but he was born a General. His very enemies (and these at Versailles
were not few) have done him this justice, that never man surpassed him
for a quick and comprehensive penetration. He instantly discerned what
other commanders discovered only by time and circumstances. Maurice not
only foresaw events, but also produced them; so that he may in some
measure be said to have determined fate. This general made war
geometrically, never coming to a battle till he had in demonstration
gained it. He was said also to be possessed of the great Turenne’s
distinguishing qualities, that is, to harrass and perplex the enemy by
his dexterity in encamping and decamping; a kind of petty war, which
seldom fails of leading to great advantages.
This picture, however, is none of my own; I only speak after some of the
trade, who used to talk to me in this manner.
Whilst the war was prospering abroad, things went wrong at home. The
King was at a loss for ministers. The Count de Maurepas put the marine
in as good a condition as the English and the state of affairs would
allow: but the other departments were in a terrible disorder. The
foreign affairs were offered to one Villeneuve, an old man, who had been
a long time ambassador at the Porte, where, though his merit has been
much cried up, he had ruined the Turky trade, by turning merchant
himself. He came home from his ambassy with immense riches, chiefly
extorted from the merchants of Marseilles. His principal qualities were
management and parsimony. These virtues, so much countenanced by
Cardinal Fleury, were greatly in vogue at Versailles. Niggardliness bore
the sway. The decrepid ambassador declined the post, doubtless as being
attended with more pains than profit. Besides, I have heard those who
knew him personally say, that he was not in the least fit for that
branch of government. His abilities had been much talked of, for having
brought about a peace between the Porte and the house of Austria; but at
Constantinople, these sort of negociations are carried on without a
minister’s having any great share in them. I have it from M. de
Maurepas, that the chief instrument in that affair, was a French
linguist, one de Laria, who was perfectly well acquainted with the
temper of the Turks, and had been employed by Villeneuve in that
negociation.
In the mean time, affairs in Italy did not go so well as could be
wished; Don Philip had taken and retaken Savoy, but could not make his
way into the country of Placentia.
The King of Naples, whom only a captain of an English ship had
compelled to a neutrality, because he was not in a condition to arm,
broke it as soon as he had got himself in readiness for war.
He had advanced as far as Veletri, where Prince Lobkowitz endeavouring
to surprise him, was himself surprised. The loss was great on both
sides, and, as I have heard from very experienced officers, the case was
then as it almost ever is on such occasions, they both weakened
themselves, and without any advantage even to the victor.
Lobkowitz fled before the King of Naples, who pursued him into the
Ecclesiastical State; so that Rome itself was in a consternation, on
seeing two armies at its gates.
A small event, which fell out at this time in Germany, shews the great
injustice of war, in making the belligerant powers overlook the very
laws of nations, which should every where be inviolable.
The King had sent Marshal Belleisle to several German courts in quality
of his ambassador, and, as such, he was negociating the affairs of the
crown; yet this minister, in his way along the skirts of the country of
Hanover, was seized, and sent over to England as a state prisoner.
This general was treated with great regard, and one of the royal seats
appointed for his residence; but this splendid hospitality only the more
exposed the injustice of that nation.
The Marshal has since told me, that he was not at all sorry for his
detention, as it had given him an opportunity of studying the temper of
that capricious people in their own country. I have heard him say a
hundred times, that a Briton was the riddle of human nature; he would
say, it is easy to discern what the bulk of the nation is, but there is
no knowing the individuals. According to him, a definition may be given
of the English in general, but it is impossible to say what an
Englishman is.
Vienna, Berlin, and Versailles, were busied in the same plans which had
been concerted in the council, when an unforeseen event brought on some
change in the dispositions. Charles VII, that unfortunate emperor, who
had not known a moment’s quiet on the august throne of the Cæsars, died.
If it be nature only which can make men happy, he was of all men the
most miserable. He had long laboured under great pains and sufferings
from the badness of his constitution; and ambition, which is ever the
predominant distemper in sovereigns, added to his bodily pains: amidst
his infirmities, all his thoughts were about securing himself on a
throne, which the ill state of his health was soon to deprive him of.
