been in five or six battles, whilst the subjects of the state have
ruined themselves in defraying the expences of the war. Thus do abuses
creep into the best foundations.
After settling the pensions, the next thing taken in hand was to
retrieve the finances from the terrible disorder into which they were
fallen. They who understood the history of France affirmed, that for
twenty reigns past the kingdom had never been so distressed; and the
national debt being immense, a plan for the discharge of them became
absolutely necessary. A sinking fund was projected, but when funds were
to be appointed for the sinking-fund, those of the crown were found to
be all mortgaged. I myself was a witness to his majesty’s great
uneasiness, when the ministers and counsellors of state laid open to him
the condition of things. _Gentlemen_, said he to them, _you had better
have advised me against the war, than to make it on such burthensome
conditions_. Some taxes were taken off; but several imposts, created for
the charges of the war, were continued after the peace, &c. &c.
Such was the situation of France after the definitive treaty of
Aix-la-Chapelle. The domestic affairs of the crown were in no better
condition. The ministers had, during the war, assumed an unlimited
authority, made themselves despotic in their offices, and behaved
towards the subjects with that austerity which is the result of
uncontrouled power.
Whilst all Europe was congratulating itself on the general peace, advice
came to Versailles that the English were very angry with George the
Second, for having agreed to the French proposals. The parliament
addressed him for a copy of the overtures for a general pacification, to
be laid before the house.
Marshal Saxe being present when this was related to the king, said,
_Sir, those Englishmen must be very quarrelsome; they have made a peace
with us, and having now no enemy, they are for quarrelling with their
King_. I have heard very knowing politicians say, that the divisions in
Great Britain between the subjects and the Prince, are the basis of the
general tranquillity of Europe.
However, on the peace, the face of Versailles was quite changed; that
solicitous look which throws a shade even on diversions was quite
vanished; the hurry of business had ceased, and the king was now come to
himself. This tranquility of the court caused a great agitation in the
city; several women began to form designs on the King’s heart.
Among these was one Madame la Poupeliniere, married to a financier, who
had raised her from the dirt, from whence he himself likewise sprung.
They had a most delightful and splendid seat at Passy, which was always
crowded with the worst company.
I have been often told, that this woman would faint away whenever my
name happened to be mentioned. She used to say, that I had thrust myself
into her rank at court, that I held her place about the king, and that
all the honours paid to me at Versailles, of right belonged to her. She
would, at any rate, be Lewis the Fifteenth’s mistress.
This was a scheme put into her head by the Duke de Richelieu; mean time
he practised on her heart, to give it a turn for tenderness. This
intrigue was carried on with an air of mystery. The Duke used, at
nights, to convey himself into the lady’s chamber through an opening
contrived in the chimney; and this opening Richelieu assured her should,
in no long time, conduct her to the little apartments of Versailles. In
the interim, this creature, to make herself more worthy of the
Sovereign, prostituted herself to one of his subjects; but a
chambermaid, in a fit of resentment, discovered the whole mystery. The
financier, who had for some time wanted to get rid of his wife, gladly
embraced this opportunity; he made the public witness to his infamy, so
that all Paris flocked to see the ungrateful perfidy of this ambitious
woman.
The gallant perhaps, now no less satiated than the husband, made very
light of the discovery; and came to Versailles, not imagining that the
court as yet knew any thing of the matter; but I had intelligence of his
adventure an hour before it was made public. The King was alone in my
apartment when he came in; _Sir_, (said I to him) _there is not in all
Europe a more close agent in amorous intrigues than his Grace of
Richelieu there before you; for to be the more secret with the ladies
whom he would bring acquainted with your Majesty, he visits them through
the chimney_. The King asked me what I meant; I immediately unfolded the
riddle to him, which set us a laughing, and Richelieu himself laughed as
much as any.
Other women likewise laid out for the little apartments at Versailles,
and got into them without going under ground. Lewis XV. was very fond of
these flighty amours, of which possession is both the beginning and end.
