PART II.

"Every nation," it has been said, "makes most account of its own, and

cares little for the heroes of other nations. Don John of Austria, as

defender of Christendom, was the hero of all nations." He was the hero

of "the battle of Lepanto which," as Alison remarks, "arrested forever

the danger of Mahometan invasion in the south of Europe." As De Bonald

adds, it was from that battle, that the decline of the Turkish power

dates. "It cost the Turks more than the mere loss of ships and of men;

they lost that moral force which is the mainstay of conquering nations."

It is not necessary in this sketch of the life of Don John, to enter

into any details about the tedious negotiations which preceded the

coalition of the naval forces of Spain, Venice, and the Pope. Suffice it

to say, that repulsed from Malta by the heroism of the Knights of St.

John, the Turks next turned their naval armaments against Cyprus, then

held by the Venetians. Menaced in one of her most valuable possessions,

the Republic of Venice, too long the half-hearted foe of the Turks,

turned in her distress, for help to the Vatican and to the Escorial. St.

Pius V. sat in the See of Peter. He turned no deaf ear to an appeal that

seemed likely to bring about what the Roman Pontiffs had long desired--a

new crusade against the Turks. Philip the Second, ever wary, ever

dilatory, more able than the Pope to assist Venice, was less ready to do

so. Spain would willingly have done what she could to destroy the

Turkish power, but her monarch was not sorry to humble Venice, even to

the profit of the infidel. So diplomatic delays and underhand intrigues

delayed the relief of Cyprus, and the standard of the Sultan soon was

hoisted over the walls of Famagusta--to remain there until replaced in

our times--thanks to the wisdom of a great statesman--by the "meteor

flag of England."

The terror caused by the fall of Cyprus, brought about after many

negotiations, a league between the Republic, the Papacy, and the Spanish

monarchy. A mighty naval armament was to be gathered together, and its

commander was to be Don John of Austria. His success in subduing the

Moriscoes naturally designated him, in spite of his extreme youth, for

this high command. His operations, indeed, had been so far chiefly on

land, but in the sixteenth century, a man might one day command a

squadron of cavalry and on the next, a squadron of galleys. General and

admiral were convertible terms. There was, indeed, some division of

labor. Sailors navigated and soldiers fought the ship. And, as there is

more resemblance between the row-galleys of Don John's epoch and the

steam driven vessels of our times than there is between these and the

ships which Nelson and Collingwood led to victory, perhaps we shall

return to the old state of things and again send our soldiers to sea!

To return, however, to our hero, who has meanwhile subdued the Moriscoes

and returned to Madrid before setting out to take command of the great

fleet at Messina. One, however, there was who did not return with the

Prince to Madrid, one who was no longer to be his "guide, philosopher,

and friend." The faithful Quijada had been struck by a musket-ball in a

fight at Seron, in which Don John himself, in rallying his troops, had a

narrow escape. After a week of suffering, the brave knight expired in

the arms of his foster-son, February 24, 1570. "We may piously trust,"

says the chronicler,[A] "that the soul of Don Luis rose up to heaven

with the sweet incense which burned on the altars of St. Jerome at

Caniles; for he spent his life, and finally lost it, in fighting like a

valiant soldier of the faith."

Before relating the episodes of the great victory of Lepanto, it will

not be inopportune to glance at one of the great evils, that of slavery,

which the Turkish power entailed on so many thousands of Christians.

Nowadays, thousands of travellers pass freely, to and fro, from the

Straits of Gibraltar to the Suez Canal, and from one part of the

Mediterranean to another. Our markets are supplied with fruits and

vegetables from Algiers. Our Sovereign has no fears, except as to

sanitary arrangements, when she sojourns on the northern shores of the

Mediterranean. A cruise in an unarmed yacht on its waters is the

pleasantest of pastimes. It is, therefore, hard for us to conceive what

three centuries, nay, even three generations since, were the fears of

those who dwelt along the coast of Southern France, of Spain, and of

Italy, or, who, as pilgrims, merchants, or sailors navigated the blue

waters of the inland sea. Every year, even after the battle of Lepanto,

and still more before it, the corsairs of the northern coasts of Africa

scoured the Mediterranean and carried into captivity hundreds of

Christians, of all ages, nations, and of both sexes, from vessels they

encountered or from villages along the shores of France, Italy, or

Spain. Hence it is, that to this day, those shores are studded with the

ruins of castles and forts, erected as defences against those corsairs.

So great was, however, their boldness that even as late as the

seventeenth century, Algerian pirates ventured as far as "the chops of

the Channel."

When we read the annals of those religious orders devoted to the

redemption of captives, we can more fully realize the terrible extent to

which the Christian slave trade was carried by the infidels. As

Englishmen, we do well to cherish the memory of Wilberforce. As

Catholics we should not forget the religious men who risked all,

slavery, disease, and death, to rescue Christians from the chains of

slavery. Let us recall to mind a few facts about them. One single house

of the Trinitarians, that of Toledo, during the first four centuries of

its existence, ransomed one hundred and twenty-four thousand Christian

slaves. The Order of Mercy, during a similar period, procured freedom

for nearly five hundred thousand slaves. As to the number of slaves in

captivity at one time, it may be mentioned that Charles the Fifth

released thirty thousand by his expedition against Tunis, and about half

as many were set free by the battle of Lepanto. It was estimated that in

the Regency of Algiers, there was an average of thirty thousand slaves

detained there. As late as 1767, in Algiers itself, there were two

thousand Christians in chains. Of such slaves many were women, many mere

boys and girls. And as late as 1816, Lord Exmouth, after the bombardment

of Algiers, set many Christian slaves free. It is, as we said, hard to

realize that in times almost within the memory of living men, Christians

toiled in chains for the infidel, in the way some may have seen depicted

by pictures in the Louvre. Similar pictures are kept in the old church

of St. Giles, at Bruges, where a confraternity existed for the

redemption of captives. This association is still represented in the

parochial processions, by a group of children. Some are dressed as

white-robed Trinitarians, leading those they have redeemed from slavery.

Others are gorgeously attired as Turkish slave owners; others represent

Turkish guards, leading Christian slaves, coarsely garbed and bound with

chains. Happily Lepanto made such sights as these the processions of

Bruges commemorate, of less frequent occurrence, until at length they

have been relegated to pageantry, and the once powerful Turk is simply

suffered to linger on European soil, because the jealousies of Christian

nations will not allow of his expulsion.

Salamis, Actium, Lepanto and Trafalgar are the four greatest naval

battles of history and of these Lepanto was perhaps the greatest.

Salamis turned back the invasion of the East; Actium created the Roman

empire; Trafalgar was the first heavy blow dealt against a despotism

that threatened to strangle Europe. Lepanto, however, saved Europe from

a worse fate--the domination of the Turk. The name of this great victory

is derived from the picturesque town, with its mediæval defences still

left, of Naupaktos which the modern Greek designates as Epokte, and the

Italian as Lepanto. The engagement, however, was in reality fought at

the entrance of the Gulf of Patras, ten leagues westward from the town.

The facts of the fight of the seventh of October--a Sunday--of the year

1571, are so well-known, that we need merely recall to the memory of our

readers the leading features of the contest. Spain, Venice, Genoa,

Malta, and the Papal States were represented there, but "the meteor flag

of England" was not unfurled in sight of the Turkish, nor were the

fleurs-de-lys to be seen on the standards that gaily floated from the

mast-heads of the great Christian armada. England, alas! was in the

clutches of a wretched woman, and France was on the eve of a St.

Bartholomew's Massacre, and for all that France and England cared, at

that time, Europe might have become Mahommedan.

Don John led the centre of the long line--three miles in length--of

galleys, while on his right, Doria the great Genoese admiral, from whose

masts waved the cross of St. George; and on the left, the brave

Barbarigo, the Venetian, his flank protected by the coast commanded.

Against the wind, the sun shooting its bright rays against the ships,

the Turkish fleet, in half-moon formation, two hundred and fifty great

galleys and many smaller craft, carrying one hundred and twenty thousand

men, slowly advanced "in battle's magnificently stern array." The brave

Ali Pacha led the van.

As the hostile fleets met, the two admirals exchanged shots. At noon,

the Christians, among whom was one of the greatest soldiers and one of

the ablest authors of that age--Farnese and Cervantes--knelt to receive

absolution from their chaplains, and then rose up to fight. In many a

quiet village away in the Appenines, or in the Sierras of more distant

Spain, the Angelus was ringing, and many a heartfelt prayer was aiding

the Christian cause, then a wild cry arose from the Moslem fleet and

"from mouth to mouth" of the cannon the "volley'd thunder flew." The

combat deepened and became hand to hand. The two admirals ships grappled

together in a deadly struggle. Don John, foremost in the fray, was

slightly wounded. At a third attempt, Ali Pacha's galley was boarded,

captured, himself slain, and the Standard of the Cross replaced the

Crescent. Victory! Victory! was the cry from one Christian ship to

another. In less than four hours, the Turkish ships were scattered,

sunk, or burning, until darkness and storm drove Don John to seek

shelter in port, and hid the wreckage with which man had strewn the sea.

The Christian loss was eight thousand, the Turkish four or five times

greater. Don John hastened to console and comfort his wounded. Did he

not, perchance, visit, on his bed of suffering, the immortal Cervantes?

After the wounded, he turned to his prisoners, whom he treated with a

generosity to which the sixteenth century was little accustomed.

One there was, let us not forget it, who not bodily present, had a

lion's share in the victory. A second Moses, with uplifted hands, St.

Pius V., had prayed God and Our Lady, to aid Don John's arms. "The night

before the battle, and the day itself, aged as he was, and broken with

disease, the Saint had passed in the Vatican in fasting and prayer. All

through the Holy City the monasteries and the colleges were in prayer

too. As the evening advanced, the Pontifical treasurer asked an audience

of the Sovereign Pontiff on an important matter. Pius was in his

bedroom, and began to converse with him; when suddenly he stopped the

conversation, left him, threw open the window, and gazed up into heaven.

Then closing it again, he looked gravely at his official, and said,

"This is no time for business; go, return thanks to the Lord God. In

this very hour our fleet has engaged the Turkish, and is victorious." As

the treasurer went out, he saw him fall on his knees before the altar in

thankfulness and joy."

The great writer, from whom we have taken the above account of St. Pius

the Fifth's supernatural knowledge of the victory, remarks "that the

victories gained over the Turks since are but the complements and the

reverberations of the overthrow at Lepanto."

Here we may take leave of the hero of Lepanto, leaving him in the midst

of his glory, receiving the thanks of Christendom, from the lips of a

Saint--its Supreme Pontiff. We need not follow Don John of Austria on

his expedition against Tunis--a barren conquest his too imaginative mind

dreamed of converting into a great African empire. Nor need we follow

him when he goes, disguised as a Moorish page, accompanied by a single

cavalier, to undertake the bootless task of pacifying the revolted

Netherlands. The incidents and intrigues of this task rather belong to

the history of the Low Countries than to the story of our hero. In the

midst of them, worn out by too ardent a spirit, or stricken by an

epidemic, Don John expired, in his camp near Namur, at the early age of

thirty-two, on October 1, 1578. The task of saving a part of the

revolted provinces to the Spanish crown, he left to the strong arm and

genius of his cousin Alexander Farnese.

Don John's desire was to be buried beside his father in Spain. His body,

says Strada, was dismembered and secretly carried across France, onwards

to Madrid, where it was, as it were, reconstructed and decked with armor

to be shown to Philip, who might well weep at such ghastly display. The

heart of the hero is kept, to this day, behind the high altar of the

Cathedral of Namur.

Generous, high-spirited, courageous, he was a true knight-errant, the

"last Crusader whom the annals of chivalry were to know; the man who had

humbled the crescent as it had not been humbled since the days of the

Tancreds, the Baldwins, the Plantagenets." Endowed with a brilliant

imagination, he dreamed of founding an African empire, and it faded away

as the mirage of some oasis amid the deserts of the dark continent. With

his sword, he thought to free, some day, Mary Queen of Scots, from her

prison, and to place her on the throne held by Elizabeth. But the object

of his ravings died on the scaffold, while he himself passed away,

leaving behind him little more for history to record than that he was

the brilliant young soldier--the Hero of Lepanto.

