CHAPTER XVII.

Letters to John Winthrop—organization of the government—vote of money

to Mr. Williams—agreement of several inhabitants of

Providence—dissentions—Indian troubles.

We have now the pleasure of presenting the first of a number of

unpublished letters, addressed to John Winthrop, the son of Governor

Winthrop, of Massachusetts.[255] Mr. Winthrop resided, for several

years, at Nameug, or Pequod, now New-London, in Connecticut. It appears

from one of the letters, that Mr. Williams became acquainted with him in

England; and the correspondence which we shall introduce, will show that

the friendship was strong and mutual. We cannot stay to offer comments

on the letters. They relate to politics, literature, agriculture, and

various other topics, while religion is diffused, like a grateful

fragrance, through them all.

This and other letters are dated at Narraganset, or Cawcawmqussick, (now

North-Kingstown,) where Mr. Williams, about this time, purchased an

estate, and built a trading house, which he afterwards sold, to obtain

money for his second visit to England.

“For his honored, kind friend, Mr. John Winthrop, at Pequod, these.

“_Nar. 22, 4, 45, (so called.)_[256]

“Sir,

“Best salutations, &c. William Cheesbrough, now come in, shall be

readily assisted, for yours and his own sake. Major Bourne is come

in. I have, by Providence, seen divers papers, (returning now yours

thankfully,) which are snatched from me again. I have, therefore,

been bold to send you the Medulla and the Magnalia Dei. Pardon me,

if I request you, in my name, to transfer the paper to Captain

Mason, who saith he loves me. God is love; in him only I desire to

be yours ever,

“ROGER WILLIAMS.

“Loving salutes to your dearest and kind sister.

“I have been very sick of cold and fever, but God hath been gracious

to me. I am not yet resolved of a course for my daughter. If your

powder, with directions, might be sent without trouble, I should

first wait upon God in that way: however, it is best to wait on him.

If the ingredients be costly, I shall thankfully account. I have

books that prescribe powders, &c. but yours is probatum in this

country.”

We know little of the condition of Providence at this time. We may

presume, however, that it continued to flourish. It is stated, that

about this period, there were, in Providence and its vicinity, one

hundred and one men, fit to bear arms.[257] This fact indicates a large

increase of population, in a period of less than ten years.

After a considerable lapse of time, the inhabitants of Providence,

Portsmouth, Newport, and Warwick, agreed on a form of civil government.

This form, says Mr. Backus, provided for the election of “a President

and four Assistants annually, who had the executive power, were judges

in the courts of law and kept the peace. An Assembly, of six

commissioners, or representatives, from each town, made laws, and

ordered their general affairs; but their laws must be sent to every

town, to be deliberately considered in their town meetings, from whence

the clerk was to send an account of their votes to the General Recorder;

and, if the majority of the towns approved the law, it was confirmed, if

not, it was disannulled. The Assembly chose yearly a Treasurer and a

General Recorder and General Sergeant, which are only other names for a

Secretary and Sheriff. In each town, six persons were yearly chosen, who

were called the Town Council, who had the powers of a Court of Probate,

of granting licenses to inn-keepers and retailers, and the care of the

poor.”

The first General Assembly met at Portsmouth, May 19, 1647, when John

Coggshall was chosen President, Roger Williams assistant for Providence,

John Sanford for Portsmouth, William Coddington for Newport, and Randall

Holden for Warwick. William Dyer was chosen Recorder. They agreed upon a

body of laws, chiefly taken from the laws of England, with the addition

of a few suited to their particular circumstances. In the introduction

of this code, the form of government established is called

“democratical, that is to say, a government held by the free and

voluntary consent of all, or the greater part of the free inhabitants.”

The code, which contains nothing except civil regulations, concludes

thus: “Otherwise than thus, what is herein forbidden, all men may walk

as their consciences persuade them, every one in the name of his God.

And let the lambs of the Most High walk, in this colony, without

molestation, in the name of Jehovah, their God, forever and ever.” This

noble principle was thus established, as one of the fundamental laws, at

the first Assembly under the charter. It is indigenous to the

Rhode-Island soil, and is the glory of the state.