But his humours did not in the least abate the affection with which he
honoured me, always returning to me more constant than ever.
Since the peace, the Count de Maurepas took a pleasure in censuring
every thing that was done at court, and giving it a ridiculous turn.
This minister had his private suppers like the King himself; and here it
was where, every night, the crown was turned into drollery.
Several disputes had passed between us since my living at Versailles,
and in which he had used me with much pride and haughtiness; his passion
made him forget his rank, and use words quite unbecoming such a man as
he. I slightly intimated it to the King, being unwilling to hurt a man
who was of use to the state.
It has been given out, that my very first design on my coming to
Versailles was to supplant this minister. Now that such a thought should
have come into my mind, is not possible. The King, in giving me a
character of his chief ministers, spoke with great approbation of the
Count de Maurepas, which alone was sufficient to make me take a liking
to him. But a close assiduity in dry and difficult affairs, for above
thirty years successively, had extremely soured his temper, so that at
times no body durst go near him. M. le Guai, his first clerk, told me,
that in those moments he was bristled like a porcupine; his harshness
infected his correspondence, scolding those who were a thousand leagues
from him, and treating them without any regard to their rank and
character. He wrote to the French consul, at one of the Levant ports, in
the following manner:
“I order you, Sir, to write to me no more, but repair to France in
the first ship; and come to Paris, where you are to wait my orders,
without appearing at court.
I am, &c.”
His caustic temper mingled itself even with his feasts, and would break
out even in the midst of pleasure and sociality. It was in these parties
that he was most fluent and licentious in satire. I was one day
informed, that he had spoken against me in very indecent terms, and had
even brought in the King. I at first determined flatly to complain to
his Majesty, but on reflection I chose to write to himself.
“_Sir, I am informed of your scandalous speeches concerning me, and
even the King your master. As for what you say of me, it gives me
no manner of concern; but I cannot overlook any scurrility on the
King. I value his reputation; and be assured, that if you do not
alter your behaviour toward him, I shall lay it before him, and you
must expect the punishment which such an offence deserves._
_I am, &c._”
All the effect of this letter was, that it increased his malignity
towards me, saying to those who were at supper with him; _Now,
Gentlemen, my disgrace is surely at hand, Pompadour threatens me_: then,
reassuming his gravity, he added, by way of reflection, _See what
Versailles is come to_; _the very women of pleasure pretend to domineer
there_. These words were precisely reported to me; however, I took no
notice of them; but some time after, this minister, amidst his cups,
sang some scandalous couplets against the King himself, and before a
great deal of company. Of this insolence I informed his Majesty, and he
was ordered to quit the court.
His exile making a great noise in the world, and a construction being
put on it which affected his probity and character, I begged of the King
to declare in public, that he was satisfied with his conduct. His
Majesty did so; and let this serve as a specimen of his temper; a
prince, after being insolently ridiculed by a subject who owed him great
obligations, still vouchsafed to shew tenderness for him.
The government was at a loss for a person fit to succeed M. Maurepas at
the head of the marine, as now it was become a state mystery. It had
been under Maurepas’s sole management during thirty years. M. Rouillé
was pitched on, though no great genius; but he had formed specious
plans, and assured the King that within three years he should have a
navy of fourscore ships of the line. _I wish_, said the King, _he may
make his words good, but I much fear he will fall very short_.
Italy was perfectly at ease; the infant Don Philip had made his entrance
into Parma: we heard at Versailles that he lived very gaily there amid
concerts, plays, and balls. _I am afraid_, said the King, _that young
Prince is too fond of balls, and my daughter will be perpetually
dancing_.
M. de Noailles used to say, that _every country dance of Don Philip, in
Italy, cost Spain a hundred thousand livres; and his mother had paid the
fiddlers before-hand_.
The Duke of Modena was restored to his dominions, and had all Don
Philip’s passion for splendour and entertainments; but the war had
ruined him: the Duchess used to say openly, in the palace, _his Highness
has not wherewith to make one single minuet step_. She came to court
without shoes, to shew the King the indigence to which the war had
reduced their duchy. _Madam_, said his Majesty to her, _I am not in a
much better condition myself; but I have a shoe-maker, who, if you
please, shall wait on you_.
