As soon as day began to dawn, they advanced in regular order, and with

silence, against the enemy; and as there was a mist, they came close

upon them before they were perceived. But when they caught sight of one

another, the trumpet sounded on the side of the Greeks, who, raising the

shout of battle, rushed upon the enemy. The Barbarians did not stand

their charge, but quitted the pass and fled; only a few of them were

killed, for they were active in moving off. 8. At the same time the

party of Cheirisophus, hearing the sound of the trumpet, marched

immediately up the plain track; while others of the officers proceeded

by untrodden paths, where each happened to be, and, climbing up as well

as they could, drew up one another with their spears; 9. and these were

the first to join those who had secured the position. Xenophon, with the

half of the rear-guard, went up by the same way as those who had the

guide; for it was the most practicable for the baggage-cattle; the other

half he ordered to come up behind the cattle. 10. In their way they came

to a hill overhanging the road, which was occupied by the enemy, whom

they must either dislodge or be separated from the rest of the Greeks.

The men themselves, indeed, might have gone the same way as the rest of

the army, but the baggage-cattle could ascend by no other route than

this. 11. Encouraging one another, therefore, they made an attack upon

the hill in files,[185] not on every side, but leaving a way of escape

for the enemy, if they should be inclined to flee. 12. For a while, as

they were making their way as each best could, the Barbarians shot

arrows and threw stones at them, but did not receive them in close

encounter, and at last abandoned the place entirely.

The Greeks had no sooner passed the hill, than they caught sight of

another before them occupied also by the enemy. Upon this hill it was

resolved likewise to make an assault. 13. But Xenophon, apprehending

that, if he left the hill which they had taken unguarded, the enemy,

recovering it, might attack the baggage-cattle as they were passing,

(for the train of baggage-cattle reached a great distance, as they were

marching along a narrow path,) left upon the hill the captains

Cephisodorus the son of Cephisophon, an Athenian, Amphicrates the son of

Amphidemus, an Athenian, and Archagoras, an exile from Argos, while he

himself, with the others, directed his march upon the second hill, which

they also captured in a similar manner. 14. However, there was still a

third hill left for them to take, which was by far the steepest of the

whole; this was an eminence that overhung the post where the guard was

surprised in the night by the volunteers. 15. But as the Greeks came up,

the Barbarians deserted the hill without attempting any defence, so that

all were surprised, and suspected that they had left their position from

fear of being surrounded and besieged in it. But the truth was, that

having observed from the eminence what had passed behind, they all went

off with the intention of attacking the rear.

16. Xenophon, with the youngest of his men, ascended to the top, and

ordered the rest to march on slowly, so that the companies in the rear

might join them; and he directed them, after proceeding some distance,

to halt under arms, on a level piece of ground. 17. At this juncture

Aristagoras the Argive came fleeing from the enemy, and said that the

Greeks were driven from the first hill, and that Cephisodorus, and

Amphicrates, and all the rest, who had not leaped from the rock, and

joined the rear-guard, had been killed. 18. The Barbarians, after this

success, appeared upon an eminence opposite the third hill, and Xenophon

began to treat with them, through an interpreter, about making a truce,

and called upon them to give up the dead. 19. They replied, that they

would give them up on condition that he would not burn their villages.

To this Xenophon agreed. But while the rest of the army was passing on,

and these were discussing the terms of a truce, all the Barbarians from

that part of the country had flocked together. Here the enemy made a

stand; 20. and when Xenophon's party began to descend the hill, to join

the others where the heavy-armed troops were drawn up,[186] they came

forward in great numbers and with loud shouts. When they had reached the

top of the hill from which Xenophon was descending, they rolled down

stones, and broke the leg of one man; and Xenophon's shield-bearer

deserted him, carrying off his shield, 21. but Eurylochus, an Arcadian

from Lusia,[187] a heavy-armed soldier, ran to his support, and went on

holding his shield before them both; and the rest went to join those who

were already drawn up.