W. C. R. in _Catholic Progress_.

FOOTNOTES:

[A] Hita, "Guerras de Granada," quoted by Prescott, "Philip" II., III.,

133.

The Church and Progress.

One of the favorite mottoes of revolutionists consists in the formula,

"The Catholic Church is opposed to the progress of the age;" and the

general tone of the day's literature, apt in adopting popular cries,

criticises the Church as the arch-opponent of every effort of the human

intellect. The foundation of this charge may be broadly rested on two

counts, radically differing in their nature, and which I may be allowed

to state thus: First, there is a large class nowadays, and this genus is

always especially rampant and noisy, that uses the current shibboleths,

"Civilization," "Liberty," "Equality," "Fraternity," etc., either with

sinister designs beneath them, or, if dupes,--and it amounts to the same

in the long run,--then without at all knowing what those words mean.

With that large vision that usually characterizes her in matters even

not of faith, and which makes her hated by political quacks and mad

sciolists, the Church detects the real objects and aims of these

innovators, and is not afraid of facing obloquy by condemning them in

spite of their false banners. For this attitude we have no excuse to

offer; we glory in it, and regard it as a sign of that innate divine

energy and life imparted to her by the source of all life and power. The

second count on which this charge is based may be found in the utterance

of private Catholics, or in that of prelates and bodies, in the latter

of whom is lodged a power that extorts obedience, it is true, and ought

always to be treated with respect, but which can claim to act in no

infallible manner, and which, in pronouncing on matters outside the

domain of faith, must rest upon the suggestions of reason and external

evidence alone. For instance, Catholics are often confronted with

extracts from this or that author, or the pronouncements of this or that

provincial council, and asked to say whether, after that, the Church may

pretend not to be opposed to the natural aspirations of man? These

objectors do not, or will not, see that the Church, by enlarging the

domain of her teaching to cover all things with the mantle of

infallibility, would most effectually crush the action of the human

intellect, which was meant for use, not rust, which must be allowed

something to act upon, and which in independent action is bound to rush

into a variety of differences according to the bent of the individual

mind. However, to answer thus merely opens up a multitude of questions,

and launches one into a sea of chaos, across which he will have to sail

without chart or compass. Accordingly, I usually answer that these

various utterances of individuals and provincial bodies are not

infallible; that the only utterance absolutely binding on the conscience

of the Catholic is that of a general council with the Pope at its head,

or that of the Pope speaking _ex cathedra_; and that all the other acts

of men or bodies, high or low, are subject in their degrees to human

infirmity, though we are to receive them with respect and judicious

obedience, and that at most they are but temporary in time and limited

in space.

No idea could be more extravagant or more unjust than that usually

entertained by Protestants on our doctrine of the Pope's infallibility.

They imagine that a Catholic dares not utter a word upon any subject

until the Pope has spoken. Or, if they advance beyond this, that he

dares not say anything about religion except what comes direct from

Rome. Or, if they can stretch their imagination to realize that the Pope

speaks only after discussion, that we must look to have our every word

snatched at, and a damper put upon us, before we have well begun. This

last is the central objection of intelligent Protestants, who know well

that it will never do to fly in the face of facts like their more

ignorant neighbors. They have taken the trouble to examine the

definition of the dogma; and it cannot be denied that to their minds it

does bear this sense. Any one familiar with the minute despotism of

those thousand little Protestant Popes, the reverend offspring of the

"Reformation," would see at once what a charter such authority would put

in the hands of a set of Chadbands only too eager to use it. Enlightened

Protestants have begun to feel the burden of this one idea,

dead-dragging officialism, and to kick against it. They are probably

religious men, by which I mean men with devout minds, who earnestly feel

the need of belief. They become inquirers, run through the sects nearest

at hand, and finally come before the Church and gaze upon her. Written

on her front they see "Infallibility." Here lies their stumbling-block.

They begin to question. Arguments are exhausted on each side, and if

they be deeply imbued with the knowledge that there is a God, with the

consciousness thence following of their fallen nature, and with an

ardent hope to re-unite themselves to God, they will admit, perhaps, the

truth of the dogma, viewed in the abstract. But they will say, how will

it work in practical affairs? Judging by their former experience, they

will picture the Pope as a thousand Protestant preachers rolled into

one, and invested with an authority undreamed of before, and using that

authority to tyrannize over the least thoughts of men. What room, they

will exclaim, will men have to advance in the arts and science, not to

speak of development of doctrine, if this incubus is to rest upon them,

and weigh them down, and terrify them into silence and inaction?

The best answer to this is doubtless an enlarged view of Catholic

Christendom, from the earliest times down, for in that period the Pope

did possess the prerogative of infallibility, though it has only

recently been defined as a dogma. Here it must be recollected that I am

not arguing; it would be mere presumption in me to attempt a scientific

exposition altogether out of my power. Suffice it to say, that

theologians have exhausted the inward reasonings upon it, and though I

am not able to set them forth, I am at least convinced by them. Still

the concrete world remains, and things are to be seen in them from

historical and exterior aspects. It is this last which strikes the

imagination most, and to all men a ready test. Minds have various ways

of approaching the truth; and right reason has a way of arguing and

apprehending simply impossible to men in bulk and to myself. For which I

have thought it not unuseful to draw out my way of viewing the

historical aspects of the Church in relation to the progress and freedom

of man; and perhaps many will look at the subject from a similar

standpoint.

Why I believe in God I cannot express in words. Only I know there is an

inward monitor constantly reminding me of that fact, vividly impressing

it on my imagination, and punishing me with the lash of remorse when I

do wrong. I have never doubted when the matter was brought home to my

mind. Still, there are periods when this intense conviction has been

clean wiped out of me; else, how could I have sinned, as I know I have

done, and feel this keen remorse? I do not see how men can sin with the

full consciousness that a God of truth, purity, and justice is looking

upon them with terrible eyes. This is the reason for my faith;

conscience is the charter of my belief. Far be it from me to deny the

arguments drawn by great intellects from the outward course of events,

and which appeal, perhaps, to most minds, as evidence of a Creator and

Sustainer of the universe. I can only say they do not touch me, nor

cause the revivified life to relieve the winter of my desolation, and

the leaves and buds of the new spring to bloom within me. For when I

look forth into the world, all things--even my own wretched life--seem

simply to give the lie to the great truth which possesses and fills my

being. Consider the world in its length and breadth, its contradictory

history, its blind evolution, the greatness and littleness of man, his

random acquirements, aimless achievements, ruthless causes, the triumph

of evil, the defeat of good, the depth and intensity and prevalence of

sin, the all-degrading idolatries, the all-defiling corruptions, the

monstrous superstitions, the dreary irreligion--is not the whole a

picture dreadful to look upon, capricious as chance, rigid as fate, pale

as malady, dark as doom? How shall we face this fact, witnessed to by

innumerable men in all ages and times, as the natural lot of their kind?

Much more so when suffering falls upon us, as it does inevitably on all,

and forces upon us an attempt to solve the riddle of our chaotic

existence?

There is only one way out of the difficulty. If there is a God, the

source of all truth and goodness, how else can we account for this

desperate condition of his highest creation, except we admit man's

fallen condition? It is thus that the doctrine of original sin is as

clear to me as is the existence of God.

But, now, supposing that God intended to interfere with this state of

things, and to draw his prodigal children to Him again, would it not be

expected that He would do so in a powerful, original, manifest, and

continuous new creation set amid His old? So intensely is this felt,

that atheists have drawn an argument from it against the Creator, and

their feeling is expressed by Paine, when he says, that if there be a

revelation from God, it ought to be written on the sun. So it should; so

it is. So was it gloriously shining forth once, in a city set upon a

hill, full of noon-day splendor, and visible to the eyes of all. Still

is it there, discernible to the eye of faith; but clouds obscure the sun

on occasions, and the miserable doings of the sixteenth century have hid

its light to uncounted millions.

And, now, where shall I find that shining light, that overcoming power,

which my reason tells me to expect? I quote the words of one who sought

for many years and at last found:--

"This power, viewed in its fulness, is as tremendous as the giant evil

which has called it forth. It claims, when brought into exercise in the

legitimate manner, for otherwise, of course, it is but dormant, to have

for itself a sure guidance into the very meaning of every portion of the

Divine Message in detail, which was committed by our Lord to His

Apostles. It claims to know its own limits, and to decide what it can

determine absolutely and what it cannot. It claims, moreover, to have a

hold upon statements not directly religious, so far as this, to

determine whether they indirectly relate to religion, and, according to

its own definitive judgment, to pronounce whether or not, in a

particular case, they are consistent with revealed truth. It claims to

decide magisterially, whether infallibly or not, that such and such

statements are or are not prejudicial to the Apostolical _depositum_ of

faith, in their spirit or in their consequences, and to allow them, or

condemn and forbid them accordingly. It claims to impose silence at will

on any matters, or controversies, of doctrine, which on its own _ipse

dixit_ it pronounces to be dangerous, or inexpedient, or inopportune. It

claims that whatever may be the judgment of Catholics upon such acts,

these acts should be received by them with those outward marks of

reverence, submission, and loyalty, which Englishmen, for instance, pay

to the presence of their sovereign, without public criticism upon them,

as being in their matter inexpedient, or in their manner violent or

harsh. And lastly, it claims to have the right of inflicting spiritual

punishment, of cutting off from the ordinary channels of divine life,

and of simply excommunicating those who refuse to submit themselves to

its formal declarations. Such is the infallibility lodged in the

Catholic Church, viewed in the concrete, as clothed and surrounded by

the appendages of its high sovereignty; it is, to repeat what I said

above, a supereminent prodigious power sent upon earth to encounter and

master a giant evil."[B]

Such is the weapon placed by divine power in the hands of the Church for

her conflict with the world. And this being so, the inquiring

Protestant, after realizing its tremendous nature and scope, will draw

back perplexed, imagining that a weight like it would crush the human

intellect. He does this only because he loses sight for the moment of

the terrible power of the earth giant. The human intellect is no baby,

weakening under every stroke; it is a tough, wild, elastic energy,

struggling up in every direction, and is never more itself than when

suffering beneath the blows of heaven. Moreover, its natural tendency is

to explain away every dogma of religious truth, from the lowest to the

highest. In that old pagan world this natural process is to be seen.

Everywhere that human genius opened up a way for itself, and had a

career, the last remnants of primeval truth were well-nigh banished.

Look, too, at the educated intellect of the non-Catholic world to-day.

Genius, talent, eloquence, and art, what are they in England, Germany

and France, if we may not describe them as simply godless? Why is this?

Now turn your gaze on the Middle Ages, and observe the difference. It is

scarcely necessary to say that in those times the Church was

pre-eminent, not only having the spiritual power, but often also the

secular. If she had wished it, she could have crushed out every form of

inquiry, and firmly established herself as the one and only source of

all truth. But she did not do it. Never since the world began were such

daring inquiries set on foot, such subtile propositions offered, such a

vast and varied display of the human intellect in all the departments of

theology. The office she claimed was that of arbiter; and surely nothing

was more reasonable. A man would work out some original view or

deduction; he hoped it was true, but could not be certain; he would put

it forth; it would be taken up by an opponent, come before some

theological authority of minor note, pass on to some university, be

adopted by it and opposed by some other; higher authorities would be

appealed to, and at last the subject would appear before the Holy See.

Then, perhaps, no decision would be made, or a dubious one, or minor

details would be rectified, and so the whole matter sent back for a new

discussion. Years and years would pass before anything like a final

decision would be reached; and then, when every defect had been rubbed

off, and every minute bearing of the matter evolved, the Church would

either reject it, or adopt it, and stamp it with the seal of dogma. I

say this is an epitome of doctrinal development in the Catholic Church.

If there is any one thing more manifest in her ecclesiastical history

than others, it is her extreme slowness and caution in final

pronouncement, and the general wise treatment with which she has

fostered the growth of mental development, so excellent in itself, so

erratic in its courses, and so needful of her strong guiding hand.

