BOSSUET AS DIRECTOR.--BOSSUET AND SISTER CORNUAU.--HIS LOYALTY AND
IMPRUDENCE.--HE IS PRACTICALLY A QUIETEST.--DEVOUT DIRECTION INCLINES
TO QUIETISM.--A MORAL PARALYSIS.
Nothing throws more light upon the real character of _direction_ than
the correspondence of the worthiest and most loyal of directors--I mean
Bossuet. Experience is decisive; if here, too, the results are bad, we
must blame the method and the system, but by no means the man.
The greatness of his genius, and the nobleness of his character would
naturally remove Bossuet far from the petty passions of the vulgar herd
of directors, their meanness, jealousy, and vexatious tyranny. We may
believe what one of his own penitents says of him:--"Without
disapproving," says she, "of the directors who interfere even in the
slightest thoughts and affections, _he did not relish this practice_
towards those souls which loved God and had made some progress in
spiritual life."
His correspondence is praiseworthy, noble, and serious. You will not
find in it the too loving tenderness of Saint Francois de Sales, and
still less the refinement and impassioned subtilties of Fenelon.
Bossuet's letters, though less austere, resemble those of Saint-Cyran
by their seriousness. They often contain a grandeur of style little
suited to the humble and ordinary person to whom they are generally
addressed, but very advantageous in keeping her at a distance, and
preventing too close an intimacy even in the most unreserved private
conversation.
If this correspondence has reached us in a more complete form than that
of Fenelon, we are indebted for it (at least for the most curious part
of it) to the veneration which one of Bossuet's penitents, the good
Widow Cornuau, entertained for his memory. That worthy person, in
transmitting these letters to us, has religiously left in them a number
of details, humiliating enough for herself. She has forgotten her own
vanity, and thought only of the glory of her spiritual father. In
this, she has been very happily guided by her attachment for him;
perhaps, indeed, she has done more for him than any panegyrist. These
noble letters written in such profound secrecy, and never intended to
see daylight, are worthy of being exhibited to the public.
This good widow tells us, that when she had the happiness of going to
see him in his retirement at Meaux, he received her occasionally "in a
small, very cold, and smoky room." This is, according to all
appearances, the small summer-house, which is shown even in our time,
at the end of the garden, on the old rampart of the city, which forms
the terrace of the episcopal palace. The cabinet is on the
ground-floor, and above it, in a small loft, slept the valet, who awoke
Bossuet early every morning. A dark narrow alley of yews and holly
leads to this dull apartment: these are old dwarf stunted trees, which
have entwined their knotty branches and their dark prickly leaves.
Dreams of the past dwell for ever here; here you may still find all the
difficulties of those grand polemical questions, now so remote from us,
the disputes of Jurien and Claude, with the stately history of the
Variations, and the deadly battle of Quietism, envenomed by betrayed
friendship. The tower of the cathedral, with its mild majestic mien,
hovers above the French-fashioned, grave-looking garden; but it is
neither seen from the dark little alley, nor from the dull cabinet; a
place confined, cold, and of a disagreeable aspect, which in spite of
noble reminiscences, disheartens us by its vulgarity, and reminds us
that this fine genius, the best priest of his age, was still a _Priest_.
There was scarcely any other point by which this domineering spirit
could be touched, than docility and obedience. The good Cornuau
exercised these qualities in a degree he could hardly have expected.
She gives much, and we see that she hides still more, for fear of
displeasing him. She set all her wits to work, to follow, as far as
her natural mediocrity permitted her, the tastes and ideas of this
great man. He had a genius for government; and she had it also in
miniature. She took upon herself the business of the community with
which she lived, and at the same time transacted that of her own
family. She waited in this manner fifteen years before she was allowed
to become a nun. She at last obtained this favour, and had herself
called the Sister of Saint-_Benigne_, thus assuming, rather boldly
perhaps, Bossuet's own name. These real cares, in which the prudent
director kept her a long time, had an excellent effect upon her, in
diverting and pruning her imagination. She was of an impassioned,
honest, but rather ordinary disposition; and, unfortunately for her,
she had enough good sense to confess to herself what she was. She
knows, and she tells herself, that she is only a commoner of the lower
order; that she has neither birth, wit, grace, nor connection; that she
has not even seen Versailles! What chance would she have of gaining
his favour in a struggle against the other spiritual daughters, those
fine ladies, ever brilliant even in their penitence and voluntary
abasement?
It seems that she had hoped at first to have her revenge in some other
way, and to rise above these worldly ladies by the path of mysticism.
She took it into her head one day to have visions: she wrote one, of a
very paltry imagination, which Bossuet did not encourage. What could
she do? Nature had denied her wings; she saw plainly that most
certainly she would not be able to fly. At any rate, she had no pride;
she did not try to conceal the sad condition of her heart; and this
humiliating confession escapes her; "I am bursting with jealousy."
What affects us the most is, that after having made the confession,
this poor creature, so very gentle, and so very good, sacrificed her
own feelings, and became nurse to her who was the object of her
jealousy, and then attacked by a dreadful malady. She accompanied her
to Paris, shut herself up with her, took care of her, and at last loved
her; for the very reason, perhaps, which just before had produced quite
the contrary effect--because she was loved by Bossuet.
