. 112
---- geographical distribution of, i. 94, 136;
migration of, Lyell's theory, ii. 19
"Antarctic Voyage," Scott's, ii. 82
"Anthropology," Tyler's, Wallace's review of, ii. 65;
his interest in, 231 _et seq._
Antiseptic treatment, medical opposition to, ii. 241
Ants, instincts of, i. 279
Apis testacea, i. 146
Archebiosis, i. 274-6
Argus pheasant, i. 230, 289, 292
Argyll, Duke of, i. 189, 313, 315, ii. 23;
his theory of flight, 25-7
Arnold, Matthew, on Darwin's theory, ii. 228
Aru Islands, distribution of animals in, i. 132;
productions of, 161
---- pig, i. 160, 161, 162
Astronomy, Wallace's works on, ii. 167 _et seq._;
lectures at Davos on, 168
"Australasia," Wallace's, i. 42
Australia, fauna and flora of, ii. 10, 20, 32-3
---- Wallace invited to lecture in, ii. 155
Avebury, Lord, i. 122, 137, 164;
signs memorial to City Corporation in Wallace's favour, 303;
and the Civil List pension to Wallace, 305
---- letter from, on Wallace's biography, and Spiritualism, ii. 212
Azores, birds of, i. 138;
orchids of, 311
B
"Bad Times," Wallace's, ii. 109, 143
Baer, von, ii. 96
Bahamas, flora of, ii. 33
Baker, J.G., on alpine plants of Madagascar, i. 311-12
Balfour, Francis, i. 315
Bali, fauna of, ii. 19-20
Ball, Sir Robert, on solar nebula, ii. 174
"Barnacles," Darwin's, ii. 2
Barrett, Sir W.F., paper on "Phenomena associated with Abnormal Conditions
of the Mind," ii. 195;
on Wallace as lecturer, 201;
inquiry into dowsing, etc., 205;
invites Wallace's criticism of "Creative Thought," 212;
last visit to Wallace, 248-9
---- letters from: on Presidency of Psychical Research Society,
ii. 210-11;
on a Supreme Directive Power, 213-14
Bartlett, on colouring of male birds, i. 302
Bates, F., i. 69
---- H.W., i. 24, 25;
explores the Amazon, 26-30
---- ---- letter from, on "Law regulating Introduction of New
Species," i. 64
Bates's caterpillar, i. 178, 253
Bateson, Prof., Sir W.T. Thiselton-Dyerson, ii. 91
---- "Material for Study of Variation," ii. 60-1
Bats, fruit-eating, i. 57
_Beagle_, Darwin's voyage in the, i. 19, 31, 32, 33, 43
"------, Voyage of the," i. 31, 32, 34, ii. 2
Bee's cell, Prof. Haughton's paper on the, i. 148
Bees' combs, i. 135;
a honeycomb from Timor, 143, 146
Beetles, Darwin's zeal for collecting, i. 18;
Wallace's study of, 24;
South American, 30;
Wallace's collection of, 38,114
"Beginnings of Life," Bastian's, i. 274
Bell, Sir C., i. 182
Belt, Mr., glacial theory of, i. 298
Bendyshe, Mr., i. 165
Bennett, A.W., i. 253
Bentham, G., i. 219
Bergson, Wallace on, ii. 98
Bermuda, birds of, i. 138
Best, Miss Dora, letter to, on Welsh offer of a degree to Wallace, ii. 222
Biology and geographical distribution, Wallace's works on, ii. 1-17;
correspondence on, 18-102
---- "Grand Old Men" of, ii. 12 (note)
Birch, Mr. F., ii. 177, 223-4
Bird of paradise, i. 41, 44, 238, 261
Birds, flight of, i. 145-6, ii. 25 _et seq._;
colour problem of, i. 184, 185, 212, 226-9, 230, 252, 289 (note), 302;
polygamous, 194, 199;
migration of, ii. 19, 20;
instincts of, 54
Birds' nests, i. 134, 191, 212, 213, 252