Mr. Williams had a large share in thus organizing the government. His

services were gratefully recognized by the Assembly, who, at their first

session, adopted the following resolution:[258]

“That forasmuch as Mr. Roger Williams hath taken great pains, and

expended much time, in obtaining the charter for this province, of our

noble Lords and Governors, be it enacted and established, that, in

regard to his so great trouble, charges and good endeavors, we do freely

give and grant unto the said Mr. Roger Williams an hundred pounds, to be

levied out of the three towns, viz.: fifty pounds out of Newport, thirty

pounds of Portsmouth, twenty pounds out of Providence; which rate is to

be levied and paid in by the last of November.” Backus, vol. i. p. 199.

This grant of one hundred pounds was voted, but for some reason, Mr.

Williams never received it all.[259] It was, undoubtedly, a very

inadequate compensation for his toils and expenses, in procuring the

charter.

The following very characteristic letter belongs here. The seal is a

rude representation of a tulip, or other flower, the impression sunk,

and not raised:

“For his worshipful, and his much honored, kind friend, Mr. John

Winthrop, at Nameaug, these.

“_Cawcawmsqussick, 28, 3, 47, (so called.)_

“Worthy Sir,

“Loving respects and salutations to your kind self and your kindest

companion. Some while since, you desired a word of direction about

the hay seed. I desired my brother to collect his own and other

neighbors’ observations about it, which (with his respects

presented) amounts to this.

“First, usually three bushels seed to one acre land.

“2. It hath been known to spread, to mat, &c. the Indian hills being

only scraped or levelled.

“3. This may be done at any time of the year, but the sooner the

better.

“4. It is best to sow it upon a rain preceding.

“5. Some say let the ripe grass stand until it seed, and the wind

disperse it (susque deque) up and down, for it is of that thriving

and homogeneal nature with the earth, that the very dung of cattle

that feeds on it will produce the grain.

“6. The offs, which can hardly be severed from the seed, hath the

same productive faculty.

“7. Sow it not in an orchard, near fruit trees, for it will steal,

and rob the trees, &c.

“Sir: Concerning Indian affairs, reports are various; lies are

frequent. Private interests, both with Indians and English, are

many; yet these things you may and must do. First, kiss truth where

you evidently, upon your soul, see it. 2. Advance justice, though

upon a child’s eyes. 3. Seek and make peace, if possible, with all

men. 4. Secure your own life from a revengeful, malicious arrow or

hatchet. I have been in danger of them, and delivered yet from them;

blessed be his holy name, in whom I desire to be

“Your worship’s, in all unfeigned

“respects and love,

“ROGER WILLIAMS.”

The following letter relates, probably, to the collection of the wampum

to be paid to the commissioners, by the Narragansets, in accordance with

the treaty.

“_Cawcawmsqussick, 20, 6, 47, (so called.)_

“Sir,

“Due respects presented, &c. I am importuned by Ninigret,[260] in

express words, to present his respects and love to your honored

father, and to the honored President of the commissioners, giving

great thanks for the great favor and kindness showed him. Withal, he

prays you earnestly to present his humble suit, that since he, by

reason of his travel and illness, can, as yet, get no further

towards his own home, and finds he must have much work with the

natives of these parts, before he repair home, and time to spend

exceeding fast, it may be accounted no breach of faithfulness of his

promise, if he finish the contribution he is now about, within a few

days after the punctual time. The other sachems, upon agitations,

have promised their utmost concurrence, to finish all within a month

from the day of his promise, which time he earnestly requests may be

assented to, hoping to make payment before, but not questioning by

the expiration of that time. By this bearer, he humbly prays a word

of answer, that, with the more cheerful concurrence of the other

sachems, (who join with him in this request,) he may be the more

cheerful in the work. Sir, I discern nothing but reality and reason

in his request; otherwise, I should not dare to molest you, or those

honored persons whom it concerns; to whom, with my humble respects,

and to yourself presented, beseeching the Most High to be your

portion, I rest,

“Your worship’s unworthy

“ROGER WILLIAMS.

“Pesickosh desired me to present his great thanks for his child.

“Sir: Your man is with me at present writing, well, this last of the

week, and will be going instantly. Humble thanks for the sight of

papers from England. The sea will be the sea till it be no more.

Revel. 21.

“Respects to your dearest.”

The following agreement, written, evidently, by Mr. Williams, and signed

by himself and several of the citizens of Providence, is a proof of his

pacific principles, and of his desire for the peace and welfare of the

colony:

“Considering the great mercy afforded unto us, in this liberty thus

to meet together, being denied to many of our countrymen in most

parts, especially in our poor native country, now deploring their

distressed condition in most sad and bloody calamities: That

ingratitude and disacknowledgments for favors received, are just

causes for the deprivation of them, together with home divisions and

home conspiracies, the ruination of families, towns and countries.