Sister Cornuau is evidently mistaken in her jealousy; she herself is
the person preferred; we see it now by comparing the different
correspondence. For her is reserved all his paternal indulgence; for
her alone he seems at times to be affected, as much as his ordinary
gravity permits. This man, so occupied, finds time to write her nearly
two hundred letters; and he is certainly much more firm and austere
with the fine lady of whom she is jealous. He becomes short and almost
harsh towards the latter, when the business is to answer the rather
difficult confidential questions which she perseveres in putting to
him. He postpones his answer to an indefinite period ("to my entire
leisure"); and till that time, he forbids her to write upon such
subjects, otherwise "he will burn her letters without even reading them
(24th November, 1691)." He says, somewhere else, very nobly,
concerning these delicate things which may trouble the imagination,
"that it was necessary, when one was obliged to speak of, and listen to
sufferings of this sort, _to be standing with only the point of the
foot upon the earth_." This perfect honesty, which would never
understand anything in a bad sense, makes him sometimes forget the
existence of evil more than he ought, and renders him rather
incautious. Confident also in his age, then very mature, he
occasionally allows himself outbursts of mystic love, that were
indiscreet before so impassioned a witness as Sister Cornuau. In
presence of this simple, submissive, and in every respect inferior
person, he considers himself to be alone; and giving free course to the
vivacious instinct of poetry that animated him even in his old days, he
does not hesitate to make use of the mysterious language of the Song of
Solomon. Sometimes it is in order to calm his penitent, and strengthen
her chastity, that he employs this ardent language. I dare not copy
the letter (innocent, certainly, but so very imprudent) which he writes
from his country-house at Germigny (July 10, 1692), and in which he
explains the meaning of the Bride's words, "Support me with flowers,
because I languish for love." This potion, which is to cure passion by
a stronger one, is marvellously calculated to double the evil. What
surprises us much more than this imprudence is, that we find frequently
in the intimate correspondence of this great adversary of Quietism, the
greater part of the sentiments and practical maxims for which the
Quietists were reproached. He takes pleasure in developing their
favourite text, _Expectans, expectavi_. "The Bride ought not to hurry;
she must wait in expectation of what the Bridegroom will do; if, during
the expectation, he caresses the soul, and inclines it to caress him,
she must yield her heart. The means of the union is the union itself.
All the correspondence of the Bride consists in letting the Bridegroom
act."
"Jesus is admirable in the chaste embraces with which He honours His
Bride and makes her fruitful; all the virtues are the fruits of His
chaste embraces" (February 28, 1693),--"A change of life must follow;
_but without the soul even thinking of changing itself_."
This thoroughly Quietist letter is dated May 30 (1696); and eight days
after--sad inconsistency!--he writes these unfeeling words about Madame
Guyon; "They appear to me resolved to shut her up far away in some good
castle," &c.
How is it he does not perceive that in practical questions, far more
important than theory, he differs in nothing from those whom he treats
so badly? The direction, in Bossuet, as in his adversaries, is the
development of the inert and passive part of our nature, _expectans,
expectavi_.
For me it is a strange sight to see them all, even in the midst of the
middle age, crying out against the mystics, and then falling into
mysticism themselves. The declivity must, indeed, be rapid and
insurmountable.
In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the profound Rusbrock and
the great Gerson imitate precisely those they blame; and in the
seventeenth, the Quietists Bona, Fenelon, even Lacombe, Madame Guyon's
director, speak severely and harshly of the absolute Quietists: they
all point out the abyss, and all fall into it themselves.
No matter who the person may be, there is a logical fatality. The man
who, by his character and genius is the farthest removed from passive
measures, he who in his writings condemns them the most strongly, even
Bossuet, in practice tends towards them, like the others.
What signifies their writing against the theory of Quietism? Quietism
is much more a method than a system: a method of drowsiness and
indolence which we ever meet with, in one, shape or other, in religious
direction. It is useless to recommend activity, like Bossuet, or to
permit it, like Fenelon, if, preventing every active exercise of the
soul, and holding it, as it were, in leading-strings, you deprive it of
the habit, taste, and power of acting.
Is it not then an illusion, Bossuet? if the soul still seems to act,
when this activity is no longer its own, but yours. You show me a
person who moves and walks; but I see well that this appearance of
motion proceeds from your influence over that person, you yourself
being, as it were, the principle of action, the cause and reason of
living, walking, and moving.
There is always the same sum of action in the total; only, in this
dangerous affinity between the director and the person directed, all
the action is on the side of the former; he alone remains an active
force, a will, a person; he who is directed losing gradually all that
constitutes his personality, becomes--what?--a machine.
When Pascal, in his proud contempt for reason, engages us _to become
stupid_, and bend within us what he calls the _automaton_ and
_machine_, he does not see that it will only be an _exchange_ of
reason. Our reason having herself put on the bit and bridle, that of
another man will mount, ride, and guide it at his will, as he would a
horse.
If the automaton should still possess some motion, how will they lead
it? According to the _probable_ opinion, for the _probablism_ of the
Jesuits reigned in the first half of the century. Later, when its
motion ceased, the paralysed age learned from the Quietists that
immobility is perfection itself.
The decay and impotency which characterised the latter years of Louis
XIV. are rather veiled by a remnant of literary splendour; they are,
nevertheless, deeply seated. This was the natural consequence, not
only of great efforts which produce exhaustion, but also of the
theories of abnegation, impersonality, and systematic nullity, which
had always gained ground in this century. By dint of continually
repeating that one cannot walk well without being supported by another,
a generation arose that no longer walked at all, but boasted of having
forgotten what motion was, and gloried in it. Madame Guyon, in
speaking of herself, expresses forcibly, in a letter to Bossuet, what
was then the general condition: "You say, Monseigneur, there are only
four or five persons who are in this difficulty of acting for
themselves; but I tell you there are more than a hundred thousand.
When you told me to ask and desire, I found myself like a paralytic who
is told to walk because _he has legs_: the efforts he makes for that
purpose serve only to make him aware of his inability. We say, in
common parlance, _every man who has legs ought to walk_: I believe it,
and I know it; however, I have legs, but I feel plainly that I cannot
make use of them."