Indeed, it has been used as a reproach against her that Rome has

originated nothing. It is true. It was not her function. She was

instituted as the guardian of the Apostolical _depositum_ of faith, over

which, of course, her control was supreme; and her jurisdiction was to

extend over all other subjects, because they necessarily touched this.

But without citing other names, St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas

stand forth as the formers of the western intellect. Men saintly in

character they were, but they had no special relations to the central

See, and were only fallible mortals like the rest of their fellows; yet,

as I say, they are to be counted the very originators of modern

Christian thought. Rome did nothing but stamp their teachings with the

seal of her approval. So was it throughout. Her work has been to check

and balance the erratic courses of the human mind, allowing it free play

within certain limits, but firmly preventing its suicidal excesses. How

tenderly has she dealt with schismatics; how forbearing has been her

conduct in regard even to the worst heretics; patiently hearing all they

had to say, allowing the force of their plea where it was possible, and

only casting them out when they proved incorrigible.

Most Protestants suppose that whereas there are two religious principles

at work in Christianity, private judgment, and authority, they have all

the private judgment, while we are weighed down by an unmitigated

authority. Nothing could be more false. This aspect of Christianity is

complete without them; they represent simply a negation, and no positive

force at all. Show me the doctrine that Protestantism has originated,

and it will then deserve to be treated in a philosophical manner. It

has had no innate life, nothing to develop from, and has simply withered

down from the first, until now the advance guard of it has reached the

shadowy ground of natural religion, and Mr. James Antony Froude, its

special champion in its past acts, can write that it is dead. On the

contrary, when I view the external aspect of Catholicism as a whole, I

behold within it the active forces of life at work from the first. The

human intellect is no passive instrument, merely being filled by the

reception of faith, but a living organism, feeling a void in it for

faith when it has it not, and eagerly receiving and digesting it when it

comes. Forthwith it begins a process of development, explaining,

proving, modifying, enlarging, in all the various ways that suit the

multiplicity of man's nature. This process is observable in all times

and places, as the inevitable outcome of civilization. Barbarous nations

do not reason, but receive their religion as an outer cloak; as they

stagnate in all things else, so also in their creeds. Witness the Turks.

Intellectually, morally, religiously, they are the same as they were six

hundred years ago; and unless overthrown from the outside, they will

probably so remain to the end of time. No heresy has arisen amongst

them; no progress in civilization is to be marked; no change even in

decline; for power is relative, and the Moslem empire is weak now only

in comparison with the vigorous young empires of the West. But the

action of civilization is different. Under its influence States are in

constant movement, changing from day to day. The change may be good in

this detail, and bad in that; it may on the whole be for the good, or it

may on the whole be for evil. But what I say is the distinct mark of

civilization, as contrasted with barbarism, is emphatically and simply

change; change, in the natural order, is its law. For the intellect is

alive and vigorous, seizing on everything within its scope, shaping it

by its individual bent, and, hemmed as it is by walls of sense,

naturally rushing into error on every side. These are effects of private

judgment, and they are not less to be seen in the whole Catholic world,

from its beginning until, to-day, than anywhere else; but Catholics have

had a safeguard against the rebellious and suicidal excesses of fallen

reason, and this safeguard is the infallibility of the Church.

The meaning and scope of that infallibility has been given in words

fitter than mine. Viewing the nature of things on the whole, and then

taking it for granted that God has made a revelation, and intended it to

be set up and maintained alongside of and within a civilization anxious

to get rid of it, what more reasonable to be expected than that an

infallible abiding authority should be His human instrument. It is a

thing we should be led to expect if it did not exist; as is fully proved

by Paine's saying about its being written on the sun. How convincingly,

then, is the truth forced home on us, when we do learn that there is an

institution that exactly fulfils our foregone conclusion!

So far as theory goes, the infallibility of the Church can be a burden

to none; so far as actual facts go, it has not demonstrably, to my

knowledge, acted as a damper on intellectual effort, but merely as the

restrainer of its excesses.

I shall be quite candid in giving my views on this inexhaustible

subject, merely letting them stand for what they are worth, and knowing

full well that there are depths in it, as in all things else, not to be

sounded by me. And I shall now go on to state what are the real

difficulties and burdens to me, as to many other Catholics perhaps, in

this doctrine of infallibility; always premising that ten thousand

difficulties do not make one doubt. And here some may be inclined to say

that, as touching the papal headship of it, the evil deeds of many Popes

and their apparently immoral lives, do inevitably tend to throw

discredit on it as being lodged in them. But let all that can be said be

admitted; what then? Why, I answer, David was a man after God's own

heart, and stood nearer to Him as being inspired than any Pope as being

infallible; yet one of God's Prophets could say to him, "Thou art the

man!" The lesson of which is not to judge men's inner lives entirely by

outward facts, as the young and inexperienced are too apt to do. Our

Blessed Lord foretold scandals to come in the very sanctuary of His

dwelling, and we know the doom pronounced upon those by whom they come.

And if we view the action of these individuals in relation to the

Apostolical _depositum_, we can actually draw thence an argument awful

as it is startling. These Popes, so frail as men, were yet wise as the

Vicars of Christ; never have they dared lay hands on the faith committed

to their care.

The difficulty lies in another direction. As has already been explained,

the Church claims infallibility only in matters of faith; but a little

reflection will show us that there are many things not coming directly

under this head yet appertaining to it. In these latter she claims

unquestioning outward obedience at least. Thus she has the right to

determine when any scientific theory or other controversy bears upon

matters of faith, or has a dangerous tendency to do so; also to check

the usurpation of State, when they begin to reach in this direction; and

in the exercise of this prerogative she is not guarded from error. I

have already shown how slow, cautious and gentle, has been her dealing

on the whole with controversies that do relate to faith; much more so

has she been in the kindred but outer domain. Still, to our fallible

reason, it may sometimes appear that she acts hastily and wrongly in

forbidding certain things. She forbids at one epoch what she allows in

another; tacitly withdrawing the former condemnation. This, I repeat,

_is_ a difficulty, and, stated baldly thus, must often perplex even

Catholics.

But let our opponents be as candid as I have been. Let them admit--what

is no more than a fact--that this prerogative of the Church has been

exercised very seldom; and that even on the most of these occasions, the

Church has in the end proved to be in the right, and the supposed martyr

in the wrong. Things are not to be judged simply in themselves, but a

course of events prove them; and there is a season for all matters, and

a season when they are not in order. This right or power is a necessity

to every constituted body of whatever kind. A State, for instance, may

wrongly condemn a man for some offence; but that is no argument against

the State having the right of judging in such matters, even if it must

incur the danger of wrong judgment once more. If this prerogative were

taken from the Church, all outside the simple domain of faith would fall

into a mere chaos. Now, let the man who holds that this would be as it

should be, let him consistently carry out his doctrine into all the

concerns of life, and a hideous chaos would be the result. Has not such

been the result in religious matters outside the Catholic Church? And as

chaos has resulted there from revolt against the constituted authority,

so would it be in society at large, were the theory consistently carried

out. To say that non-infallible exercise of authority should, on account

of occasional error, be resisted and overthrown, is simply suicidal; and

an objection founded on it is no more than an objection founded on the

fact of evil in man's nature, of which it is a necessary part. And into

this bottomless pit of doubt I for one do not purpose to fall.

Let the problem, then, be fully grasped. It is to secure sufficient

liberty and a stable authority. Freedom in itself is a good; but such is

man's fallen nature, that it cannot be enjoyed without a partial

sacrifice of itself, which it yields up to authority. This becomes the

domain of authority, and the two interact on each other. So much is

clear; but conflicts arise, and the precise issue is, not exactly

between the two, but as to where their boundaries meet. We Catholics

believe that we hold the solution in our hands, and I shall now merely

state how I look at it, admitting, of course, that I may be in

incidental error.

The conflict is supposed to lie now between science and the Church.

Well, stated simply I would say, let scientists become theologically

founded, and let theologians become scientists. At first blush this may

sound like a paradox; but it is not. If theologians would honestly

strive to master scientific theories, there would be less danger of

hasty action on their part. Many of them would not stand committed, as

they do, to a condemnation of evolution, while on the other hand it was

not their business to sanction it; and if scientists had not allowed

themselves to become narrow-minded in their studies, they would not have

similarly placed themselves in a false position by trying to make their

legitimate discoveries bear upon matters not within their range. The

point is, that a Catholic, whether scientist or theologian, should not

allow himself to be alarmed by the rash utterances of individuals; but,

conscious of a right purpose and true faith, pursue his track to the

end, knowing that natural truth cannot clash with supernatural; if at

times it appears so, then he knows that this is only temporary, and that

in the end difficulties will clear away. Charity on each side will go a

long way. However, I think the Church has forborne remarkably in these

matters, not committing herself to any precise attitude, but awaiting

the issue of the struggle. No idea could be falser than that the

scientist would hamper himself in submitting to the Church. Quite

otherwise. He would, by this step, secure a central pillar of support,

and thence venturing could go further than any of them now dream of. The

separation of science and the Church is the distinctive evil of the day.

Both would gain, in strength and freedom, by a union, and the progress

of the next century would thus redouble that of this.

HUGH P. MCELRONE.

FOOTNOTES:

[B] Newman's "Apologia," pp. 274, 275.

Honor to the Germans.

Letters from those missionaries in Annam, who have escaped the fate

which has befallen so many of their flocks, agree in charging the

representatives of France with a negligence, which, under the

circumstances, assumes the very gravest aspect. Père Dourisboure, for

instance, writing from the Seminary at Saïgon, where he has taken

refuge, declares that the presence of French vessels at some of the

ports, and the firing of a few shots without hurting any one, would have

been the means of saving the lives of some thirty thousand Christians,

and securing their homes and possessions against injury. Formerly, he

says, the mandarins contented themselves with putting missionaries and

the leading converts to death; but this time, the persecution and hatred

of France, rather than of Christianity, has been the cause of what can

only be called a war of extermination, and France has done nothing for

those who have suffered for their supposed loyalty to her. When the news

of the massacre at Qui-Nhon, where there were seven thousand Christians,

reached Mgr. van Camelbeke, he at once requested the commandant of the

_Lyon_, which was lying at that port, to see to the safety of Father

Auger and Father Guitton; but that officer replied that his instructions

would not allow him to fire a single shot in defence of the missionaries

or the native Christians, and all representations and entreaties on the

subject proved ineffectual. In this difficulty aid came from an

unlooked-for quarter. Deserted by their own countrymen, the missionaries

applied to the captain of a German merchantman, which was in the port,

and the request being acceded to, two of the Fathers and five German

sailors rowed ashore, armed to the teeth, to arrange for the escape of

as many Christians as possible. They were met by three mandarins, one of

whom was the bitterest enemy of the Christians. These the sailors

captured and put in irons on board their vessel, and secure in the

possession of these hostages, they proceeded to bring off some seven

hundred Christians, the utmost number which the ship could contain,

forcing the natives to assist in the work. One of the mandarins was then

sent ashore charged with a message that any act of violence against the

Christians would be visited upon the two who remained in the custody of

the Germans. Père Dourisboure's narrative ceases with the safe arrival

of the seven hundred Christians at Saïgon; but we may well hope that the

brave Protestant sailors on their return to Qui-Nhon found that their

device had proved effectual.

* * * * *

A WRITER in the _New York Commercial_ gives facts and figures to prove

that there is no quarter of the globe so much in need of missionary

enterprise as New England. The Puritans have ceased to be a churchgoing

people.

Vindication.

From the German of Reinick.

"Why lingerest here in the greenwood,

All day in a childish dream,

Toying with leaves and flowers,

Watching the wavelets gleam,

While a world grown old and hoary

With the spirit of change is rife,

And the outworn past and the present

Are grappling in deadly strife?"

Still here will I dwell in quiet,

Tho' without the tempests rave;

And while all things reel and totter,

Will seek me an oaken stave,

Plucked from a tree that has weathered

The storms against it hurled,

While into the dust are crumbling

The props that uphold the world.

Yes, I'll choose this silent garden

Tho' around me deserts lie,

And bask in the ancient glories

Of earth and sea and sky.

While alone on dark thoughts of ruin

Your pulseless bosoms brood,

I'll build me a bower of roses,

And rejoice in my solitude.