Moreover, the many plots and present endeavors, at home and abroad,

not only to disturb our peace and liberties, but utterly to root up

both root and branch of this our being; that government held forth

through love, union and order, although by few in number and mean in

condition, yet (by experience) hath withstood and overcome mighty

opposers; and, above all, the several unexpected deliverances of

this poor plantation, by that mighty Providence who is still able to

deliver us, through love, union and order. Therefore, being sensible

of these great and weighty premises, and now met together to consult

about our peace and liberty, whereby our families and posterity may

still enjoy these favors; and that we may publicly declare unto all

the free discharge of all our consciences and duties, whereby it may

appear upon record that we are not wilfully opposite, nor careless

and senseless, and thereby the means of our own and others’ ruin and

destruction;—and especially in testimony of our fidelity and cordial

affection unto one another here present, that so there may be a

current placable proceeding, we do faithfully and unanimously, by

this our subscription, promise unto each other to keep unto these

ensuing particulars: First, that the foundation in love may appear

among us, what causes of difference have heretofore been given,

either by word or misbehavior, in public or private, concerning

particular or general affairs, by any of us here present, not to

mention or repeat them in the assembly, but that love shall cover

the multitude of them in the grave of oblivion. Secondly, that union

may proceed from love, we do promise to keep constant unto those

several engagements made by us, both unto our town and colony, and

that, to the uttermost of our powers and abilities to maintain our

lawful rights and privileges, and to uphold the government of this

plantation. Also, that love may appear in union, we desire to

abandon all causeless fears and jealousies of one another, only

aiming at the general and particular peace and union of this town

and colony. Lastly, for our more orderly proceeding in this

assembly, whereby love and union may appear in order, if in our

consultations differences in judgment shall arise, then moderately

in order, through argumentation, to agitate the same; considering

the cause, how far it may be hurtful, or conducing unto our union,

peace and liberty, and accordingly act, not after the will or person

of any, but unto the justice and righteousness of the cause. Again,

if such cause shall be presented, wherein such difficulties shall

appear, that evident arguments cannot be given for present

satisfaction, but that either town or colony, or both, shall suffer,

then to take into consideration a speech of a beloved friend,

“better to suffer an inconvenience than a mischief,” better to

suspend with a loss that may be inconvenient, than to be totally

disunited and bereaved of all rights and liberties, which will be a

mischief indeed. Moreover, that offences and distractions may be

prevented, that so the current of business may peaceably proceed in

this assembly, we do faithfully promise to carry ourselves, in words

and behavior, so moderately and orderly as the cause shall permit;

and if any of us shall fly out in provoking, scurrilous, exorbitant

speeches, and unsuitable behavior, that he or they so doing shall be

publicly declared, branded, and noted upon record, to be a covenant

violator, and disturber of the union, peace and liberty of this

plantation. We do here subscribe, without partiality. Dated

December, 1647.

ROBERT WILLIAMS,

ROGER WILLIAMS,

JOHN SMITH,

HUGH BEWIT,

WILLIAM WICKENDEN,

JOHN TRIPP,

THOMAS HOPKINS,

WILLIAM HAWKINS.”

It is a proof, that Mr. Williams was not a very ambitious man, that he

put himself entirely on a level with his fellow citizens, and was

willing to serve the colony in the subordinate situation of an

assistant. He was entitled, from his character and services, to be the

first President; but he was, doubtless, disposed to yield his own

claims, to conciliate the other towns. His services, as a peace-maker,

were often needed.

It could scarcely be expected, that towns, composed of so many

discordant materials, would coalesce quietly in one government. The

principle on which the colony was founded, made it the resort of many

uneasy spirits, who occasioned difficulties which disturbed its peace,

and brought undeserved odium on the better portion of the inhabitants.

In May, 1648, Mr. Coddington was elected President, and Jeremiah Clarke,

Roger Williams, William Baulstone, and John Smith, Assistants; Philip

Sherman, Recorder; and Alexander Partridge, General Sergeant.