Genoa was free, subject only to its own government, now re-established
on its ancient footing. The ambassador from the court of Vienna, meeting
that senate’s envoy in the great gallery of Versailles, said to him;
_Sir, the house of Austria forgives your republic its revolution, only
intends to be up with it_.
Rome was at rest, the foreign armies which, during the war, had been
such a burden and terror to it, being withdrawn.
Naples, now no longer under a necessity of exhausting itself of men and
money, was beginning to recover: all it stood in need of, was only quiet
enjoyment of its fertile soil and climate. Concerning this small state,
I remember a foreign minister once said to me, that _if ever he had been
so ambitious as to aim at a sovereignty, it would not be that of
Germany, France, or Spain, but to be King of Naples_. His reason was,
that _there the power was derived directly from heaven; and is the
immediate gift of God the Father himself_.
The nobility still complained at court of having greatly hurt their
fortunes in the war, and were continually solliciting compensations and
rewards.
The Prince of Conti, lately created Grand Prior of France, said openly,
that his horses had no hay. _I wonder_, said Marshal Belleisle, _they
are not yet dead, for so long ago as when we were at Coni, his Highness
used to complain of the scarcity of forage_.
Lewis XV. did all he could to repair the fortunes of the great by posts,
pensions, or governments; but he had a greater concern on his hands,
which was to repair that of the nation.
I remember once he mildly said to some, who were unbecomingly urgent,
that he would take care of them; _Have a little patience, I will provide
for all as far as possible; but before I attend to private houses, the
great family of the state must be provided for_. Another time he said,
before the whole court, to a groupe of officers who talked much of their
campaigns, and asked rewards: _Gentlemen, you have indeed done me great
services in the war, but it is my desire you will do me still a greater
in peace, which is to allow me first to ease those who have borne the
whole weight of the war. You only lent a hand_, _but they have
exhausted their whole substance in it_, &c. &c.
Marshal Belleisle was not overlooked; besides pensions, ranks, and
honours heaped on him, all the bodies of the state, as it were, strove
which should pay him the greatest marks of respect. The French Academy
itself, on his leaving Paris to go to his government, composed a formal
harangue, proving him the deliverer of France. A man of wit has called
the members of the French academy _the most elegant liars in Europe_.
The new naval minister was busily searching for timber, seamen, and
money, all over the provinces; but he looked for what was not to be
found. On his return to Versailles, appeared the following memorial, by
an unknown hand.
MEMORIAL on the MARINE.
“FRANCE should not think of forming a navy gradually; such a plan is
impracticable; for the English, who have an eye to the building of
every ship we put on the stocks, and build additional ships in
proportion, thereby always secure a superiority.
“Thus Great Britain having, at present, a hundred ships of the line more
than France, will consequently always exceed us by that number, were we
to build three hundred ships of war within ten years.
“We have often set about forming a navy, but our endeavours have always
been defeated by the Britons. They have taken our ships in times of
profound peace, and declared themselves our enemies by sea, before any
war had commenced; their vigilance in preventing any thing which might
affect the superiority of their navy, pays no regard to justice or good
faith. A King of England would be immediately dethroned by his subjects,
should he be for adhering to the treaties made with France. It is a
tacit maxim with that nation, that a treaty is to subsist only whilst
France builds no ships.
“Time, which to all other disorders of government brings a remedy, here
renders the disease incurable: building therefore is too slow a way;
they know at London the very day when any ship of war is finished, and
when to be launched.
“This part of political strength must be formed at once, and unknown to
the admiralty of England. We should without delay apply to Holland,
Denmark, the republic of Genoa, and Venice; and there, at once, purchase
a proper number of ships; and if those states cannot fully supply us,
there is Malta, Algiers, Tripoli, Constantinople, &c. No matter from
what nation we have ships, or how they are built, if they will but hold
men and guns.