"Rejoice! Verily we've forgotten

The sound of so strange a word;

Nowadays notes of scorn and anger

May well in youth's songs be heard;

For the woes of our earthly existence

Should find a voice in your rhyme,

Since the word of the poet is ever

The mirror of his time."

No, no, in the heart of the poet

Can no scornful spirit live--

He is wroth at human baseness,

Can over the sorrows grieve

That round this old earth are woven

Like some fateful web of doom,

And he weeps that bright gleams of radiance

So seldom pierce the gloom.

But whenever a ray out-flashes,

Drink it in with heart and mind,

And a hopeful premonition

Of the future in it find:--

Rejoice, when the sun is shining!

Joy purifies the breast,

And whoso with pure heart rejoiceth,

Even here below is blest!

"What! you believe in the bliss of Heaven

In a happiness yet to be?

Your faith, like your other emotions,

Is mere childish fantasy.

Remain as you have been ever,

A child from your very birth,

Unworthy with men to hold counsel

On the woes and the welfare of earth."

Yes, I believe in the word of promise,

I believe in each holy word,

In the power that clothes the lily,

And that feeds the nestling bird;

"Be like unto children, of such is

God's Kingdom." Ah! well, in sooth,

If all were as little children

In purity and in truth!

To the weal and the woe of the nations

I do not seal my breast,

Tho' my Motherland is dearer

To me than all the rest.

If to fold universal being,

'Neath its wings the mind aspires,

Still the heart needs narrower limits

For the growth of its sacred fires.

REV. JOHN COSTELLO.

* * * * *

JULES JANIN, a witty French writer, nicknamed lobsters "Naval

Cardinals." He probably imagined that lobsters in the sea are as red as

they are when served on our tables or placed in the windows of our

fishmonger's shops. Curiously enough sailors call the ships used to

carry our red-coated soldiers from one part of the world to another,

lobster-boxes.

Tracadie and the Trappists.

The flourishing village of Tracadie, in the county of Antigonish,

Eastern Nova Scotia, well sustains for its French inhabitants, the

prestige, as industrious husbandmen, which their ancestors'

contemporaries established in Western Nova Scotia--the land sung of by

Longfellow in his "Evangeline;" and the much-vaunted superiority of the

Anglo-Saxon, reads like a melancholy sarcasm, in the face of the fact

that the lands from which the inoffensive Acadians were mercilessly

hunted, are, to-day, far, very far, removed from the teeming fertility,

which charmed the land-pirates in the last century. Simple-minded folks

are wont to say, that the lands of the dispersed Acadians, languish

under a curse, nor need we, of necessity, dissent from this theory, if

we consider the manifestation of the curse to be shown, in a lack of

skill, or industry--or mayhap both--in the descendants of those who

profited by that infamous transaction. Certain it is, that these lands

are now much less fertile than of yore.

Arriving at Tracadie, as we drive from the Eastern Extension Railway

Station, we notice as a curious coincidence of alliteration, the sign,--

+-------------------+

| HALF-WAY HOUSE. |

| H. H. HARRINGTON. |

+-------------------+

and remark that with the super-addition of "_Halt Here_," the signboard

would be an unique curiosity.

Leaving the hospitable farmhouse of Mr. DeLorey, on a bright October

Sunday, after hearing Mass in the neat and commodious parish church

dedicated to St. Peter, a pleasant drive of three miles, bring us to the

Trappist Monastery of _Our Lady of Petit Clairvaux_, the buildings of

which are of brick, and form a quadrangle, of which one side has yet to

be erected.

Ringing the porter's bell we are admitted and handed over to Brother

Richard, the genial and amiable guest master, who is most assiduous in

his attentions to us.

The monastery was founded as a Priory, early in the present century by

Father Vincent, a native of France, and was raised to the dignity of an

abbey nine years ago, when the present Abbot, Father Dominic, was

consecrated. The community at present number thirty-seven, of whom

sixteen are priests and choir-religious, the remaining twenty-one being

lay brothers; the monks being chiefly Belgians, with a few from

Montreal, and a few from this vicinity.

The abbey is surrounded by four hundred acres of land, tolerably

fertile, though rough in part, and has excellent limestone quarries--the

monks burning as much as one hundred barrels of lime at once in their

kiln; they also manufacture all the bricks required for the multifarious

works which are incessantly in progress. Their domain is well watered

by a stream upon which the indefatigable monks have had a mill erected.

At the date of our visit, they had just finished a new dam composed of

immense blocks of limestone, and had almost completed a new and larger

mill--to supersede the old one--and which in addition to the ordinary

grist grinding will also be utilized, simultaneously, for carding,

sawing boards, and sawing shingles. The new mill has dimensions of 150 x

40 ft., and the main barn 220 x 40 ft. The latter building now

accommodates fifty heads of horned cattle, including some Jersey

thoroughbreds and Durhams and six horses. We were also shown some

Berkshire thoroughbred pigs, enormous, unwieldy brutes, one rather

youthful porker being estimated to weigh nearly six hundred pounds.

The monks make a large quantity of butter, all the year round, the sale

of which forms an important item of their revenue. The abbey has made

its repute all through the surrounding country, and it is scarcely

possible to over-estimate the benefit of this _model_ farm to the

inhabitants of adjacent lands; combining as it does the latest

improvements in agriculture with the untiring industry of the Trappist

Monk. For several years, their grist-mill was the only one for a great

distance, and even now wheat is brought in, for grinding, from a radius

of fifteen miles.

The monks contain among themselves all the trades necessary to their

well-ordered community, _ex-gr_ two blacksmiths, two tailors, two

millers, a baker, shoemaker, and doctor, not forgetting the wonderful

Brother Benedict, who is at once architect, carpenter, mason and

clockmaker. In the last-mentioned capacity his ingenuity is shown by a

clock which has four faces; one visible from the road approaching the

abbey, the second from the chapel, the third from the infirmary, and the

fourth from the refectory, where the modest table service of tin plates

and wooden spoons and forks, offer but few attractions to those who

overlooking the final end of all created things, look at life from the

animal point of view.

We are also taken to the dormitory, and look into the narrow

compartments, where the good brothers sleep, with easy consciences, upon

their hard beds; and are also shown the _discipline_, which, though no

doubt a wholesome instrument of penance, does not in any way resemble

the article of torture under which guise it masquerades in the average

anti-Jesuit novel.

Descending again we are taken to the neat cemetery where the brothers

are deposited in peace after life's course is run, covered only by their

coarse serge habits, and without coffins. Every grave has painted in

white letters, on the black ground of a plain, wooden cross, the name in

religion once borne by him, whose mortal remains rest below.

In the centre of this final resting-place stands a tall cross, and near

by we observe a bare skull, whose mute lips powerfully preach the folly

of worldliness, and like an accusing spirit warns all beholders of the

dread day when every wasted minute, as well as every useless word, must

be strictly accounted for.

The costume of the monks, in its coarseness and simplicity, would not

commend itself to our modern dudes; but, then, life is a terrible

reality to these brothers, who, hearing the voice of God, have hastened

to follow his call, fully realizing, that without the one thing

necessary, all else is vanity.

These reflections are interrupted by the abbey bell, calling us to

Vespers, which are chanted by the monks (the music being supplied by the

organist Father Bernard), upon the conclusion of which, we take our

departure, deeply and favorably impressed with our visit to this

monastery, which stands alone, in the Maritime Provinces of the Canadian

Dominion, and sincerely grateful, for being enabled to see with our own

eyes the works of those much-abused monks, who in general are so

frequently defamed by the thoughtless boys who write for the secular

press, and by the equally empty-headed old women--of both sexes--who

write for that class of periodical which by a curious misnomer is

designated _religious_. These are the people, who, it is to be feared,

shut their eyes to the truth, lest they should be compelled to

acknowledge it.

In the face of so much prejudice, it is pleasant to be able to record

that quite recently some Protestant clergymen visited the monastery, and

did not refrain from expressing their honest and undisguised admiration

for what they beheld.

J. W. O'RYAN.

Gladstone at Emmet's Grave.

HOW THE UNMARKED TOMBSTONE OF THE MARTYR LOOKED.

The day Mr. Gladstone went to Dublin to receive the freedom of the city,

which the town council had unanimously agreed to confer upon him, he

spent a day in the docks and courts and in visiting St. Michael's

Church--a place full of historical interest. On the vestry table lie two

casts of the heads of the brothers Shears, who were beheaded in the

rebellion of 1798. Such are the properties of the soil in the cemetery

that the bodies of those are as perfect as the day on which they were

hanged.

The church itself is eight hundred years old, having been built by a

Danish bishop during the ascendency of his race.

Mr. Gladstone examined the communion plate, some of which came out of

the spoils of the Spanish Armada.

But these were light trivialities! The grave of Robert Emmet is here.

"Let no man mark my tomb," said he, "until my country takes her place

among the nations of the earth."

Mr. Gladstone stood beside the rough granite, unchiselled, unlettered,

silent slab. No name, no date, no word of sorrow, of hope. The sides are

clipped and hacked, for emigrants have come from afar to take to their

home in the new world bits of the tomb of Robert Emmet. How he comes to

lie here is simply said. When his head was cut off in Thomas Street,

his body was taken to Bully's Acre,--what a name!--and buried.

Rev. Mr. Dobbyn, a sympathizer in the cause, was then Rector of St.

Michael's; he ordered the body to be disinterred that night, and he

placed it secretly in St. Michael's church-yard. A nephew of Robert

Emmet, a New York judge, corroborated this statement some years ago. But

Emmet is not the only rebel that lies here in peace.

Oliver Boyd sleeps here, with God's noblest work, "an honest man,"

written on his tombstone. Here, too, is the grave of the hero, William

Jackson, who was tried, convicted and sentenced to death. While the

judge was still pronouncing the awful doom, the man grew faint and in a

few minutes fell down dead. He had swallowed poison on hearing the

verdict from the jury. In this vault, over which Mr. Gladstone peers

anxiously, you can see a group of heads, all of 1798 men and there on

one of them, is the hangman's crape as it stuck in the wounded neck

since the day on which it and its owner parted company. Mr. Gladstone is

silent as he sees all this and at last mournfully moves away.

Is there ever a tragedy in which clown is wholly absent? As he steps

over the graves, up comes a man as drunk as a goat, and cries out, "Ah!

Mr. Gladstone will you take the duty off the whiskey?" Upon which he of

Hawarden Castle turns him round and says slowly--"My friend, the duty

does not seem to stand much in your way."

JOHN W. MONAHAN.

Gerald Griffin.

That part of Limerick formerly known as Englishtown, and at present

localized in city ordinances and surveying maps as King's Island,

consists of a knot of antique houses crowding thick around a venerable

cathedral. An ancient castle, its dismantled tower within easy bow-shot,

overrun with weeds and ivy, overlooks the noble river, whose expansive

sweep of waters is at this point of passage spanned by an old, but still

substantial bridge. In the shadow of the cathedral and within hearing of

the river, Gerald Griffin, dramatist, poet and novelist, was born on the

12th of December, 1803. His father, who had succeeded to a goodly

estate, a considerable fortune and an honored name, sold the fee simple

of his landed inheritance, and removed to Limerick, that his children

might enjoy all the advantages of a good education, which at that period

were best obtainable in large towns and great cities. He established

himself in the business of a brewer; and, as in every speculative walk

of life where personal energy is not well supplemented by judicious

management and long experience, time alone was needed to diminish his

capital by rewarding his unremitting industry with profitless returns.

The natural disposition of this good man presented a medley of those

attractive qualities which secure for their fortunate possessor an

immediate share of the sympathetic good-will alike of the friend and

the stranger. He had a kind heart and a winning manner. He could enjoy

and exchange a good joke, and to the end of his life was a sterling and

an uncompromising patriot. Yet his admiration for valor and virtue was

circumscribed by no political limits, by no narrow-minded prejudices. An

ultra-volunteer in '82, and an O'Connellite in '29, he was enthusiastic

over the victory at Waterloo, and wept at the melancholy fate of Sir

Samuel Romilly. Gerald's mother was a gentle and accomplished lady,

whose affection for her child was tempered and regulated by the

treasures of a refined and cultured mind, and by a sensitively religious

disposition. When he was in his third year, Mrs. Griffin, with her

family, removed to a country district, which, from local association

with the escapades of lepracauns and phookas, had inherited the

significative title of Fairy Lawn. The new home was romantically

situated amid the umbrageous woods and pastoral meadow-lands through

which the Shannon flows at its confluence with the little Ovaan River.