In September following, Mr. Coddington and Mr. Partridge applied, in

person, to the commissioners of the united colonies, requesting that the

island of Rhode-Island might be received as a member of the league,

alleging it to be the desire of a majority of the inhabitants. But the

commissioners refused to admit them, unless the island were placed under

the jurisdiction of Plymouth. It was a happy event for Rhode-Island,

that this request was refused, for had it been granted, the effect might

have been the separation of the island from the rest of the colony.

In this posture of affairs, Mr. Williams again tried his influence as a

peace-maker. In August, 1648, he addressed the following letter to the

town of Providence:

“Worthy friends, that ourselves and all men are apt and prone to differ,

it is no new thing. In all former ages, in all parts of the world, in

these parts, and in our dear native country and mournful state of

England, that either part or party is most right in his own eyes, his

cause right, his carriage right, his arguments right, his answers right,

is as wofully and constantly true as the former. And experience tells

us, that when the God of peace hath taken peace from the earth, one

spark of action, word or carriage is too powerful to kindle such a fire

as burns up towns, cities, armies, navies, nations and kingdoms. And

since, dear friends, it is an honor for men to cease from strife; since

the life of love is sweet, and union is as strong as sweet; and since

you have been lately pleased to call me to some public service and my

soul hath been long musing how I might bring water to quench, and not

oil or fuel to the flame, I am now humbly bold to beseech you, by all

those comforts of earth and heaven which a placable and peaceable spirit

will bring to you, and by all those dreadful alarms and warnings, either

amongst ourselves, in deaths and sicknesses, or abroad in the raging

calamities of the sword, death and pestilence; I say humbly and

earnestly beseech you to be willing to be pacifiable, willing to be

reconcilable, willing to be sociable, and to listen to the (I hope not

unreasonable) motion following: To try out matters by disputes and

writings, is sometimes endless; to try out arguments by arms and swords,

is cruel and merciless; to trouble the state and Lords of England, is

most unreasonable, most chargeable; to trouble our neighbors of other

colonies, seems neither safe nor honorable. Methinks, dear friends, the

colony now looks with the torn face of two parties, and that the greater

number of Portsmouth, with other loving friends adhering to them, appear

as one grieved party; the other three towns, or greater part of them,

appear to be another: Let each party choose and nominate three;

Portsmouth and friends adhering three, the other party three, one out of

each town; let authority be given to them to examine every public

difference, grievance and obstruction of justice, peace and common

safety: let them, by one final sentence of all or the greater part of

them, end all, and set the whole into an unanimous posture and order,

and let them set a censure upon any that shall oppose their sentence.

One log, without your gentle help, I cannot stir; it is this: How shall

the minds of the towns be known? How shall the persons chosen be called?

Time and place appointed in any expedition? For myself I can thankfully

embrace the help of Mr. Coddington or Mr. Clarke, joined or apart, but

how many are there who will attend, (as our distempers are) to neither?

It is, gentlemen, in the power of the body to require the help of any of

her members, and both King and Parliament plead, that in extraordinary

cases they have been forced to extraordinary ways for common safety. Let

me be friendly construed, if (for expedition) I am bold to be too

forward in this service, and to say, that if within twenty days of the

date hereof, you please to send to my house, at Providence, the name of

him whom you please to nominate, at your desire I will acquaint all the

persons chosen with place and time, unto which in your name I shall

desire their meeting within ten days, or thereabouts, after the receipt

of your letter. I am your mournful and unworthy

ROGER WILLIAMS.”

“This address,” says Mr. Backus, “had such an effect, that Mr. Williams

was received to act as President of the colony, till their election at

Warwick, May 22, 1649.”

The following letter to Mr. Winthrop, throws some light on the state of

things at that time:

“For my much honored, kind friend, Mr. John Winthrop, at his house,

at Nameug, these.

“_Cawcawmsqussick, 23, 7, 48, (so called.)_

“Kind Sir,

“Best salutations to your dear selves and loving sister. I am bold

and yet glad to trouble you, that by this occasion I may hear of

your welfare. Capt. Mason lately requested me to forbid the

Narragansets to hunt at Pequod, and to assure them of his visiting

of them if they so did. I have written now an answer, which I am

bold to request you to send at your next opportunity. Two days since

I was at Providence, and then Mr. Brown was not returned, only he

had wrote home some angry passage against the Narragansets, who are

now in expectation of some assault from the English. Sir, whether it

please God to visit us with peace or war, in life and death I desire

to be

“Yours ever in Christ Jesus,

“ROGER WILLIAMS.