“Herein the strictest secrecy must be observed, and the purchases all
punctually made at one and the same appointed time; for should the
English get any intelligence of our design, they would either by open
force, or negotiation, prevent any such purchase.
“The want of seamen still remains; but here again we may supply
ourselves by the same method. In time of peace, the Maritime powers have
a great many more seamen than they want; it is only making good offers
to those men; for the sailor, like the soldier, is for the best bidder;
his natural Prince is money, &c. &c.”
M. Rouillé, on reading this memorial, said, _The author has forgot the
main thing, money. He would have us purchase a navy all at once, but
does not provide wherewith to pay for it at once_.
A statesman has often observed, that most of the projects offered at the
court of France are deficient in the very foundation. The schemer writes
on in prosecution of his notions, till meeting a rock, when all his
specious reasonings are wrecked.
M. de Belleisle told me that, in his closet, he had hundreds of memoirs
for increasing the revenue and the national wealth, inscribed to him by
the finest genius’s of the kingdom; and that he might perhaps publish
them with this title, _A collection of very fine, and very useless
projects_. “Idle people, said he, often have thoughts which the business
of placemen does not allow them to have:” and added, “that though
memorial writers do not always make good their points, yet their
strictures often put others on effectual improvements.”
After the peace, the King had sent the Duke de Mirepoix to London: on
which Marshal Saxe said, that this nobleman was perfectly fit for the
embassy, having a very handsome leg, and dancing prettily, which might
be of good consequence in a court which delighted in balls. The reasons
which induced the King to this choice, have always been unknown to me.
He never so much as mentioned it to me till it was done. A very
intelligent man, whom the king had often employed in state affairs, said
to me, at that time, “that M. de Mirepoix was neither supple nor
complaisant enough for the English; neither was he sufficiently
acquainted with the respective interests of the two nations: besides,
continued he, he has a great defect for an ambassador, he is too honest,
so that the English will impose on him.” He might perhaps have added,
with equal truth, that he had not a capacity equal to that employment.
M. de Mirepoix had spent his youth in diversions, and the latter part of
his life in war; now the science of negotiation is not learnt either at
the play-house or in the camp.
This minister’s constant note was, that the court of St. James’s was
perfectly pleased with the peace, and all its thoughts turned on the
enjoyment of it. He indeed wrote no more than he believed; for George
the Second made him believe whatever he pleased.
The English minister at Paris was my Lord Albemarle, like ours, no great
negociator. He had been taught his lesson by heart before he left
London, and when at Versailles only repeated it. On any representation
of the court of France being informed that the British court was making
military preparations, he answered, that it was a mistake. This M. de
Puisieux was continually saying to him, and his answer was ever the
same. English policy is much more easy than the French, having but one
path; so that when once a British minister has got into it, he need but
go straight on.
I saw this minister sometimes; he spoke our language better than common,
and expressed himself even with energy. He loved expence, and lived
nobleman-like, but he appeared to me to have one fault, though indeed it
is common to all the English; his very prodigalities had somthing of
parsimony in them. George the Second, who had a great kindness for him,
supplied his expences; for though he lived so high, he was very poor: an
Englishman, who had known him at London, speaking of his arrival at
Paris, said, “My Lord will get a mistress there, run in debt, and die by
some accident.” The prophecy was fully accomplished: He lived with a
girl, borrowed large sums, and died suddenly.
Lewis XV. was more constantly with me than ever; I had brought him to a
custom of seeing me every day, and never spending less than five or six
hours in my apartment: I accompanied him in all the journies, and had my
apartments in all the royal seats. The more I became acquainted with his
Majesty, the more I perceived the exceeding goodness of his heart.
My husband loudly complained of my living at Versailles, and wrote to me
a very passionate letter, full of reproaches against me, and still more
against the King; amidst other indiscreet terms, calling him tyrant. As
I was reading this letter, the King came into my apartment; I
immediately thrust it into my pocket; the emotion with which I received
his Majesty, shewed me to be under some disorder; I was for concealing
the cause, but on his repeated instances, I put my husband’s letter into
his hands. He read it through without the least sign of resentment: I
assured him that I had no share in his temerity; and the better to
convince him of it, desired that he would punish the writer severely.