His infancy thus cradled in a landscape rich in the diversified

picturesqueness of storied ruin and historic tradition, what wonder that

Gerald at a very early age should feel the inspiration of his poetic

surroundings as he looked towards the winding river, the green fields,

the islands mirrored in the tributary Fergus, and the solemn shade and

cloistered loneliness of ruined abbeys and gray cathedrals. To the

careful training of his good mother he was indebted for the exquisite

taste and truthfulness with which he interpreted nature; for the nice

sense of honor which distinguished him through life, and which often

rose to a weakness; for the delicate reserve which made absence from

home a self-imposed hermitage; and for the deep, devotional feeling and

healthy habit of moral reflection which ever shaped and inwove the pure

current of his thoughts and writings.

A visiting tutor gave Gerald an elementary knowledge of English until

the year 1814, when he was sent to Limerick. He remained in the city

attending a classical school till he had acquired a familiarity with the

works of the great Latin authors. At an age when it is scarcely

customary to emancipate children from the prim decorum and polite

restraint of the nursery, young Griffin was pouring with unmixed delight

over the pages of Horace, Ovid and Virgil. Of the three, he preferred

the sweet pastoral of the gentle poet of Mantua, and to the end of his

life retained this partiality. Inspiration caught from so pure a source

wrought itself into innumerable songs and sonnets, which Gerald managed

to write clandestinely, when some new frolic drew away the attention of

his brothers and sisters, and left him in the enjoyment of a peaceful

hour and a quiet corner. During these intervals of busy writing he was

insensibly acquiring that light and graceful style, by the gentle charm

of which the most sober strain of serious thought became the most

acceptable kind of agreeable reading. Though still young, he could well

realize how indispensable a good style is for literary success. He lived

at a time when books were comparatively scarce, in a district remote

from easy access to well-filled libraries; when the cost of

transportation often equalled the advertised price for the newest canto

of "Childe Harold," or the latest novel by the "Great Unknown." But what

would have been disadvantages to many a beginner proved to have been of

incalculable benefit to Gerald Griffin. His knowledge of books and

authors was limited to the extent of his mother's library, and it

contained, among other choice works, the writings of the inimitable

author to whose graceful allurement Washington Irving owed half his fame

and all the classic sweetness of his fascinating style. He copied out

whole chapters of the "Vicar of Wakefield," and rarely went out of doors

without bringing for a companion a copy of the "Animated Nature."

In the boy, pensive and serious beyond his years, might be traced the

different characteristics of mind and heart which eventually made up the

texture of his later manhood, the yearning desire for retirement, the

habit of sober reflection, the trait of gentle sadness, and the

passionate love for home and country. The years of his childhood passed

unattended by a single sorrow. Time, however, brought a change, which

broke rudely in upon the even tenor of his happy life. The pretty

homestead on the banks of the Shannon was to be broken up, old poetic

haunts had to be forsaken, and the sheep of the little fold were to be

dispersed.

In the year 1820 his father suffered such heavy losses that a slender

competency was all that remained at his disposal to resume, if he had

been willing, a business which had hitherto been productive of only

disappointments and regrets. The family, not wishing to run further

risks, set sail for America, and settled in another Fairy Lawn, in

Susquehanna County, Pa., leaving Gerald and two younger sisters to

remain with their brother, a physician, who was at that time living in

the town of Adare. Here Gerald remained for two years, pounding drugs

and manipulating pills, ostensibly to study medicine, but in reality to

devise plots for projected dramas, and to sketch character and incident

for tales in prose and poetry. The pathway of his future career had

already been carefully mapped out. He had long pined in secret for a

literary career, and years only whetted his eagerness to put his

unspoken wish into practical execution. Like poor Kirke White, he felt

the irresistible influence of an unmistakable destiny drawing him, as he

fancied, from lowly walks to ways of loftier prospect and more uncertain

enterprise. In the prophetic fervor of anticipated triumph, he foresaw

himself the lion of the literary coterie, the courted favorite at titled

levees and fashionable dinner parties. He occasionally contributed short

essays and fugitive poems to the _Limerick Reporter_, a sheet of news on

which were wont to be chronicled the gossip of the city, critiques of

provincial dramas, statistics of the Baldoyle steeplechases, or the

latest speech by the Liberator. Sometimes he ran into the city to have a

chat with a young man, who had begun to be recognized in the circuit of

provincial journalism as a literary star of rising magnitude. The young

man was John Banim, whose noble services under trying circumstances

Gerald had reason some years later to experience and appreciate. During

the two years immediately preceding his departure for London, he devoted

his attention almost exclusively to dramatic composition. Banim's "Damon

and Pythias" appeared in 1821, and the success which had at once raised

its obscure author into prominence, must have had no slight influence in

confirming the resolution which Gerald had already made. A religious

motive, too, entered into the spirit and outlined the object and policy

of his work. His plays, when they should be produced, were not to

terminate with uproarious applause and calls for the "gifted author" at

the fall of the curtain. The spirit of the drama had at this time

wofully departed from the sphere of its legitimate function received

from historic tradition. The design of the great dramatic master had

been in his own words to hold the "mirror up to nature." The interest of

London stage-managers led them to pander to public taste, and crowd the

boards with sensational makeshifts and spectacular unrealities. Otway's

"Venice Preserved" and Heman's "Vespers of Palermo" could not attract a

pit full; while scenes introducing battlefields, burning forests, and

cataracts of real water crowded the houses to overflowing. It was at

this juncture that Griffin hoped to bring about his dramatic revolution.

It was with this object in view that he composed a tragedy and read it

for his brother, who, seeing that it contained much that was excellent

and much that gave evidence of future success, no longer withheld his

permission for Gerald to try his future in the heart of the English

metropolis.

One cold morning, in the autumn of the year 1823, Gerald Griffin found

himself a bewildered stranger in the streets of London. The sense of

utter loneliness, the feeling of timid embarrassment, which overpowered

him in the bustle and uproar, amid the winding streets and smoky

labyrinths of the densely populated Babel, had been experienced by many

another aspiring adventurer, whom the glitter of a great name and the

hope of literary preferment had drawn from happy retirements to battle

through adversity to fame and fortune. His first object on his arrival

in town was to seek the shelter of respectable lodgings; his next, to

introduce himself, to explain his projects and to submit his tragedy to

the manager of a London theatre. The manuscript was returned after some

months delay, with the intimation that it was too poetic and too

didactic, and would require extensive revision before it could be

brought upon the stage. Accident, rather than good luck, threw Banim

across his path, and he proved to be a valuable and a faithful friend.

In the little sanctum at the rear of No 7 Amelia Place, Brompton, where

Curran had written his speeches and Banim had composed his tragedies,

Gerald sat down to reinspect the returned work, and at the suggestion of

his friend to omit whole scenes, to substitute others, to lop off

epithets which were too glaringly poetic, and to abbreviate speeches

which were too discursively long. But despite all the author's revision

and Banim's abler experience "Aquire" was fated never to occupy the

boards. No amount of labor could redeem the fault of a drama which

conveyed moral precepts in the classic solemnity of select and studied

periods. Despairing, at length, of ever having it produced, Gerald

withdrew it in disgust; but what he did with the manuscript, whether it

was purposely destroyed, or accidentally lost, we are unable to say.

"Aquire," however, must have contained many excellencies, judging from

other poetical work of the author written at the same time, and from the

testimony of his accomplished brother, whose excellent literary taste

made him a competent judge. "Gisippus," a tragedy written at this

period, was produced with great success two years after the author's

death, Macready sustaining the title rôle. A series of continued

failures to satisfy the wants of exacting stage managers, slightly

altered the plan, though not the purpose, of the work which Griffin had

set himself to accomplish. He was compelled to give up writing

tragedies, and write for a livelihood; but London was overcrowded with

impecunious journalists, and he received the merest pittance in return

for the most arduous species of literary drudgery. The author of

"Irene," on his arrival in London, was not more incontestably the

literary helot at the mercy of Cave, Millar, and Osborne, than was

Gerald Griffin the typical booksellers' hack amid shuffling reviewers

and extorting publishers. Johnson at the outset of his literary career

received but five guineas for a quarto English translation of "Lobos

Voyage to Abyssinia." Griffin, after working for weeks received two

guineas for a translation of a volume and a half of Prevot's works. But

he was not to be easily dismayed by first reverses of fortune. He had

long ago made himself familiar with the catalogue of miseries in the

literary martyrology beginning with Nash and Otway, and ending with his

friend Banim. Early intimacy with distress and disappointment would but

stimulate him the better to conquer both. He would sacrifice everything,

consistent with a stainless name and an honorable career, in the

attainment of his cherished end--the society of friends, the little

luxuries of a frugal table, the modest though comfortable room in which

he had hitherto lived and toiled. Poor Gerald! he had yet to learn when

his most ambitious yearnings had been fully realized, that worldly

honors do not satisfy the cravings of a Christian heart, that the most

imperishable coronal of true success is woven of deeds little, lowly,

and seemingly contemptible, and that labor spent in purely secular

pursuits is labor spent in vain. But the nobler promptings of his nature

were as yet unheard amid the discord in which he lived.

He now removed to a miserable garret in a lonely corner of a lonely

street in the loneliest part of London. The forlorn solitude of his

dreary room was, however, somewhat cheered by the thought, that in such

dizzy eeries, amid the eccentric gables and rheumatic chimney pots of

great capitals, works were often composed which were destined eventually

to confer lasting honors on their obscure authors. Goldsmith had written

his "Vicar of Wakefield" in the memorable, dingy eminence at the head of

Breakneck Steps. Pope, walking with Harte in the Haymarket, entered an

old house, where mounting three pair of creaking stairs he pointed to an

open door and said: "In this garret Addison wrote his 'Campaign.'"

Gerald Griffin, however, had yet to experience all the hardships which

were endured by Goldsmith before his landlady threatened eviction, and

by Addison before he received the fortuitous visit of Henry Boyle, Lord

Chancellor of the Exchequer. He wrote prose and poetry for which he was

often glad to get sufficient money wherewith to purchase a cup of coffee

and a crust of bread. He studied Spanish, and when he had so mastered

the language as to be able to translate fluently, his publisher said

that on second consideration he would prefer to receive original

contributions. And now commenced a period in Griffin's life, which, for

exceptional want and misery, might claim a certain pre-eminence in the

long list of hapless victims, who made up the literary hecatomb of the

Johnsonian era. Without the grosser elements, which enter into their

methods of living and disfigure their character, the abject squalor of

vulgar surroundings, the love for pot-houses and low companionships, the

utter disregard for personal respect, he otherwise underwent all the

pain, the want and uncertainty of their impoverished condition. But the

roughness of the road was unthought of in the anticipation of a rich

reward at the end of his journey. He would redouble his efforts to

ensure its nearer approach. He abandoned old companionships; invitations

to dinners and literary soirées, which came from his friends Banim and

McGinn, were politely declined. He locked himself in his lonely room and

wrote through the hours of an unbroken day. Only at night when the lamps

were lit, and the crowds had left the street, would he venture out of

doors, and then merely to take a ten minutes' walk to ease his aching

head, and to rest his wearied eyes. Once he remained three whole days

without tasting food, till a friend accidently came to see him and found

him pale and faint but still writing. Yet in all the sunless gloom of

this dreadful time his letters home were most cheerful. The want of

actual nourishment he felt, the evil influences by which he was

surrounded, the chances of certain success which awaited him if he would

but do violence to a certain portion of his scrupulous orthodoxy,

counted for nothing with one whose good sense could see no grave

inconsistency between temporary poverty and the first efforts of

struggling genius. Nor is poverty so fatal to the efforts of genius as a

superficial thinker would suppose it to be. To a noble nature it

presents no feature of degradation or terror. Its supposed evils are,

for the most part, begotten of the pride of those who are its victims.