22. The entire Grecian force was now together, and took up their

quarters in a number of good houses, and in the midst of abundance of

provisions. Wine was so abundant, that they kept it in excavations under

ground, which were plastered over.[188] 23. Xenophon and Cheirisophus

now made an agreement with the enemy, that on receiving the dead bodies

they should give up the guide; and they performed all funeral rites for

the deceased, as far as they could, according to what is usually done at

the interment of brave men. 24. The next day they proceeded without a

guide; and the enemy, sometimes by skirmishing, and sometimes, where

there was a narrow pass, by pre-occupying it, endeavoured to obstruct

their progress. 25. Whenever therefore they impeded the front, Xenophon,

ascending the hills from the rear, endeavoured to break through the

opposition made in that quarter, trying always to reach higher ground

than the obstructing enemy; 26. and when they assailed the rear,

Cheirisophus, quitting his place, and striving also to get above the

enemy, removed the obstruction that was offered to the passage of that

part of the army. Thus they relieved and supported each other with

effect. 27. Sometimes, too, when the Greeks had ascended eminences, the

Barbarians gave them great annoyance in their descent; and, as they were

nimble, they could escape, though they had but a very short start of

us;[189] for they were encumbered with no other weapons than bows and

slings. 28. As archers they were very expert, and had bows nearly three

cubits long, and arrows above two cubits; and they drew the string,

whenever they discharged their arrows, advancing the left foot[190]

against the lower extremity of the bow. Their arrows penetrated through

shields and corslets; and the Greeks, taking them up, made use of them

as javelins, fixing thongs to them.[191] In these parts the Cretans were

of the greatest service. Stratocles, a Cretan, had the command of them.

[Footnote 181: Xenophon and Cheirisophus. _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 182: Τὴν φανερὰν ἔκβασιν.] Xenophon calls the passage to the

top of the mountain an ἔκβασις, or egress, with reference to the Greeks,

to whom it was a way of escape from a disagreeable position. _Kühner_ ad

c. 5. 20. The same words are repeated by Xenophon in the next sect.]

[Footnote 183: Ὁλοιτρόχους.] A word borrowed from Homer, signifying

properly _a round stone fit for rolling_, or _a stone that has been made

round by rolling_, as a pebble in the sea. It was originally an

adjective, with πέτρος understood. Most critics suppose it to be from

ὅλος and τρέχω, _totus teres atque rotundus_. Liddell and Scott derive

it from εἴλω, _volvo_. See Theocr. xxii. 49.]

[Footnote 184: Διεσφενδονῶντο.] "Shivered in pieces, and flew about as

if hurled by a sling."]

[Footnote 185: Ὀρθίοις τοῖς λόχοις.] Each λόχος or company marching in

file or column, so that the depth of the λόχος was equal to the number

of soldiers of which it consisted. _Sturz_. This is the interpretation

adopted by Kühner. Yet it Would be hard to prove that ὄρθιος λόχος

always meant _single file_; the term seems to have included any form of

a company in which the number of men in depth exceeded the number in

front.]

[Footnote 186: Τὰ ὅπλα ἔκειντο.] See sect. 16. The heavy-armed men had

halted on the level piece of ground, and their arms were lying by them.

See Kühner ad i. 5. 14.]

[Footnote 187: A small town of Arcadia, to the north-west of Clitor.]

[Footnote 188: Ἐν λάκκοις κονιατοῖς.] The Athenians and other Greeks

used to make large excavations under ground, some round, some square,

and, covering them over with plaster, laid up their wine and oil in

them; they called them λάκκοι. Schol. ad Aristoph. Eccl., cited by

Hutchinson. Spelman translates λάκκοι κονιατοί, "plastered cisterns," a

term which Ainsworth adopts. "The plastered cisterns noticed by

Xenophon," says he, "are also met with throughout Kurdistan, Armenia,

and Syria. They are especially numerous around some of the ancient

villages of the early Christians of those countries, as more especially

between Semeïsát and Bireh-jik, and have frequently been a subject of

discussion as to their former uses. This notice of Xenophon serves to

clear up many doubts upon the subject, although, since the Kurds have

become Mohommedans, and rejected the use of wine, there is no doubt they

are sometimes used for depots for corn or hay, and even sometimes for

water. They were generally closed by a single large stone." _Travels in

the Track, &c._ p. 164.]