Many were the vicissitudes of his reign. He was once very near being
without a place to hide his head. He has often been obliged to quit his
capital, and shift his abode; so that the successor of the masters of
the world was sometimes without either house or home.
He was paid by France for being Emperor. He had an allowance of six
millions of livres to support a rank which, for that very reason, did
not belong to him. They who are acquainted with the causes of the rise
and fall of houses, say, that the misfortunes of that of Bavaria were
owing to its alliance with that of Bourbon; and this, it seems, will
ever be the case of petty states uniting with the greater.
On the decease of Charles VII. France looked out for an Emperor in
Germany; for that Charles’s son could quietly succeed his father, was
impossible. He was not of a proper age; neither had he the means to
maintain himself on the Imperial throne, even had there been an
intention to place him on it: yet was he thought of, but no farther than
in appearance; it was only a feigned scheme. A very sensible man was
lately saying to me, There is a meanness in princes which I cannot
forgive: they feign to wish what they do not intend, and yet act as if
they did intend it. This duplicity has cost the lives of multitudes of
brave men, and ruins the commonwealth.
Some fruitless strokes were again struck for insuring the Imperial
sceptre to a Prince, who was known not to be able to keep it; but the
young Elector, with more wisdom than his father, renounced a throne on
which his allies could not maintain him, and thereby did more good to
France, than could have accrued to her from the most happy successes of
her policy.
A tender was then made to the King of Poland; and in this choice, France
had the advantage of detaching from the house of Austria a powerful
Sovereign. It has been said that the Elector of Saxony declined the
empire: but Marshal Belleisle told me, that he could not accept of it,
and that he saw the impracticability of such a thing, on the very first
mention made to him of it. A King of Poland, Emperor of Germany, would
have thrown all the northern courts into a flame; and this double
Monarch would have had as many wars on his hands, as there were then
Sovereigns in Germany. Thus seeing the impossibility of such an
acquisition, he made a merit with the Queen of Hungary of his inability,
entering into a closer alliance with her, for placing the great Duke of
Tuscany, her spouse, on the throne of the Cæsars. Could it be thought
that policy was no motive herein, the King of Poland might be accounted
a Prince of eminent probity. He had a defensive treaty with the Queen of
Hungary, so that he sacrificed his ambition to that alliance; a very
rare procedure in the history of sovereigns!
The Prince of Soubise, talking over these matters with me, said, that
the irregularity of the treaties in Germany, after the death of Charles
VII. had forced France to be more regular in its conduct relating to the
northern affairs; and ever since it has kept itself to a defensive war,
which certainly was its only proper policy.
Germany being left to itself, Flanders became the seat of action.
Maurice had prepared every thing there for one of those bold strokes
which determine the destiny of states. He laid siege to Tournay, the
King himself being present in person; this siege endangered Holland,
which on this occasion was eager for coming to blows.
It was with astonishment I read in the annals of those times, that this
tribe of merchants, who have no thoughts beyond trade and parsimony,
should now have been the first in calling for a battle, the loss of
which might have been fatal to the republic.
The battle of Fontenoy was fought, and the allies lost it. This victory
has made a great noise in the world; but by the detail which a general
officer at my desire gave me of it, I do not find it to be one of those
events which greatly heighten a nation’s glory.
The French army was much more numerous than the allies, and both the
King and Dauphin were present; the presence of these two Princes, thus
eye-witnesses of the bravery of their troops, created a second courage,
which in gaining victories goes farther than the first: the magazines
were full; the soldiers wanted for nothing; the household-troops were
there; and the whole was commanded by an experienced general, whom the
troops idolized, as capable of the greatest enterprizes: the Princes of
the blood, the Dukes, Peers, and almost all the nobility of the kingdom,
fought along with the soldiery, sharing their dangers and glory; in a
word, the whole French monarchy was present at Fontenoy. If, with all
these advantages, the allies had got the better, there would have been
an end of the monarchy; for the enemy was marching to the gates of
Paris. I am far from intending here to lessen the glory of Marshal Saxe,
who conducted the action.
