Mr. Williams’ first visit to England—Key to the Indian
languages—charter—birth of Mr. Williams’ youngest child—Bloody
Tenet—he returns to America—reception at Boston and Providence—again
aids in preventing an Indian war.
Some time during the summer of 1643, Mr. Williams embarked at New-York
for his native land. A Dutch ship furnished him with a conveyance, which
his own countrymen had denied him. Of the length and incidents of the
voyage, we know nothing. The vessel, we may be sure, did not afford the
sumptuous accommodations, nor pursue her course over the Atlantic with
the celerity, of the packet ships of the present day.
Mr. Williams was not of a mood to be idle, either on the land or on the
ocean. He acted on the principle, so beautifully expressed in one of his
books, “one grain of time’s inestimable sand is worth a golden
mountain.” He has told us, that he employed his leisure, during this
voyage, in preparing the materials of his Key to the Indian languages:
“I drew the materials, in a rude lump, at sea, as a private help to my
own memory, that I might not, by my present absence, lightly lose what I
had so dearly bought in some few years’ hardship and charges among the
barbarians.”[244]
This book, which is an honorable specimen of his talents as a writer,
his industry and acuteness in collecting the words and phrases of an
unwritten language, and his benevolent zeal for the welfare of the
Indians, must have been nearly finished for the press during the voyage.
It was printed before the close of the year 1643, and we may suppose,
that after his arrival in England, his endeavors to procure the charter,
and other engagements, would leave him little leisure for writing. Of
this book we shall have occasion to speak again, in a subsequent
chapter, in which we shall briefly review his literary character and
writings.
Mr. Williams arrived in England at a most critical period. A civil war
then convulsed the nation. The misguided King, Charles I., by a series
of unjustifiable measures, repugnant to the constitution, and in
violation of his own promises and oaths, had provoked an opposition,
which issued in a rupture and a bloody war. The King had fled from
London, and Parliament had assumed the executive as well as legislative
authority. The King and the Parliament levied troops, the sword was
unsheathed, and, after a sanguinary struggle of several years, the
unhappy Charles died on the scaffold, Episcopacy was abolished, the
monarchy was overturned, and a commonwealth, under the protectorship of
Cromwell, was established on its ruins.
Mr. Williams arrived at an early period in this disastrous conflict. Its
issue was then very doubtful. The Episcopal clergy, and a large portion
of the aristocracy, were on the side of the King. With these were joined
many of the quiet men of the kingdom, who, while they disapproved the
King’s conduct, were led by a sentiment of loyalty, and a hope that he
might be persuaded to a right course, to rally around the monarch. The
patriot would have been satisfied with a guarantee for the rights of the
people; and the advocates of religious liberty would have been content
with toleration. But the inflexible obstinacy and arbitrary principles
of the King daily strengthened his enemies and alienated his friends. It
soon became evident, that the King must yield, or the nation must submit
to slavery. The contest ended, as every struggle between despotism and
liberty, the rulers and the people, must, sooner or later, terminate:
“For Freedom’s battle, once begun,
Bequeath’d by bleeding sire to son,
Though baffled oft, is ever won.”[245]
The disturbed condition of the kingdom was, in some respects, favorable
to the objects of Mr. Williams. It disposed the Parliament to strengthen
themselves, by conciliating the favor of their brethren in America. The
House of Commons, in March, 1642–3, passed a memorable resolve, in favor
of New-England, exempting its imports and exports from customs, subsidy
or taxation. In November, 1643, not long, we presume, after Mr.
Williams’ arrival, Parliament passed an ordinance, appointing the Earl
of Warwick Governor in Chief and Lord High Admiral of the American
colonies, with a council of five peers and twelve commoners. It
empowered him, in conjunction with his associates, to examine the state
of their affairs, to send for papers and persons, to remove governors
and officers, and appoint others in their places, and to assign to these
such part of the power now granted as he should think proper.[246]
From these commissioners Mr. Williams easily obtained, by the aid of Sir
Henry Vane, one of their number, a charter for the colony of
Rhode-Island, dated March 14, 1643–4, in which the most ample powers
were granted to the inhabitants to form and maintain a civil
government.[247]
During Mr. Williams’ absence, his youngest child, Joseph, was born, in
December, 1643, according to Backus, though his tombstone, now standing
in the family graveyard, in Cranston, (R. I.) bears an inscription,
which states that he was born in 1644.
While in England, Mr. Williams, notwithstanding the pressure of his
duties, and the disturbed state of the public mind, found leisure to
prepare for the press his celebrated book, entitled “The Bloody Tenet of
Persecution for Cause of Conscience, discussed in a conference between
Truth and Peace, who, in all tender affection, present to the High Court
of Parliament, as the result of their discourse, these amongst other
passages of highest consideration.” In this book, which he dedicated to
Parliament, and which was doubtless read, with interest and profit, by
many of the leading men in England,[248] Mr. Williams discusses the
great principles of religious liberty, in answer to a letter of the Rev.