_No, Madam_, said he to me, with that air of goodness which is so
natural to him, _your husband is unhappy, and should rather be pitied_.
History does not afford a like passage of moderation in an injured King.
My spouse, on being informed of it, left the kingdom to travel.
Though the peace had diffused quiet through Europe, it caused violent
agitations in the political bodies of France. The parliament of Paris,
amidst its many remonstrances to Lewis XV. exhorted him in a very fine
speech, to take off the _twentieth denier_. The deputies of that body
expressed themselves in this manner:
_So many millions of men now in indigence, stand in need of immediate
ease and relief; whereas, should they be still obliged to pay the
twentieth denier, they will be quite unable to lift up their heads
again, and repair their shattered fortune, and hence a general
despondency._
_Whole families will be reduced to the most dreadful distress, and thus
be afraid of leaving behind them a numerous issue, which would be a
burden to them whilst living, and to whom they can transmit no other
inheritance than their wretchedness._
_The number of children, who are the hope and support of the state, will
be continually decreasing, the villages will be thinned, trade languish,
and the culture of land in a great measure at a stand. The ruin of the
farmers will necessarily be followed by that of the nobility, as their
estates will suffer a very considerable diminution; and thus these
people, and that brave nobility, whose valour is their soul and chief
resource, will be involved in one common ruin._
Count Saxe used to call the deputies of the parliament the great-chamber
pedants. _They are for teaching the administration_, says he, _what it
knows better than themselves. They are always harping on the distempers
of the state, without any word of a remedy._ Once, as the first
president was delivering a pathetic harangue before the King, proving
the necessity of lessening the weight of the taxes, his Majesty cut him
short with these words: _Mr. President, let but the parliament enable me
to pay off the state debts, and defray the present expences of the
Monarchy, and very readily will I abolish every, tax, duty, and impost._
A man of wit, and who knows the French temper, used to say, that these
useless representations were become necessary, as keeping up the
people’s spirits, who, without a declared Protector, would think
themselves for ever undone.
In Cardinal de Fleury’s indolent ministry, and the subsequent wars, the
government had not been able to take into consideration an abuse which
manifestly tended to dispeople the monarchy. Religion, in all wise
governments, a source of population, was thinning the human species. All
France was mouldering away in convents: every town and village had
numerous communities of girls, who made vows against having children.
The following letter, which I received from a nun at Lyons, and
communicated to the King, occasioned deliberations for reforming this
abuse.
“MADAM,
“I was at first for writing to the Pope, but, on farther
reflection, I thought it would be full as well to apply to you. The
point is this: when I was but seven years of age, my parents shut
me up in the convent where I now am; and on my entering into my
fifteenth year, two nuns signified to me an order to take the veil.
I deferred complying for some time; for though quite a stranger to
every thing but the house I was in, yet I suspected there must be
another kind of world than the convent, and another state than that
of a nun; but the sister of _Jesus’s heart_, our mother, in order
to fix my call, said to me, that all women who married were damned,
because they lie with a man, and bore children: this set me
a-crying most bitterly for my poor mother, as burning eternally in
hell for having brought me into the world.
“I took the veil; but now that I am twenty years of age, and my
constitution formed, I daily feel that I am not made for this
state, and think I want something; and that something, or I am much
mistaken, is a husband.
“My talking continually of matrimony sets the community a-madding;
the sister of the _Holy Ghost_ tells me, that I am Jesus Christ’s
spouse; but, for my part, I feel myself much inclined to a second
marriage with a man.
“On a young girl’s coming into a convent, half a dozen wheedlers
get about her, and never leave her till they have persuaded her to
take the veil. Children are buried every day in monasteries, whilst
their early age does not admit of any solid reflections on the vows
they are drawn to make.