He has often given me an account of it since the peace, and I find that
here, tho’ then very low in health, he surpassed himself. His thoughts
were every where, and he remedied every thing: whatever an able
commander could do, he really performed. Some persons of the trade,
however, have affirmed to me, that very great faults were committed that
day; and that to repair them, it was frequently necessary to disobey the
General’s orders. The Duke de Biron took on himself to keep the post of
Antoin, though he had been expressly ordered to quit it. But in my
opinion, one of the most considerable was, leaving the King and the
Dauphin, during the whole action, on the spot where they had placed
themselves. A general rout, and this rout was two or three times very
near happening, would have exposed France to the worst of misfortunes.
It has been said in several histories, that the Marshal was so confident
of gaining the battle, that he made no doubt of it; but he has often
told me himself, that two or three times he apprehended it lost, and
that he had always doubted of the victory till the household had
charged. One evident proof of his uncertainty was, his sending two or
three times to the King to withdraw.
I was extremely uneasy about this important event, when a letter was
brought me from his Majesty. I opened it with trembling hands, and found
it as follows:
From the camp at Fontenoy, an hour
after the battle.
“Madam,
“I saw all lost, till Marshal Saxe retrieved all: he has surpassed
himself in this action; my troops fought with invincible courage;
the houshold especially performed wonders; I owe the victory to
that corps. The French noblesse fought under my eye; it was with
pleasure I beheld their heroic valour.”
* * * * *
* * * * *
* * * * *
These three lines were in cyphers.
This letter was very acceptable, and removed all my fears.
From the time of the King’s departure from France, I had often converse
with the Abbe de Bernis, who had been recommended to me to keep me
company during the King’s absence.
He had been introduced into the great world by women; for he had all
those little talents with which our sex are so taken, compliance,
affability, genteel ways, suppleness, gaiety, fluency of speech, a
smooth tongue, a pretty knack at versifying, and all those qualities set
off with a very handsome person.
This Abbe was never at a loss for well turned compliments to the ladies,
so that he was always welcome among the sex. As in our first
conversations he never dropt the least intimation about preferment; I
imagined that, at last, I had met with a truly worthy person, one whose
noble soul soared above riches and honour. But I was mistaken; this Abbe
was eaten up with a desire of court distinction, concealing an unbounded
ambition under a hypocritical disinterestedness. His apartment, as I
have been informed, was, as it were, a perfect warehouse of memoirs;
some related to the farms of the revenues, others to œconomy, some
concerning war, some the navy, and others the finances. He had a
wonderful readiness at forming projects. He could scheme any thing he
had a mind to.
The action of Fontenoy led the way to other conquests in Austrian
Flanders, and the Flemings every where received Lewis XV. with the
loudest acclamations. I have read in most of the revolutions of the
world, that the people greatly rejoice at a change of masters.
This victory caused a general revolution; the Germans and English
determined to break into the kingdom. They made their way by Provence
and Bretagne, but they only shewed themselves. The Austrians passed the
Var, and then repassed it. The English landed and returned to their
ships. Our modern history is full of these military follies. Posterity
will ever be at a loss why General Sinclair, who commanded in this
expedition, after bringing a French city to capitulate, moved off
without reaping the fruits of the capitulation.
They who shall read the annals of our age, will scarce believe that the
cabinets of Europe could have committed so many faults, and that the
Generals of armies could have fallen into so many errors.
The Genoese, who had introduced the Spaniards into Italy, were forsaken
by them; so that the state of Genoa was invaded by the Austrians, who
even made themselves masters of the capital. They first required of the
Genoese what money they had, and after stripping them, demanded still
more.
In the mean time the German army was in pursuit of the French and
Spaniards, and crossing the Var after them, took post in Provence.