If it forbade Griffin to ask or receive favors from those who were able

and willing to help him, it thereby conferred self-independence and

ceaseless energy, the constant forerunners of inevitable success. His

industry was speedily rewarded, and in a manner which seemed the result

rather of good luck than of strenuous effort or personal merit. One day

Gerald made bold to write an article after the manner of those in the

great reviews. He sent it anonymously to the proprietor of a leading

periodical, and in return received unsolicited a cheque for a handsome

sum of money, with an invitation to continue sending contributions of a

similar kind. This was the first hopeful speck in the horizon of a

brilliant future. The benevolence of the kindly publisher did not end

here. He sought out the anonymous writer, invited him to dinner, treated

him handsomely, and obtained for him the editorship of a new

publication. "It never rains but it pours," is a true old maxim

attributable with equal propriety to good and evil happenings. Hitherto

he had been unable to make his time profitable either in a literary or

pecuniary sense. His later contributions had all at once begun to

attract attention, and the amount of time at his disposal seemed too

short to enable him to satisfy all the requirements of numerous

engagements. He was employed as a parliamentary reporter and as a writer

of short plays for the English Opera House. He reviewed books which

were published, and revised books which were unpublished. He contributed

essays, stories and poetry to the _News of Literature_, the _European

Review_, and the _London Magazine_, for the smallest one of which he

received more money than for the huge translation of Prevot two years

previous. He was now enabled to take more comfortable chambers; but he

miscalculated his powers of endurance; when in such a stage of mental

anxiety and mental application he would remain up at literary work till

he heard the church clocks strike four in the morning. The evil results

of this abuse of health soon made themselves manifest. He had lost all

appetite for food. His rest was broken by fits of insomnia, during which

his heart would beat so loud as to be distinctly heard by his brother in

the same room. In the streets he would be suddenly attacked by swooning

fits, during which he would have to support himself by leaning on gate

posts and sitting on door-steps. At the earnest solicitation of his good

brother he set out for Ireland with the hope of recruiting his failing

energies by a few months' leave of absence. His vacation was productive

of literary as well as of sanitary results.

He returned to London with a volume of stories for the press, and sold

the copyright to the Messrs. Simpkin Marshall & Co., for £70. The work

appeared in December 1826, under the title of "Hollandtide Tales." It

was well received. The style was original, graceful and easy. The three

novels, which comprised the series, were interesting and free from the

taint of grossness and immorality, so erroneously deemed essential when

describing the habits and customs of the poorer classes. It was an

eloquent vindication of a much-wronged portion of the Irish peasantry,

and like Banim's contemporary writings, it was hailed with universal

exultation in Irish literary circles. The success of his first work was

so immediate and decisive that he resigned his editorship, abandoned the

magazines and reviews, and continued with few interruptions to appear

annually before the public as a novelist. "Tales of the Munster

Festivals," which appeared in two series, and for which he received

£250, was the title of his next work. In 1858 appeared "The Collegians"

which placed him with one bound in the fore front of the great writers

of his country. It was not only the best Irish novel that had appeared

previous to its first publication, but is admittedly the best that has

ever been written since.[C] "The Invasion," "The Rivals," "The Duke of

Monmouth," and others which he wrote subsequently, are all far inferior

when placed side by side with this great master-piece of fiction. In it

may be seen to best advantage the wonderful power and versatility of

Griffin's genius as a great novelist, for within its single compass he

has touched with a master hand the whole gamut of human passion and

human affections. As a literary artist of the "dark and touching mode of

painting," which Carleton has set down as the chief characteristic of

his brother novelist, Griffin has few equals and no superior. To depict

the more sombre tints of human nature, to trace the unbroken events

linked together in a career of crime, from the first commission of evil

till its last expiation in the felon ship, or on the gallows, he

especially delights. He does not delay the progress of the plot to

impress upon his reader the exact frame of mind in which his hero felt

at certain trying conjunctures. This suggests itself unconsciously, in

occasional snatches of vague and emotional distraction, in half uttered

replies, in the joke that mechanically escapes the lips, in the

capricious laugh that best discovers the anguish preying on the mind and

the despair eating at the heart. But it is in the ingenuity with which

he makes local surroundings play such an important part in the drama of

human destiny, that Griffin excels to a remarkable extent. What reader

of the "Collegians" has not realized all the perils of the windy night

and the stormy sea with trepidation and horror scarcely surpassed by the

occupants of the little craft tossing amid the boiling breakers--Eily,

the hapless runaway, Danny, the elfin hunchback, and Hardress, the

conscience-stricken victim of conflicting thoughts and passionate

impulses? How much more tragic the finding of the dead body of Eily, the

"pride of Garryowen," since it occurs on the hunting field, surrounded

by the half maudlin squires, and before the bloodless face of the

horrified murderer? But Griffin deserves mention other than as a

dramatist and novelist. It is saddening to know that in an age where so

much weak sentiment, scarcely discernible in its wealth of verbose

ornamentation, is so easily imposed upon the public under the name of

poetry, that so much really good poetry should be forgotten and unread.

One is often provoked to regret that the scalping knife has become

blunted in the hands of the "buff and blue," and that the race of useful

parodists should seem to have expired with the wits of "Fraser." As a

poet Griffin is comparatively little known; and yet, to make a seeming

paradox, few poets have been more universally popular. The exquisite

songs, "A Place in Thy Memory," "Schule Agrah" and "Aileen Aroon" have

been read and sung wherever the English language is spoken. Yet very few

young Irish ladies and gentlemen are aware that Gerald Griffin is the

author. The religious spirit which exhibits its moral influence through

the thread of his stories appears more extensively and more perceptibly

in his poetry. If his shorter poems are the best of all he has written,

the best of all his short poems are those which breathe a religious

spirit. To verify our assertion we need only mention, "Old Times, Old

Times!" "The Mother's Lament," "O'Brazil" and "The Sister of Charity."

It is a matter for much regret that Griffin should have written so

little poetry. Had he devoted more exclusive attention to this

department of literature, he would undoubtedly have become the Burns of

his country; for his muse had taught him a kindred song, and given him

to write with equal tenderness and simplicity.

In the year 1838, Gerald Griffin had attained a popularity which would

have satisfied the wishes of the most ardent literary enthusiast. He was

no longer the literary hack, the despised minion, the swindled victim at

the mercy of harpy publishers and newspaper knaves. He could now write

at his leisure, and be handsomely rewarded for his labor. Positions from

which much emolument might be derived were offered him, but he answered

them with a polite refusal. Contributions were solicited to no purpose.

The desultory articles written under pressure of hunger in the

confinement of the garret near St. Paul's were hunted for by publishers,

who were too happy to pay a handsome premium for any thing printed over

the name of the now popular author. To those who have never tried to

realize the working of divine grace in the hearts of the pure and

virtuous, Gerald Griffin would now seem to have nothing more to wish

for, no unacquired honor to enkindle a new aspiration, no need of money

to compel him once more to write for a living. The wisdom of advanced

years, and a religious discernment guided by the spirit of God, and

becoming more devotional day by day, began at last to discover the

sophistry and the deceit of human glory and human praise. He still

yearned after a mysterious something which he began to realize could

never be found amid the jarring discord and empty distractions of the

secular world. A new light irradiated the thick gloom by which he had

long been encompassed. Gradually the mist and shadow of doubt and

difficulty rolled away, disclosing at length the gray walls of a silent

monastery in spirit of unpretentious work and pious exercise, far

sequestered from the busy haunts of worldly men. Step by step he was

approaching the humble cell of recollection and prayer, in the religious

solitude of which he was to find true peace and lasting happiness. From

the cottage cradled on the Shannon's breast to his later home in the

poetic solitude of sweet Adare; from the three-cornered garret in the

London back street to the tables of the rich and the titled, he had

experienced every vicissitude between the antithetical extremes of joy

and sorrow. When, at length, the final step was taken, it was not the

rash or eccentric choice of momentary impulse, but the matured result of

wise and cautious deliberation. He prepared to enter the noble order of

the Christian Brothers, whose humble office it is to instruct the

children of the poor, and whose labors in the cause of Christian

education have been of incalculable benefit to the Irish race. One

morning previous to Gerald's final departure, an elder brother entered

his bedroom. He found him in a kneeling posture holding the last

fragment of a charred heap of manuscript over the blazing fire. He had

made the final sacrifice to God of all that could wed his heart to

future worldly honors. In the year 1838 he entered the Christian

Brothers at Cork, and after a short novitiate received the habit and the

vows by which these holy men consecrate themselves to the service of

their Maker and the spiritual welfare of their fellow men. But the

splendid genius of the new Brother was not destined to remain idle. It

was now to be exercised more energetically than ever, consecrated as it

had been to the service of religion and the glory of God. He had just

completed a small number of Catholic tales, written in his happiest

vein, when a fatal attack of malignant fever struck the pen from his

hand. Every remedy that the skill of great physicians could devise,

every attention that loving confrères could bestow was procured for him

during his last illness. But the invisible decree had gone forth, and

the near passing was inevitable. He lingered but a few days, edifying

his attendants by his fervent piety and resignation under suffering. He

died consoled by the rites of Holy Church on the 12th of June, 1840. In

the humble cemetery, of the monastery at Cork, a modest grave, unnoticed

amid rows of similar ones, is surmounted by a small cross. The cross

bears the name of Brother Joseph, the grave holds all that was mortal of

the good and gifted Gerald Griffin.

Oxford, N. J.

JAMES H. GAVIN.

FOOTNOTES:

[C] Mr. Justin McCarthy, speaking of "Irish Novelists" at Cork, in

September, 1884, said: "We have some Irish novels which ought to be

classic, and about which I have over and over again taxed all the

critical experience I can summon up why they have failed to become

classic in the sense of Sir Walter Scott's novels. I cannot understand

why Gerald Griffin's 'Collegians' fails to take a place in the public

estimation beside the best of the novels of Sir Walter Scott."

Rev. Father Fulton, S. J.,

Condescended to notice the ravings of Mr. Robert Ingersoll, at Boston

College Hall, on the evening of the 11th of November. We should be

pleased to publish a full report of the lecture, but our limits will not

permit us to do so. We merely give a few extracts: "Once upon a time

there was a person named Scholasticus, who suffered by death the loss of

his child, to whose obsequies came the people in great throngs. But our

friend, instead of receiving their expressions of condolence, hid

himself blushing in a corner, and, on being expostulated with, and asked

why he was ashamed, replied: 'To bury so small a child before so large

an assembly.' This lecture is the child, and the concourse is the

audience before me. I have been engaged on matters foreign to literary

and scientific pursuits, and have had no time to prepare a regular

lecture, but I think it will not need much time to demolish Mr.

Ingersoll. I will take his book on 'Orthodoxy,' in which he declares

that 'he knows that the clergy know that they know nothing.' Mr.

Ingersoll is not a philosopher, nor a theologian, though he may be, as

we hear, an orator of matchless voice and gesticulation. He is witty, as

any one may easily be who attacks what we most revere. Let us look at

his scholarship. He has no argument whatever, except the old objections

brought up in the schools. In the whole book there have been no

references nor authorities cited. His only method of reasoning is that

by interrogation, why? why? why? Suppose I answer I don't know! The

proper test of an argument is to put it in syllogistic form, which is

impossible with Mr. Ingersoll's arguments. Again, the very importance of

the subject demands a respectful and reverential treatment, which Mr.

Ingersoll denies it. I will try to make a synopsis of the work. Mr.