“Sir, our neighbors Mr. Coddington and Capt. Partridge, ten days

since, returned from Plymouth with propositions for Rhode-Island to

subject to Plymouth; to which himself and Portsmouth incline; our

other three towns decline, and Mr. Holden and Mr. Warner, of

Warwick, came from thence also, and they say, gave satisfaction why

they dare not (the other three towns) depart from the charter. Sir,

in this division of our neighbors, I have kept myself unengaged, and

presented motions of pacification, amongst which I was bold to

propose a reference to your worthy self and some other friend to be

chosen; our town yields to it, and Mr. Boston (though opposite) and

possibly you may have the trouble and honor of a peace-maker.

“Sir, pray seal the enclosed.”

It appears by this letter, and by other evidence, that Plymouth was

desirous to add the beautiful island to her territory. Three years

before, she claimed it as belonging to her jurisdiction; and

Massachusetts insisted on her title to the allegiance of the inhabitants

of Pawtuxet and Warwick.[261] Winthrop says, under the date of May,

1645:[262] “The government of Plymouth sent one of their magistrates,

Mr. Brown, to Aquetneck island, to forbid Mr. Williams, &c. to exercise

any of their pretended authority upon the island, claiming it to be

within their jurisdiction. Our Court also sent to forbid them to

exercise any authority within that part of our jurisdiction at Pawtuxet

and Shawomet, and although they had boasted to do great matters there,

by virtue of their charter, yet they dared not to attempt any thing.”

Connecticut afterwards laid claim to a part of the western territory of

Rhode-Island. Thus was the little colony pressed on each side by her

more powerful neighbors, who would gladly have enacted, at that early

day, the same scene which was long afterwards presented in Poland,

though the wrong would certainly have been less flagrant, and the motive

less criminal. Thanks to the protection of God, and to the prudent

firmness of Mr. Williams and others, the colony escaped all the designs

of her neighbors, and has continued till this day, small in territory,

but strong in her love of freedom, and consistent in her maintenance of

the principles of her founder.

The Indians again disturbed the colonies. “In August, 1648,” says Mr.

Backus,[263] “about one thousand Indians from various parts were

collected in Connecticut, with three hundred guns among them, and it was

reported that they were hired by the Narragansets to fight with Uncas.

The magistrates of Hartford sent three horsemen to inquire what they

designed, and to let them know, that if they made war with him, the

English must defend him, upon which they dispersed. When the

commissioners met at Plymouth the next month, they ordered four men to

be sent to the Narragansets, with instructions how to treat with them,

both concerning their hiring other Indians to war upon Uncas, and also

about the tribute of wampum that was behind. Captain Atherton and

Captain Prichard undertook the service, and going to Mr. Williams, they

procured the sachems to be sent for, but they, hearing that many

horsemen were come to take them, shifted for themselves. Passacus fled

to Rhode-Island, but soon after, they were, by Mr. Williams’ means,

delivered of their fears, and came to the messengers as they were

desired, and denied their hiring the Mohawks to war against Uncas,

though they owned that they had sent them a present.”

The following letters to Mr. Winthrop, relating to the concerns of the

Indians, with occasional references to the important events which were

then transpiring in England, may be properly introduced here:

“For his much honored and beloved Mr. John Winthrop, at Nameug.

“_Cawcawmsqussick, 10, 8, 48_, (_so called_.)

“Sir,

“Best salutations to your dear selves and loving sister. In my last

I intimated a promise of presenting you with what here passeth.

Captain Atherton, Captain Prichard, Richard Wood and Strong Tuchell,

have been with me (as also Wm. Arnold, instead of his son Benedict,

who withdrew himself, though sent unto,) these six or seven days.

They were at Niantick two nights. Captain Atherton purposed to visit

you, but they appointing their meeting with all the sachems at my

house, they came back; and this morning, (the fourth day of the

week,) they are departed with good content toward the Bay. From the

commissioners they brought several articles, but the main were

three; concerning the Mohawks, &c.; 2d, the payment; 3d, Uncas’

future safety. To the first, they sent answer (and that they

confirmed with many asseverations, and one of them voluntarily took

the Englishmen’s God to witness) that they gave not a penny to hire

the Mohawks against the Mohegans, but that it was wholly wrought by

Wussoonkquassin, (which they discovered as a secret) who being bound

by Uncas, and Wuttouwuttauoum, Uncas his cousin, having attempted to

shoot a Mohawk sachem at that time, resolved with the Mohawks (to

whom he also gave peag) to take revenge upon Uncas; Wussoonkquassin

sent them word and desired peag of them in the spring, but they

profess they consented not, nor sent not a penny, afterwards they

sent Waupinhommin up to inquire to Pawcatuck and however they have

given some of the Mohegans peag this year, (as they have always

done) yet they say they are clear from giving a penny in hire, &c.