John Cotton. Mr. Cotton wrote a reply, to which, in accordance with the
humor of those times, he gave the quaint and punning title of “The
Bloody Tenet Washed, and made White in the Blood of the Lamb.” Mr.
Williams published a rejoinder, with a title in the same strain, “The
Bloody Tenet yet more Bloody, by Mr. Cotton’s Endeavor to Wash it
White.” Of these books we shall give some account, in a subsequent
chapter. It may suffice now, to say, that Mr. Cotton’s argument rests on
a sophistical distinction between persecution for religious opinions,
and punishment for maintaining errors. He disclaims the right to
“persecute any for conscience rightly informed;” but if a man possesses
“an erroneous and blind conscience, in fundamental and weighty points,”
he ought, after suitable admonition, to be punished by the civil
magistrate, not because he entertains heretical principles, but because
he is wilfully blind and criminally obstinate, in refusing to believe
what is clearly revealed in the Scriptures. It seems surprising, that a
man of Mr. Cotton’s abilities and virtues, could seriously maintain so
transparent an absurdity; for if the magistrate be allowed to judge what
is “an erroneous and blind conscience,” he will decide according to his
own construction of the word of God, and will pronounce all who differ
from himself to be culpably obstinate, and worthy of punishment. This is
precisely the case in every instance of persecution; and the Court of
High Commission, who expelled Mr. Cotton from England, would have needed
no other defence of their conduct than his own arguments. But Mr.
Cotton, though a great and a good man, was misled by his views of the
duty of the civil magistrate to interfere, for the preservation of
purity in the Christian church, as the civil authorities were required
to guard the Jewish religion, and to smite, with unsparing severity,
those who renounced or corrupted it.
Mr. Williams, in his book, exposes the fallacy of Mr. Cotton’s
arguments; and by cogent reasoning and acute expositions of various
texts, he establishes this fundamental principle, as alike taught by the
Scriptures and by reason, that men are not responsible to each other for
their religious opinions, and ought not to suffer molestation, or
injury, in their persons or property, for those opinions, nor for the
actions by which they are expressed and maintained, unless the civil
peace is disturbed. In this case, their conduct ceases to be a matter of
religious concern merely, and comes within the cognizance of the civil
magistrate. Mr. Williams is very clear and decided on this point. Though
he was accused as a turbulent contemner of magistracy and civil order,
yet in this book, printed within a few years after his banishment, he
says, “I speak not of scandals against the civil state, _which the civil
state ought to punish._”[249] This book is written with great ability,
it shows learning and taste, and it breathes a tone of courtesy which
was not common at that time, and which would not dishonor this age.
Mr. Williams returned to America, in the autumn of 1644. He landed at
Boston, September 17. He was emboldened to venture on this forbidden
ground, by the following letter from several noblemen and other members
of Parliament, addressed “To the Right Worshipful the Governor and
Assistants, and the rest of our worthy friends in the plantation of
Massachusetts Bay, in New-England:”
“Our much honored friends:
“Taking notice some of us of long time of Mr. Roger Williams’ good
affections and conscience, and of his sufferings by our common enemy
and oppressors of God’s people, the prelates, as also of his great
industry and travels in his printed Indian labors, in your parts,
(the like whereof we have not seen extant from any part of America)
and in which respect it hath pleased both Houses of Parliament to
grant unto him, and friends with him, a free and absolute charter of
civil government for those parts of his abode, and withal
sorrowfully resenting, that amongst good men (our friends) driven to
the ends of the world, exercised with the trials of a wilderness,
and who mutually give good testimony, each of the other, (as we
observe you do of him, and he abundantly of you,) there should be
such a distance; we thought it fit, upon divers considerations, to
profess our great desires of both your utmost endeavors of nearer
closing and of ready expressing those good affections, (which we
perceive you bear to each other) in effectual performance of all
friendly offices. The rather because of those bad neighbors you are
likely to find too near you in Virginia, and the unfriendly visits
from the west of England and from Ireland. That howsoever it may
please the Most High to shake our foundations, yet the report of
your peaceable and prosperous plantations may be some refreshings to
your true and faithful friends.”