Ingersoll declares himself sincere in his belief, thereby insinuating

that they who believe in Christianity are hypocrites. Then follows an

examination of the Congregational and Presbyterian creeds, under the

supposition, absurdly false, '_ex uno disce omnes_.' 'Infidelity,' says

Mr. Ingersoll, 'will prevail over Christianity.' This does not prove

that Christianity is not the true religion, for infidelity may triumph

only because the intellect is obscured by passion. 'The Christian

religion,' says he, 'is supported only because of the contributions of

some men.' Would those men have supported it had they not firmly

believed in it? Again, Mr. Ingersoll says the Christian religion was

destroyed by Mohammed, and yet no one knows it. Nor were the crusades

unjust and destructive wars, for the land which they fought for was one

dearest to them; their Saviour died there. Was it not a just war? And

this war saved all Europe, for the power of Mohammed was rising rapidly

and was about to inundate all Europe. But the war was carried into the

enemy's country, and by the attack all Europe was saved. Again, we were

freed from the ignorance of the dark ages (dark, as I may say, only

because we have no light on them), by the introduction into Italy of

some manuscripts, according to Mr. Ingersoll. But the truth is, all the

learning of that period was centred in the church, and by her alone were

erected seats of learning. It was from the barbarian that this ignorance

arose. Nor has the church been inimical to the sciences, more

particularly to astronomy and its promoters, for among the most able

astronomers of Europe are to be found Catholic priests." The lecture was

delivered to a large audience completely filling the College Hall.

Private Judgment a Failure.

It is a common fallacy of Protestants that the scepticism, which is so

prevalent, affects the Catholic Church equally with Protestant sects.

Now, this is a great and pernicious error, for it tends to divert

sincere inquirers from seeking true, infallible doctrine in the church.

When I witness the strenuous efforts made by Protestant writers against

scepticism, and their ill success, I am led to execrate the miscalled

"Reformation." Had that horrible event not taken place, instead of the

desultory warfare by detached guerillas, we should have had the full

strength and power of an organized, disciplined, compact army, against

scepticism. To speak even of the learning displayed by Protestant

writers is to suggest how much more vast the learning, that would now be

the portion of England, if the church property were in the hands of the

Abbots of former days instead of being held by its present possessors.

In force of reasoning, too, Protestant vindicators of religion are at an

immense disadvantage. They are hampered by principles, which they should

never have adopted. Private judgment is to them what Saul's armor was to

David, ill-fitting, and cumbersome. To borrow an illustration from

Archbishop Whately, "They are obliged to fight infidelity with their

left hand; their right hand being tied behind them." One of the

specialties of this age is "historical research." The application of the

historical criticism inaugurated by Niebuhr has dealt Protestism a fatal

blow, while, on the other hand, it has been favorable to the cause of

Catholicity. This has happened for the reason that the Catholic Church

is not founded exclusively on the Bible, as Protestantism is. Catholics

take the Bible as an authentic history. This authentic history

establishes the divine mission of our Lord, and the institution of the

church by His divine authority. This church, "the pillar and ground of

truth," attests the divine authority of Holy Scripture. There is no

_circulus vitiosus_ in our argument. With us the individual must bow to

the collective wisdom of the church, divinely established. Protestants

cut a pretty figure with private judgment. In political elections, and

in clubs, meetings, and so forth, the Protestant very properly allows

that the voice of the majority must prevail. This is common sense; and

yet in religious matters forsooth, the private judgment of an ignorant

and illiterate individual must be permitted to overrule the decision of

the collective wisdom of learned theologians. This shows how far men are

liable to be blinded by prejudice. In fact, if men had an interest in

denying that "two and two make four," they would unquestionably do so.

We may also deduce from this violent aberration in religion an argument

to prove the doctrine of original sin, and the existence of evil spirits

exercising a malignant influence on the souls and minds of men.

Physicists experience that longing for religion natural to man; and

hence they endeavor to patch up some sort of a religion from the shreds

of truth that are found in physical science, "_rari nantes in gurgite

vasto_." Unfortunately, they are unacquainted with Catholic doctrine,

and they see in the conflicting sects of Protestantism no good ground to

base their faith upon. Accustomed to deal with matter, they are unable

to elevate their minds to the supernatural. They dissect the human

corpse, and stupidly wonder that in a dead body they cannot discover a

living soul; they search the empty tomb for the resurrected Saviour.

The minds of those men are set in a wooden, mechanical way. They are

impervious to logic at the very time that they are asserting their loyal

adherence to its rules. They have a horror of Catholic conclusions as,

it may be also remarked, have Protestants likewise. On this account,

both classes prefer rather to accept the most untrustworthy theories of

physical science, even when they verge on gross and laughable absurdity,

than to grant the conclusions of Catholic theologians.

It must be borne in mind that the Bible is not one book, as popular

Protestantism regards it. It is seen now in the light of historical

criticism, that the amount of knowledge requisite for the proper

exercise of private judgment on the Bible is immense, and such as can

only be acquired by a few, comparatively speaking. Protestantism is,

therefore, moribund. Infidelity is to be combated by the church; by this

only can it be conquered. Nor is it hard to conquer. We should see it

disposed of very soon, if it ventured to put forth a system. But its

strength lies in grumbling. It asks, like Pontius Pilate, What is truth?

And goes away without waiting for an answer.

Burlington, N. J.

REV. P. A. TREACY.

* * * * *

HIS Holiness the Pope having written a letter to the Mikado of Japan

thanking him for the kindness extended by him to the Catholic

missionaries, his Majesty has replied in cordial terms, assuring the

Holy Father that he would continue to afford them protection, and

announcing the despatch of a Japanese mission to the Vatican.

Priests and People Mourning.

The Great and Gifted Redemptorist Father, Rev. John O'Brien,

Deceased--Beautiful and Appropriate Tributes to his Memory.

A pillar of the Lord's temple, a lustrous light of faith departed, a

glorious soldier of the church militant on earth, is the sorrowful, but

withal grateful, subject of our memoir. Taken from this life suddenly in

the very bloom of a magnificent manhood, and from the career of his

saintly priesthood, fragrant with thousands of tests of the divinity of

his ordination; aye, taken from the multitudes who so much needed his

spiritual guidance and support, may we well exclaim that the ways of our

Almighty Father are wondrously mysterious and hidden beyond the ken of

our feeble understanding. The great and gifted young priest was truly of

that royal race of him, Boroimhe, who was slaughtered by the hand of a

desperate assassin, as he prayerfully knelt in his tent, on the

battle-field, offering thanks to the Lord of Hosts for victory over the

hordes of northern barbarian invaders. He of Clontarf was king, soldier

and saintly Christian. His descendant, transplanted in his youth, as if

by divine ordination, from Ireland to America, was soldier, Christian,

king of hearts and saver of souls. Majestic in person, gentle in

deportment, tender of heart, Rev. John O'Brien, C. SS. R. through

wondrous graces of mind and soul won upon all; brought the wayward into

the paths of holy places, and readily summoned sinners to repentance. He

achieved miracles, temporal as well as spiritual. It will be recollected

how agreeably our whole community was startled by the corroborated

recital, not so very long since, that the young daughter of Col. P. T.

Hanley, of Boston Highlands, was healed of her chronic lame infirmity

through the efficacy of his ministrations and her own pure prayers and

strong faith. How heroic he was in "apostolic zeal and saintly fervor,"

like one of those heroic, primitive soldiers of the Cross, the martyrs

of the catacombs, his reverend and eloquent panegyrist attests, when he

reminds us how little terrors for him and his pious associates had the

murderously-inclined orangemen and other bigots of Newfoundland, when

these Fathers were there not long ago on the mission.

Rev. Father O'Brien had been for some years connected with the

Redemptorists' Church of Our Lady of Perpetual Help, at Boston

Highlands. He was in his thirty-sixth year at the time of his decease,

which occurred suddenly on November 8th, from rheumatism of the heart,

at Ilchester, Md., the parent house of the order. He had, only a few

days previous to his death, closed a most arduous but successful mission

in Philadelphia, where, but a short time previously, Rev. Father

McGivern was taken with his fatal illness through overwork in his

missionary labors. The remains of Father O'Brien were conveyed here by

Mr. Cleary, one of our undertakers, and reposed in the main aisle

fronting the altar of the Tremont Street basilica, during the evening

and night of November 11, where many thousands visited them in tears,

and rendered upward their silent and heartfelt prayers for the purposes

which animated his sanctified soul. The emblems of mourning in the

edifice, the varied and beautiful and artistic floral tributes, the

grief depicted on the features of young and old of the people, and many

other evidences, attested most unerringly the great bereavement which

the Catholics of Boston sustain by his death.

[Illustration: THE LATE REV. JOHN O'BRIEN, C. S.S. R.]

On the morning of the 12th, at 9 o'clock, the Redemptorist Fathers'

Church was thronged with a great congregation, and hundreds were unable

to get in when the office of the dead was recited. Over fifty priests

participated in the sanctuary devotions. The clergymen offering up the

Solemn High Mass of Requiem were as follows: Celebrant, Rev. Father

Welsh, C. SS. R.; deacon, Rev. Father Wynn, C. SS. R.; sub-deacon, Rev.

Father Lutz, C. SS. R.; master of ceremonies, Rev. Father Licking, C.

SS. R.; Father Licking also preached the panegyric. The Reverend Father

took for his text:

ECCLESIASTES xii. 5 and 7. "Man shall enter into the house of

his eternity, and the mourners shall go roundabout in the

street.... And the dust shall return to the earth from whence

it was, and the spirit shall return to God who gave it."

He began most impressively and substantially as follows: "What shall I

say to you on this sad occasion? How shall I find words to express the

sorrow and sadness, which I see depicted on your countenances? The

zealous, the learned, the whole-souled Redemptorist, Rev. John O'Brien,

is laid low on the bier of death. A young warrior has fallen on the

battle-field of duty. A strong worker has sunk beside the vines he was

preparing for the heavenly kingdom.

"Oh, brother, if thou hadst not died in the prime of youth! If thou

hadst not within thee the strength and energy to labor long and

successfully in thy sublime vocation! If thou hadst grown gray in the

service of God, I should congratulate you on this day, the day of thy

espousals to Jesus Christ. I should say to thee: well done thou faithful

servant, thou hast labored long and well in the service of thy maker.

Thou hast gone to thy well-merited reward." Father Licking continued at

some length in this strong strain of apostrophe to the name and memory

of his beloved brother, and then entered into reminiscences, in which he

said, "I remember well when first I met the departed. It was in the year

1870. We were then students at the preparatory college of the

Redemptorist order. He was even then the picture of health, and a model

for every student. Never was he known to infringe upon the slightest

rule of the institute; never (and this is saying a great thing), never

did he lose a single moment of time. Always at his books by day and by

night, even stealing from his well-merited rest some hours in order to

acquire knowledge which he might employ in after years in the service of

God and for the good of souls. So well pleased were his superiors with

his conduct, that they appointed him, together with the late lamented

Rev. Father McGivern, overseer of the college boys in the absence of

their superiors."

He received the habit of the order in 1875, with Rev. Fathers Beal and

Licking. The panegyrist made most feeling allusion to the occasion, when

the lamented dead took "the profession of those holy vows, those

tremendous vows, those eternal vows of poverty, chastity, and

obedience.... Thank God, he kept those vows to the end."

Father O'Brien was next sent to the Redemptorist Theological Seminary of

Ilchester, Md., to further pursue the great studies that fitted him for

his calling.

"It often required an express command of his superiors to take him from

his books that his body might not succumb, and the mind gain the

necessary rest. So exact was he in all his ways, that we, his fellow

students, could, at any hour of the day, point out the very spot where

he might be found, either going through the Way of the Cross, or praying

before the Blessed Sacrament, or reciting his rosary, or studying at his

books. Is it a wonder, then, that God should allow him to die on a spot

which had so often been the witness of so much piety and so many of his

good works."

He was ordained priest in 1880, and the following February found him at

the Boston Highlands in the Church of Our Lady of Perpetual Help. Here

he administered for the first time the Sacrament of Penance; here he

preached from the pulpit of his panegyrist his first sermon; here he

entered upon "that career of zeal and usefulness which made his name

proverbial in every family of the parish." ... "He possessed a powerful

and comprehensive mind, a prodigious memory, and a most fertile

imagination; and, above all, a most generous spirit and tender heart.

Graced besides with every form of manly beauty, strength and vigor, of a

powerful frame, nothing seemed wanting to him. It might be said of him

as the poet sang of the ancient hero:

"'He was a combination and a form indeed,

Where God did seem to set his very seal,

To give the world the picture of a man.'"