Botta, in whose care the city had been left, and who was at St. Peter
des Arenes, forgot that he had no army to keep it, and that what
remained in that suburb, was only a sickly half-dead multitude; the
consequence of which was a sudden revolution, too strong for him to
suppress.
The Genoese, whom a large army had awed into submission, recovered their
freedom on its departure. Here Botta was guilty of a great oversight; he
proposed to the senate to join him against the rebels, as he called
them, not perceiving that they underhand encouraged the insurrection:
they readily promised to act in concert with him; but this was only to
give the people time to gather and unite their strength: it was too late
when the general came to be aware of their design; he fled with such
precipitancy, as to leave all his magazines behind.
The King shewed me a letter sent to court from a Genoese Senator, giving
a particular account of the whole transaction; the beginning, progress,
and end of the scheme laid for shaking off the Austrian yoke. The great
council had for some time secretly promoted it. It was not setting the
Genoese to draw cannon, which occasioned its revolution; it might indeed
hasten the execution of it; but the plan had been concerted long before:
thus is posterity often misled in histories, attributing to accident
what was the effect of premeditated design.
This deliverance was attended with another happiness to Genoa; it had at
that time no citizen who could have deprived the Republic of its
liberty. The juncture was extremely favourable; the people had got the
whole power of the state into their hands. Now I have heard our
politicians say, that on such junctures, giving money, and granting
privileges, will carry every point.
This revolution, which seemed only a private concern, changed the system
of general affairs. The Austrians, who intended to besiege Toulon, and
lay Marseilles under contribution, were obliged to repass the Var, for
want both of shelter and provisions.
The court of Vienna, inflamed at this event, blocked up Genoa, and
threatened the inhabitants with the severest treatment, if they did not
immediately surrender; but the Genoese, being supported by the French,
made a vigorous resistance, without being intimidated by menaces; and
Boufflers, and afterwards the Duke de Richelieu, were sent to command
there. M. Maurepas has often told me, that it was a great oversight in
the English, who blocked up Genoa by sea, in not having a number of
flat-bottomed boats to hinder any French succours from getting into
Genoa.
This precaution would have changed the whole disposition of affairs in
Italy. Genoa, then incapable of any further resistance must have
surrendered to the Austrians, and the Infant Don Philip, the subject of
the war, would never have seen Parma and Placentia.
Lewis XV. after taking seven fine cities in Flanders, returned to Paris;
and it may be said that never was such joy displayed in that city, as at
the sight of this Prince; every street rang with shouts of gladness and
applause.
Amidst the many checks which England had met with in Flanders, the
Pretender conveyed himself into Scotland. As he had neither armies nor
ships, some courtiers said, _he had swam thither_. It was not very
difficult to foresee the issue of this enterprize, every step and
circumstance of it being irregular. A very intelligent man told me at
that time, that the most fortunate thing which could happen to the
Pretender, would be to get out of Scotland as clandestinely as he got
in: but he was a young man, rather fond of executing his projects in a
singular manner, than concerned about the success of them.
This enterprize, however ill conducted, had one advantage for
Versailles, that it caused a diversion in England. France has always
made use of the house of Stuart for its private views. I am sorry that
George II. who wanted neither courage nor firmness, should have shewn
any uneasiness at it. An English nobleman told me, that he caused the
London militia to take an oath, that they did not in any-wise believe
that the pope had ever a right of causing Princes to be murdered. He
also had the records of Rochester searched for the form of the
excommunication anciently denounced by the Popes, to stimulate the
English against the see of Rome. I would not have Princes stoop to
trifles, which always betray a weak mind; a prince on the throne should
act with magnanimity.
The Pretender published a manifesto in vindication of his rights,
addressed to the people of England; but this manifesto contained only
empty words, whilst George had on his side troops and cannon.