They confess their enmity against Uncas, and they (to the 2d) will

not rest until they have finished their payments, that they may

present their complaints against Uncas, who (they say) and other

Indians, within these three years, have committed thirteen murders

with impunity, being out of their reach in the English protection.

This last year they pleaded they were near starved, and, therefore,

sent but a small quantity. Now they promise, upon return of their

men from hunting this winter, to make a contribution, the next

spring another, and so according as they can draw the people to it,

will not cease to furnish, and if they die, their children shall

fulfil, and that it is their sore grief, &c. with much to this

purpose. For Uncas they profess neither directly nor indirectly, to

have to do with him, yet hope the English will not deal partially

with him. They desired the English receipt of their peag; I produced

the note you sent me, which, because it was not signed with your

father’s hand or the Treasurer’s, &c. the messengers promised to

send them one from the Bay. Ninigret, made great lamentation that

you had entertained hard thoughts of him in this business, and all

the sachems here professed their sorrow and that you had hearkened

to Wequashcook, who they say never contributed nor joined in the

Pequod wars, and now flatters to draw his neck out of the payments

to the English. They hope you will not countenance him to rob

Ninigret of those hunting places which the commissioners gave him

leave to make use of, and he with the English had fought for with

the expense of much treasure and hazard of his life. They desire

that he may and Causasenamon and the rest of the Pequods, be as your

little dogs, but not as your confederates, which they say is

unworthy yourself, &c. Sir, I perceive the English about the Bay

inquire after new places. Captain Atherton prays me shortly to

convey a letter to you. I forgot one passage that the sachems

discovered, that Wussoonkquassin gave peag to the Mohawks to

retreat. It seems they are (Switzer like) mercenary, and were hired

on and off; these sachems I believe desire cordially to hold

friendship with both the English and the Mohawks together; I am

confident (whether they lie or not, about Wussoonkquassin) that they

never intended hurt against the English nor yourself and yours

especially, to whom they profess great respect, and jointly they

desire that Wequashcook may come back to Connecticut from whence he

went, for if he join with Uncas they suspect he will secretly be a

means of some of their deaths. Lastly, whereas they heard that the

women with you were something fearful, Ninigret prays Mrs. Winthrop

to be assured, that there never was, nor never shall be, to his

knowledge, the least offence given to her or her neighbors, by any

of his (though he hath learnt it partly by your just abhorring of

Uncas his outrageous carriage among you, and of which I have not

softly told these messengers and the admired partiality in the

case.) For a token of his fidelity to Mrs. Winthrop, Ninigret he

prays me to write, that all the women of his town shall present Mrs.

Winthrop with a present of corn at Pawcatuck, if she please to send

in any conveyance to Pawcatuck for it.

“Sir, to gratify them, I am thus bold with you, and desiring your

eternal peace, I rest

“Your worship’s unworthy

“ROGER WILLIAMS.

“Sir, I formerly wrote to you and now still crave your help with

Wequashcook, who keeps basely from me for five or six coats, and can

neither get peag nor cloth.”

“For his much honored and beloved Mr. John Winthrop, at Nameug.

“_Cawcawmsqussick, 7, 9, 48_.

“Kind Sir,

“Best salutations, &c. I am requested by letter of Captain Atherton,

to certify what I can advise about Block-Island, whether it might be

had of the natives, for divers of the English (it seems to my

conjecture) upon some agitations at the last Court, have thoughts

this way. Sir, because God hath pitched your tent these ways, and

you know much among the natives of these parts, I judged it not

unfit to pray you help me with a word of your information, before I

write what otherwise I can, from the barbarians. The counsels of the

Most High are deep concerning us poor grasshoppers, hopping and

skipping from branch to twig in this vale of tears. Wm. Peacock hath

had a very heavy task in carrying Joseph with cattle from you; six

or seven days and nights the poor fellow was seeking them (being

lost and scattered from Niantick.) Then he brought six to my house,

four being finally lost; I took what pains I could to get them

sought again, and three I hear are found, after which Wm. Peacock is

now out, and I look for him this night with those three; Ninigret

did his part honestly, but the youths and boys thereabouts (by some

occasion hallooing) the cattle thence took the woods. Joseph Wild

hath written to me, and I acquaint him with the cause, that one man

alone cannot well drive cattle amongst barbarians, especially

without an Indian guide. It were exceeding well that three or four

poles were enclosed at Niantick, to keep cattle there at night, for

if God vouchsafe peace and plantations (prosperity) there is great

needs of it.