This letter procured for Mr. Williams permission to proceed unmolested
to Providence, but it produced no relaxation of the policy of
Massachusetts towards him. Mr. Hubbard (p. 349) says: “Upon the receipt
of the said letter, the Governor and magistrates of the Massachusetts
found, upon examination of their hearts, they saw no reason to condemn
themselves for any former proceedings against Mr. Williams; but for any
offices of Christian love, and duties of humanity, they were very
willing to maintain a mutual correspondency with him. But as to his
dangerous principles of separation, unless he can be brought to lay them
down, they see no reason why to concede to him, or any so persuaded,
free liberty of ingress and egress, lest any of their people should be
drawn away with his erroneous opinions.” The aversion to Mr. Williams’
principles, both religious[250] and political, was not abated by his
return with a charter, which invested the heretical colony with the
dignity of an independent government, and armed her with the shield of
the parent state. Her example became, thenceforth, more dangerous; and
the united colonies steadily pursued towards her an unfriendly policy.
Mr. Williams’ return to Providence was greeted by a voluntary expression
of the attachment and gratitude of its inhabitants, which is one of the
most satisfactory testimonies to his character. They met him at Seekonk,
with fourteen canoes, and carried him across the river to Providence.
This simple act of respect must have been highly grateful to his
feelings. It does equal honor to him, and to his fellow citizens, who
thus showed themselves capable of estimating, in a manner worthy of
freemen, the services of a friend and public benefactor.[251]
We may suppose, that Mr. Williams, after his return, immediately
endeavored to carry into operation the charter which he had procured
with so much labor and expense. But it was a work which required time,
to bring the inhabitants of the several settlements at Providence,
Newport, Portsmouth and Warwick, to agree on a form of government, and
unite as one colony. The charter prescribed no form of civil polity, and
it was accordingly necessary to manage the negotiations between the
towns with much delicacy and skill.
In the mean time, Mr. Williams had another opportunity to interpose his
beneficent agency in favor of the colonists. The Narraganset Indians,
exasperated by what they judged to be the murder of their favorite
sachem, Miantinomo, were bent on vengeance, with the unrelenting
ferocity of savages. They alleged, that they had paid wampum, to the
amount of forty pounds, as a ransom for the chieftain’s life. They
therefore resolved on war with the Mohegans, until they should obtain
the head of Uncas. The commissioners of the colonies, at their meeting
in Hartford, in September, 1644, appeased their animosity for a while,
the Narraganset sachems promising not to commence hostilities against
Uncas until after the next planting time, and likewise after thirty
days’ notice to the government of Massachusetts and Connecticut.
The commissioners, this year, passed an act, forbidding any person to
sell any kind of arms or ammunition to an Indian, or to repair any
weapon for him, under a heavy penalty. This measure was called for by
the rapid progress of the Indians in the use of fire-arms. The law had,
it is probable, some effect, but like similar laws in regard to the
Indians, in later times, unprincipled men found many ways to evade it.
The Narragansets soon commenced the war, and killed several of the
Mohegans. An extraordinary meeting of the commissioners was held in
Boston, in July, 1645, when it was judged necessary to send messengers
to the sachems of the Narragansets and Mohegans, requiring them to
suspend hostilities and come to Boston. The messengers were informed by
the Narragansets, that they were resolved on war. They accordingly
returned to Boston, with a letter from Mr. Williams, informing the
government, that the Narragansets would soon commence hostilities
against the colonists, except at Providence and Rhode-Island, the
Indians having, from regard to Mr. Williams, agreed to maintain a
neutrality with these settlements.
The commissioners immediately resolved to raise a force of three hundred
men,[252] to march immediately for the protection of the Mohegans. A
part of the levy from Massachusetts marched accordingly. Two messengers
were again sent to the Narraganset sachems, with directions to take Mr.
Benedict Arnold with them as their interpreter. But they could not find
Mr. Arnold at Providence, and learned that he dared not venture among
the Indians without a guard. But Mr. Williams had been sent for by the
sachems, doubtless to advise them in this crisis. The messengers,
therefore, solicited his aid, and he served them as an interpreter. By
his mediation, Passacus,[253] the sachem, and other chief men, were
persuaded to go to Boston, where a treaty was concluded between the
commissioners and the sachems, by which the latter agreed to make peace
with Uncas, and to pay the colonists two thousand fathoms of wampum, at
different times, as a remuneration for their expenses in the war. This
treaty was concluded in August, 1645, and the sachems left a child of
Passacus, a child of his brother, and two other children of persons of
note, as a security for the faithful performance of the treaty.[254]
Thus was New-England saved, a second time, from a general Indian war, by
means, in no small part, of the good offices of Mr. Williams. The small
English army was disbanded, and the 4th of September was observed, by
the colonists, as a day of thanksgiving to God. This measure was worthy
of our pious ancestors. We may hope, that while they justly ascribed the
praise of their deliverance to God, they felt some emotions of gratitude
towards their exiled benefactor.