Father Licking dwelt at length upon the great extent of the work done in

the parish by the beloved deceased. "Every interest in the large parish

received his particular attention." All were participants of his zeal

and charity. In 1883 he passed through his second novitiate after a

retirement of six months, which fully equipped him for the missions.

"And now his soul rejoiced, indeed, in the Lord."

"It is related," said the preacher, "of a Southern officer, that when he

returned from a successful expedition, the first question he put to his

general always was: 'Where is the next blow to be struck? Send me

there!' So it was with the young warrior of the Cross, whose death we

mourn. His zeal knew no bounds except those of obedience. Hardly had one

mission been finished when he hastened to another.... North, South, East

and West were witnesses of his Apostolic zeal and saintly fervor. The

cold weather, the fierce storms, and still fiercer spirits of hostile

sects in Newfoundland, had not terrors enough to deter him, and the

hottest sun of July and August could not draw from him a single word of

complaint, when engaged in arduous task of giving retreats. And though

comparatively a young man, when only four years had elapsed since his

ordination, his superiors trusting in his zeal, his prudence, and his

wisdom, selected him, from out of many, to the important office of

giving retreats to the clergy of the land." ... "I see among the floral

tributes one bearing the letters 'Apostolic Zeal.' It shows me that you

have understood his spirit."

In the panegyrist's recital it was told that six weeks before his death

he was returning from missions in Pennsylvania. He saw in New York the

very Rev. Provincial, who told him that the Fathers at work on the

missions at Philadelphia were becoming exhausted, and that even then the

Rev. Father McGivern was on a dying bed there. Father O'Brien stood up,

and stretching himself to the full height of his massive frame, he

exclaimed, "Look at me! Am I not a strong man? Send me. I'll do the work

for them!" "Does it not remind you of the brave general who said, 'Where

is the next blow to be struck. Send me there.'" When that, his last

mission, closed, the Fathers had heard thirty-five hundred confessions,

and he retired to Ilchester for a cursory visit, where the joy he

experienced in meeting his old Alma Mater superiors was beyond

description. While there he remarked: "Father, this would be a nice,

quiet and holy place to die in." That night he was attacked with the

fatal malady. His limbs became racked with pain. The rheumatism reached

his great heart, and he is found at five o'clock in the morning

insensible. The last sacraments were administered, and at seven o'clock

his noble soul took its flight from its mortal abode.

With an eloquent peroration, Rev. Father Licking closed by craving the

prayers of the faithful for the departed hero of the Cross.

The pathetic musical services were rendered by the regular choir of the

church, and comprised the Gregorian Requiem Mass, Miss Nellie M.

McGowan, organist. The twelve pall-bearers were Colonel P. T. Hanley,

Frank Ford, John J. Kennedy, M. H. Farrell, Thomas Kelly, E. J. Lynch,

James McCormack, Thomas O'Leary, James B. Hand, William S. McGowan, John

Reardon and Timothy McCarthy. Mount Calvary Cemetery was the place

selected for the interment. In His Grace Archbishop Williams' vault the

body will repose until the completion of work now in progress on a lot

specially intended for Father O'Brien. It is estimated that the services

at the church were attended by over twenty-five hundred people, and the

funeral was likewise largely attended. Every kind attention was paid to

his bereaved mother, father, and sister, who came on here from New York

State.

SLEEP ON.

In Memory of Father John O'Brien, C. SS. R.

How short is life, a flitting cloud

Before the blast.

The storm wind roars, the thunder rolls

Then, peace at last.

Oh! Brother, life to thee was short;

A summer's morn

A floweret blooming in the sun,

Then, left forlorn.

Thy heart was fired with zealous love,

Thy courage high.

But list! Thy Captain softly calls

And thou must die.

No more thou'lt lead His forces on

To victory grand;

No more thou'lt join with beating heart

That glorious band.

Thou'rt fallen on the battle field

With burnished arms.

O soldier, sleep in peace, secure

From war's alarms.

O glorious life! Thy heart was free

From aught of earth,

From glittering gold, or bauble fair

Of little worth.

Thy gaze was fixed on Heaven's courts,

Thy heart's desire

On Calvary's top where Jesus burnt

In love's fierce fire.

O noble champion of the cross,

Thy course is run.

Like heaven's light, thy soul returns

To heaven's Sun.

O beauteous death! No worldly grief

Is blustering there,

The Church's voice, her tender plaint

Scents all the air.

How sweet to die, when voice of prayer

Doth rend the skies.

Released from earth, the soul ascends

In glad surprise.

And what is left? The house of clay

Where dwelt the soul.

That temple grand, where hymns to God

Did often roll.

Ah! guard it well, its blessed walls

Will rise again.

Again the soul in heaven will chant

Its glad refrain.

His tomb will blossom fair with flowers--

A mother's tears.

In memory's halls, his name will live

Through countless years.

Sleep on, brave soldier, sleep

And take thy rest.

Like John thou sleepest now

On Jesus' breast.

Crown and Crescent.

A great event was witnessed on the evening of Monday, November 23, when

the new electric crown and crescent, which adorn the statue of Our Lady

on the dome of the university, were lit up for the first time. There,

lifted high in the air--two hundred feet above the ground--the grand,

colossal figure of the Mother of God appeared amid the darkness of the

night in a blaze of light, with its diadem of twelve electric stars, and

under its feet the crescent moon formed of twenty-seven electric lights.

Truly, it was a grand sight; and one, which, though it is becoming

familiar to the inmates of Notre Dame, must ever strike the beholder

with awe and reverence, realizing as it does, the most perfect

expression, in a material representation, of the prophetic declaration

of Holy Writ: _And there appeared a great wonder in heaven: a woman

clothed with the sun, and the moon under her feet, and on her head a

crown of twelve stars._

It must, indeed, have been an inspiration, or a prophetic foresight of

the great advance soon to be made in the domain of science, that, a few

years ago, caused the venerable founder of Notre Dame to conceive the

grand idea which to-day we see so perfectly realized. In 1879, when the

new Notre Dame was being raised upon the ruins of the old, comparatively

little progress had as yet been made in electric lighting. In

particular, the great problem of the minute subdivision of the light

remained unsolved. Edison had not then begun his experiments, and the

incandescent light was not even dreamed of. To employ the arc light

around the statue was out of the question, not only because the

necessary appliances would detract from the beauty of the figure, but

also on account of the daily attention which the lamps would require.

But the idea had taken possession of the mind of Very Rev. Father Sorin,

and was tenaciously clung to, in spite of discouraging report through

the years that followed, until, at length, the success of subsequent

experiments, and the invention of incandescent electric lighting,

revealed the complete practicability of carrying out the grand design of

the venerable founder.

Now, twelve of the Edison incandescent lamps encircle the head of the

statue, while at the base are three semi-circles of nine lamps in each,

which form the crescent moon. These, together with the lights in the

halls of the college, are fed with the electric current by a powerful

dynamo, situated in the rear of the building. Thus the visitor to Notre

Dame, as he comes up the avenue at night, or the wayfarer for miles

around, can realize and revere that glorious tribute to the Queen of

Heaven, the Protectress of Notre Dame, as he sees her figure surrounded

with its halo of light, typifying the watchful care she constantly

exercises, by night as well as by day, over the inmates of this home of

religion and science, which has been specially dedicated to her honor.

_Notre Dame_ (Ia.) _Scholastic_.

Four Thousand Years.

Four thousand years earth waited,

Four thousand years men prayed,

Four thousand years the nations sighed,

That their King delayed.

The prophets told His coming,

The saintly for Him sighed,

And the Star of the Babe of Bethlehem

Shone o'er them when they died.

Their faces toward the future,

They longed to hail the light,

That in after centuries

Would rise on Christmas nights.

But still the Saviour tarried

In His Father's home,

And the nations wept and wondered why

The promised had not come.

At last earth's prayer was granted,

And God was a child of earth,

And a thousand angels chanted

The lowly midnight birth.

Ah! Bethlehem was grander

That hour, than Paradise;

And the light of earth, that night, eclipsed

The splendors of the skies.

ABRAM J. RYAN.

Abolishing Barmaids.

A bill "for the Abolition of Barmaids" sounds like a joke from "Alice in

Wonderland," or from one of Mr. Gilbert's burlesques. Nevertheless it is

a serious legislative proposal now pending before the Parliament of

Victoria. It is actually in print, and makes it penal for any keeper of

a public house to employ women behind the counter. Of course, the

advocates of this astonishing idea have their arguments. They do not go

quite as far as Sir Wilfrid Lawson, who would disestablish not only

barmaids, but barmen and bars; they would not shut up all dram-shops;

but they would make them as dreary as possible, so as to repel

impressionable young men. In Gothenburg the spirit-drinker is served by

a policeman, who keeps an eagle eye upon him that he may know him again,

and refuse him a second glass if he asks for it before a certain

interval has expired. The Victorian reformers have a corresponding idea

of diminishing the attractions of intoxication by surrounding the

initial stages with repellent rather than enticing accessories. Instead

of the smiling Hebes who have fascinated the golden youth of the colony,

men will serve as tapsters, and without note or comment hand across the

counter the required draught. The effect may be considerable, as male

drinkers do undoubtedly take a delight in the pleasant looks and bright

talk of the young ladies who, as the French say, "preside" at these

establishments. But should not the Victorian apostles of abstinence go

further? It is well to replace girls by men, and thus subdue the bar to

masculine dullness; but could not the Act of Parliament go on to declare

that none save plain, grim-visaged males should be tolerated as

assistants? The most inveterate toper might hesitate to enter twice if

he were always met by the ugly aspect of some dark, forbidding

countenance. A kind of competition might take place for the posts,

which might be given to the most repulsive people the Government could

select. Fearful squint would be at a premium; scowls would be valued

according to their blackness and depth; a ghastly grin would be

desirable; while a general cadaverousness might be utilized as

suggesting to drunkards the probable end of their career. The gods of

Olympus laughed loudly when the swart, ungainly Vulcan for once replaced

Hebe as their cup-bearer; but it would be no joke for the young idlers

of Melbourne to find stern, grim men frowning over the counters where

once they were received with "nods and becks and wreathed smiles."

Christianity in China.

The arrangement which the Pope has made with the Emperor of China

promises to be productive of the happiest results, and to open the

Flowery Kingdom fully to the spread of the gospel. For many years the

French assumed the position of protectors of Christian missionaries in

barbarous countries. The first expedition to Annam was avowedly sent to

put an end to the murders of missionaries and converts so frequent in

that country; and for a time it did serve to put a check on the ferocity

of government and people. In the treaty of Tienstin it was stipulated

that the French Government should have the right to protect missionaries

in China. For a time that seemed to work well. But the many complaints

made through the French consuls, and the punishments inflicted on

Mandarins at their demand, served to irritate the Mandarins and the

populace. The indiscretion of some French missionaries, who interposed

to protect converts not always deserving of protection, and who flaunted

the flag of France in the faces of the Mandarins in their own courts,

increased the irritation. Some of the missionaries boasted also in

letters, which the Chinese saw when published, of the respect for France

which they instilled into their converts. The consequence was, that,

although the missionaries are from all nations, the Chinese learned to

regard them as French; and when the French made the late war on China,

to regard all Chinese Christians as traitors. Formerly the government

persecuted the Christians. Latterly Chinese mobs massacred the

Christians and destroyed their churches, convents, schools, etc., and

the French scarcely made an effort to protect them even in Tonquin. The

Holy Father, in the letter which we published some time ago, assured the

Emperor that the missionaries who are of all nations are of no politics

and desire only to preach the Christian religion, and begged the Emperor

to protect them. It has now been arranged that the Pope shall hereafter

be represented by a Legate at Pekin to whom the rank, etc., of an

ambassador will be given, and who will receive any complaints the

missionaries may have to make and will seek redress for them. Thus the

interests of religion will, in the minds of the Chinese, be entirely

dissociated from the interests of all foreign countries, and the

feelings which now prevail will subside in time. The French Government

infidel, though it is, will not like, it is thought, to be thus put

aside; but if the missionaries cease to appeal to its agents it will be

powerless.

"Faro's Daughters."

Donahoe's Magazine, Volume 15, No. 1, January 1886 · 第 3 / 4 章