“Sir, I desire to be your worship’s unfeigned,

“ROGER WILLIAMS.”

“_Nar._[264]

“Sir,

“Loving respects to yourself and dearest, and Mrs. Lake, premised.

Two days since, Ninigret came to me and requested me to write two

letters; the one, in answer to Captain Atherton’s motion for some

English planting on Block-Island, and on a neck at Niantick; the

other, to yourself, in which protesting his innocence as to the

death of his son-in-law, with which Uncas and the Pequods charge

him. He prays you (as of yourself) to signify (as much as you can)

items to the Pequods, that they be quiet and attempt nothing (at

least, treacherously,) against him, which he suspects, from words

from Uncas, that it will be pleasing to the English. He prays you

also to be mindful of endeavoring to remove Wequashcook, so constant

a provocation before him; and, at present, he prays you to send for

some skins, which lately, as lord of the place, he hath received. I

hope the English sachems, as I tell him, in the spring will hear and

gratify him in his just desires, the want of which, I guess, is the

cause that he is not free, as yet, for Block-Island, &c.; but

expresseth much, if the English do him justice against his enemies.

Oh, sir, how far from nature is the spirit of Christ Jesus, that

loves and pities, prays for and doth good to enemies? Sir, it is

like he will request a line of answer, which, if you please to give,

I pray, sir, write when either of those ships you write of are for

England, and by which you write yourself; also where Mr. Throgmorton

is, and whether he desires I should trouble you with the peag of

which I wrote, which I propose, if God please, (unless countermanded

by either of you) to send immediately upon hearing from you.

“Sir, yours,

“R. W.

“Sir, since I wrote this, it pleased God to send a Dutchman for an

old debt, and the same night Mr. Goodyear also, to whom and his wife

(for her former husband) I am indebted, and so was necessitated to

make satisfaction to Mr. Goodyear also. These providences of God so

falling will necessarily cause me to be preparing some few days more

that peag for Mr. Throgmorton. But most certainly it, (God please I

live) notwithstanding ways and weather, shall be sent; this I write,

that although Mr. Throgmorton should depart, or come home, yet he

may presume on your faithfulness and love to dispose of it, as he

requesteth.

“Sir, your unworthy,

“R. W.

“Captain Underhill, now here in a Dutch vessel, presents loving

respects.”

“For the worshipful Mr. John Winthrop, at Nameug, these.[265]

“Sir,

“Respective salutations to you both, and sister Lake. At this

instant (the first of the week, toward noon,) I received yours, and

shall be glad, (if God will,) you may gain a seasonable passage by

us, before the hardest of winter, although I cannot advise you (but

to pray against winter flights and journies,) yet if the necessity

of God’s providence so cast it, I shall be glad that we might have

you prisoner in these parts, yet once in a few days (though in deep

snow) here is a beaten path, &c. Sir, Ninigret again importunes me

to write to your father and yourself, about his and hunting at

Pequod, that you would also be pleased to write to your father. I

have endeavored to satisfy him what I can, and shall, yet I am

willing at present to write to you, not so much concerning that you

can further gratify him at this time, but that I may by this

opportunity, salute you with the tidings from the Bay the last

night. Skipper Isaack and Moline, are come into the Bay with a Dutch

ship, and (as it is said) have brought letters from the States to

call home this present Dutch Governor to answer many complaints,

both from Dutch and English, against him. In this ship are come

English passengers, and they bring word of the great trials it

pleaseth the Most High and Only Wise, to exercise both our native

England and these parts also.

“The Prince is said to be strong at sea, and among other mischiefs

hath taken Mr. Trevice his ship which went from hence, and sent it

for France, it seems their rendezvous.