Marshal Belleisle more than once took notice to me of a remarkable
passage in this manifesto. Prince Edward there owns that the house of
Stuart lost the English throne in some measure by its own fault, and
promises amendment. _If_, says he, _the complaints formerly brought
against our family did take their rise from some errors in our
administration; it has sufficiently expiated them_.--Young Edward took
possession of the kingdoms of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, in
his father’s name, declaring himself regent. For England well and good;
but thus to make a king of France, was too hasty. Those titles, however,
resting on no surer grounds than the possession, as quickly
disappeared.
At this time France endeavoured to keep the Dutch neuter; both courts
published manifestoes, and the ministers negociated: but this project of
neutrality produced only a fresh paper war. The Abbe de la Ville
presented memorials drawn up with great pomp and accuracy of stile, and
he was answered with an elegant conciseness; but fighting still went on.
The face of affairs in Germany had changed; the King of Prussia
acknowledged the Great Duke of Tuscany Emperor, and made his peace with
the house of Austria. I have often heard a smart saying of Marshal
Belleisle on this head. _I very well knew_, said he, _that this man, who
is so fond of war, would incline to peace on the first opportunity to
his advantage_.
M. Soubise more than once said to me, _That Monarch would have owned the
Pope for Emperor, had any Sovereign in Germany given him only a hundred
square acres of land_. This peace was so far advantageous to France, as
it diminished the power of the house of Austria. Apparently Italy alone
would be the sufferer, as it was to be supposed that the Queen of
Hungary, being quite at leisure in Germany, would be for fighting on the
other side the Alps. She sent reinforcements to the Low Countries,
which, however, could not hinder Marshal Saxe from taking Brussels. It
was then that Lewis XV. to compleat the conquest of Austrian Flanders,
set out to command the army in person.
Our progresses were very rapid; the King’s presence, and the soldiers
confidence in Marshal Saxe’s abilities, made every thing easy. It was
otherwise with the Pretender in Scotland, who fled before the enemy, and
at length lost a decisive battle against the Duke of Cumberland.
In these circumstances it was that M. d’Argenson wrote, though
indirectly, to the English government, in favour of young Edward. A man
of wit has since shewed me how extremely ridiculous this was; for had
there been a design that Edward should not out-live his temerity, a
better method could not have been invented for having him made away
with.
That minister represented him to the court as a relation of the King’s,
for whose person and qualities this Monarch had the highest value. He
insisted that King George was a Prince of too much equity, not to
perceive the Pretender’s son’s merit. This manifesto afterwards told the
English, that they ought to admire him for those qualities of an eminent
patriot, which so conspicuously shone in him. It then proceeded to the
dangerous consequences which might result to England, from any severe
treatment to young Edward, &c. They did not see that this declaration
must have produced a quite contrary effect to that proposed. The
Pretender’s crime was not his coming over to Scotland, but in being
France’s ally. Consistent people said, either Prince Edward is a rebel,
or King George is an usurper; and Sovereigns should not countenance
rebels, nor solicit usurpers.
The invention of this intercessory letter is fathered on a Cardinal, who
being a member of the sacred college, was for securing the Pretender’s
retreat; whereas it was the very way to obstruct it. Accordingly
England, making no account of this manifesto, set a price on his head,
and some Lords who had taken up arms for him, were publicly beheaded.
Whilst all the Princes of Europe were at war together, their ministers
were repairing to Breda, to negociate a peace. This necessarily
increased the business of cabinets, having both military and pacific
operations on the carpet. The dearth of ministers still continued in
France; none could be found capable of healing the public misfortunes.
M. d’Argenson, who had the foreign affairs, only increased the
confusion. They were committed to M. de Puisieux, who was then at Breda,
where he was ordered to feign great zeal and assiduity in bringing about
a definitive treaty; this was only a feint, he was in reality employed
at Versailles. On his nomination, he said to the King, _Sire, I will do
all I can, but I beg your Majesty to believe that I cannot work
miracles_.
Marshal Saxe humorously said, _None but a saint or a devil can set the
French administration right_. This gave occasion to a courtier
afterwards to say, that we must be without friends, both in hell and
heaven; this so much warned saint or devil having not yet made his
appearance in France.