"---- ---- and Plumage," Wallace's, i. 191
"---- ---- Philosophy of," Wallace's, i. 212, ii. 6, 8
Blackbird, crested, i. 163
Blainville, D., i. 162
Blandford, H.F., i. 290
Blood relationship, Galton on, i. 277
Blyth, E., i. 132
Blytt, Axel, essay on plants of Scandinavia, i. 293
Borneo, Wallace's collections from, i. 61;
cave exploration, 152
---- Company, i. 38, 39, 40
Boston (U.S.A.), Wallace's lectures at, ii. 15
Botany, Darwin's study of, at Cambridge, i. 17;
Wallace's study of, 20, 21, ii. 106
"----, Elements of," Lindley's, i. 21
Brazil, Wallace's explorations in, i. 29
Bree, Dr., i. 271 (note), 272-3
British Museum, original of Wallace letter in, i. 73
Broadstone, funeral of Wallace at, ii. 252
Bronn, H.G., translates "Origin of Species" into German, i. 141
Brooke, Capt., i 52
---- H. Jamyn, ii. 175
---- Sir James, i. 39, 52, 59-60, 152, 238
Bruce-Joy, Mr., portrait-medallion of Wallace, ii. 122, 254
Buckle, Rev. G., article by, on Lyell's "Principles," i. 232
Buckley, Miss (Mrs. Fisher), i. 260, 264, 313, 316, 319, ii. 40, 89, 90;
reviews "Descent of Man," i. 264
Budd, Dr. Richard, ii. 58
Buffon and Evolution, i. 1
Buru, Wallace's collection of birds from, ii. 3
Bustards, i. 146
Butler, Samuel, "Life and Habit," ii. 102
Butterflies, Wallace's study of, i. 24;
of South America, 30;
of Malay Archipelago, 41-2;
protective adaptation of, 140;
variation and distribution of, 149;
mimetic, 167, 168, 176, 178, 189 (note), 200, 213, 217, 224, 254, 300;
sexual selection of, 179, 260 (note);
flight of, ii, 26
C
Cambridge, Darwin at, i. 16, 17
---- Philosophical Society, attacks on "Origin of Species" at, i. 142
Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry, ii. 146
Carbon, deposits of, i. 298
Carlyle, Thomas, ii. 228
Carpenter, Dr., his controversies with Wallace, ii. 195, 198
Carroll, Lewis, Wallace's quotations from, ii. 105
Casuarius, query from Darwin on, i. 239
Caterpillars, colouring of, i. 178, 179, 183, 236, 260, 270, 299
Celebes, i. 138, 237, 289;
geological distribution in, 168
"Cessation of selection," ii. 52
Chambers, Robert, i. 114, 116, 244
Child's "Root Principles," ii. 83
Clairvoyance, ii. 200, 208, 211. (_See also_ Spiritualism)
Claparède, critique of, on Wallace's "Natural Selection," i. 253, 254
Clarke, Prof., attacks Darwin at Cambridge Philosophical Society, i. 142
Clarkson, Thomas, ii. 225
Cleistogamic flowers, i. 298
Climates, geological, Wallace's theory of, i. 306
Climatic conditions, plants and, i. 130
"Climbing Plants, Movements and Habits of," Darwin's, i, 285, ii. 2
Coal, export duties on, Wallace's view of, ii. 250
Cockerell, Sydney C., ii. 161
---- Theo. D.A., ii. 49;
and the Darwin Celebration at Cambridge, 226;
first personal relations with Wallace, 233-5
"Coleoptera Atlantidum," Wollaston's, ii. 22-3
"Colin Clout's Calendar," ii. 46
Coloration, protective, i. 156, 177, 178-9, 181, 183, 184, 185-6,
201, 220, 221, 224 _et seq._, 260, 270, 298, ii. 4, 11,
85. (_See also_ Protection, Mimicry)
Colour-adaptability, ii. 56
Confucius, Wallace's appreciation of, ii. 152