“It is said that after Cromwell had discomfited the Welch, with six

thousand, he was forced to encounter nineteen thousand Scots, of

whom he took nine hundred prisoners, &c. Great store of Scots and

Welch are sent and sold as slaves into other parts. Cromwell wrote

to the Parliament that he hoped to be at Edinburgh in a few days. A

commission was sent from the Parliament, to try the King in the Isle

of Wight, lately prevented from escape.

“The Prince of Orange and the States are falling, if not already

fallen, into wars, which makes some of the States to tender

Manhattoes, as place of retreat.

“Sir, to Him in whose favor is life, I leave you, desiring in Him to

be

“Your worship’s unworthy

“ROGER WILLIAMS.

“John prays you to be earnest with Mr. Hollet about his house,

hoping to be back in a fortnight.”

“_Nar._ (_probably towards the close of Dec. 1648._)

“Sir,

“Best salutations to your worthy self and yours, premised. I am glad

for your sake, that it hath pleased God to prevent your winter

travel; though I gladly, also, this last week, expected your

passage, and being at Providence, hastened purposely to attend you

here. Our candle burns out day and night, we need not hasten its end

(by swaling) in unnecessary miseries, unless God call us for him to

suffer, whose our breath is, and hath promised to such as hate life

for him, an eternal. Sir, this last week, I read an ordinance of

both houses, (dated third month, May last) decreeing death to some

consciences, but imprisonment to far more, ever (upon the point) to

all but Presbyterians. We have a sound, that Fairfax and Cromwell

are proclaimed traitors, but I rather credit that report, that

Cromwell only was sent for by the Parliament, which, it seems,

inclines with the king, and the city all against the army. The Earl

of Warwick was gone for Holland with twenty-two ships pursuing the

Prince. Mr. Foot and others went to Holland, (whither Mr. Trevice

his ship was carried) and were offered the ship for two thousand

pounds, but I cannot hear of their agreement. About forty from the

Parliament went to the King, to the Isle of Wight, (who was lately

and strangely prevented of escape) to treat, but could not agree

upon the first, viz. that the King should acknowledge the beginning

of the war to be his. Sir, this is the chief of matters told me few

days since, by Mr. Throgmorton, who came ten days since from the

Bay, and came well in a full laden vessel to anchor by Saconet

rocks, but it pleased God his new cable was cut by the rocks, and he

drove upon Rhode-Island shore, where it is feared the vessel is

spoiled, but (through God’s mercy) he saved his goods. Sir, Mr.

Brewster, (by letter) requests me to convey three letters and bags

of metal to you. I wish they may have worth in them, especially to

draw us up to dig into the heavens for true treasure. Sir, (though

Mr. Brewster wrote me not word of it) yet in private, I am bold to

tell you, that I hear it hath pleased God greatly to afflict him in

the thorns of this life. He was intended for Virginia; his creditors

in the Bay came to Portsmouth and unhung his rudder, carried him to

the Bay, where he was forced to make over all, house, land, cattle,

and part with all to his chest. Oh how sweet is a dry morsel and a

handful, with quietness from earth and heaven. Sane nescio de quo

scribis furti suspecto. John Jones is thought here to be false or

faulty. He said he was your servant, that you gave him 10_s._ in

peag to bear his charges, which being stolen out of his pocket, he

borrowed so much of me here in your name, promising to pay me at his

return, being to receive money for you in the Bay; he had, also,

10_s._ more, to buy, for me, two or three necessaries. He took

27_s._ 6_d._ of Valentine, Mr. Smith’s man, my neighbor at the

trading house, for a drum, which he said he left at my house at

Providence, which drum cost him 48_s._, and he promised to send it

by an Indian, but refused, and offered to sell it again at

Providence; it is now attached.

“Mr. Brewster requested me to pay the Bay carriers, which I have

thus ordered, that six awl blades I pay to a native to carry to

Ninigret, and pray you to pay six more to him that brings them to

you. I am sorry you had no more corn from Ninigret, yet glad you had

so much, for I am forced to pay 4_s._ the bushel for all I spend.

Sir, I have not known the like of Indian madness. The Father of

lights cause us to bless him for and with our reason, remembering

Nebuchadnezzar.

“Sir, I desire to be yours ever in Christ Jesus,

“ROGER WILLIAMS.”

In March, 1648–9, the town of Providence obtained a charter of

incorporation from the General Assembly. [See Appendix F.]

Memoir of Roger Williams, the Founder of the State of Rhode-Island · 第 17 / 29 章