[Footnote 189: Ἐγγύθεν φεύγοντες.] "Fleeing from near," i. e. when they

were at no great distance before us.]

[Footnote 190: Τῷ ἀριστερῷ ποδὶ προσβαίνοντες.] All the manuscripts have

προσβαίνοντες: προσβαινοντες is a conjecture of Wesseling ad Diod. Sic.

iii. 8, which all the recent editors have adopted, but by which it does

not appear that anything is gained, as πρὸς τὸ κάτω του τόξου precedes.

Spelman, who was himself an archer, has illustrated the passage very

clearly by a quotation from Arrian, Indie. 16: "Resting one end of the

bow upon the ground, and stepping forward with the left foot, (τῷ ποδὶ

τῷ ἀριστερῷ ἀντιβάντες,) they thus discharge the arrow, drawing the

string a long way back, the arrow being nearly three cubits long." See

also Diod. Sic. l. c., where he speaks of the archery of the Æthiopians;

Strabo, xvi. p. 1117; Suidas in Ἄραβες, cited by Weiske. Schneider and

Halbkart, strangely enough, think that Xenophon is speaking of

_cross-bows_, which few besides themselves have supposed to have been

known in Xenophon's time.]

[Footnote 191: Ἐναγκυλῶντες.] "Fitting them with ἀγκύλαι." The ἀγκύλη is

generally supposed to be the same with the Latin _amentum_, a strap or

loop fastened to the middle of a javelin, or the shaft of a spear, that

it might be hurled with the greater force. The writer of the article

_Ansa_ in Smith's Dict. of G. and R. Ant. thinks, however that the two

were not the same.]

CHAPTER III.

The Greeks arrive at the river Centrites, which divides the

Carduchi from Armenia. They see the Persians drawn up on the

opposite bank, while the Carduchi threaten their rear. They are

encouraged by a dream of Xenophon's to try a ford, and effect a

safe passage across the stream.

1. This day the Greeks abode in the villages above the plain near the

river Centrites, the breadth of which is about two hundred feet, and

which forms the boundary between Armenia and the territory of the

Carduchi. Here they took some rest, being glad to see a piece of level

country. The river is distant from the mountains of the Carduchi about

six or seven stadia. 2. It was with great satisfaction that they stayed

here, as they had a sufficiency of provisions, and were frequently

reflecting on the difficulties that were past, for, during seven days

that they had been marching among the Carduchi, they had been constantly

fighting, and had suffered more evils than all those which they had

endured from the king and Tissaphernes.[192] Having escaped from such

hardships, they gladly took repose.

3. At day-break, however, they perceived on the other side of the river

a body of cavalry, in complete armour, ready to prevent them from

crossing, and on the high banks above the cavalry, another of foot

prepared to hinder them from entering Armenia. 4. These were Armenians,

Mardians, and Chaldæans, mercenary troops of Orontes and Artuchas.[193]

The Chaldæans were said to be a free people, and warlike; for arms they

had long shields and spears. 5. The high banks on which these forces

were drawn up, were three or four hundred feet from the river; and the

only road that was visible was one that led upward, apparently a work of

art. Here the Greeks endeavoured to cross, 6. but as, on making trial,

the water rose above their breasts, and the bed of the river was rough

with large and slippery stones, and as it was impossible for them to

carry their arms in the water, or, if they attempted to do so, the river

swept them away, (while, if any of them took their arms on their heads,

they became exposed to the arrows and other missiles of the enemy,) they

in consequence retreated, and encamped at the side of the river.

7. They now perceived the Carduchi assembled in great numbers under arms

on the spot where they themselves had been on the previous night. Hence

great despondency was felt by the Greeks, as they knew the difficulty of

passing the river, and saw the Carduchi ready to attack them if they

attempted to cross. 8. This day, therefore, and the following night,

they remained where they were in great perplexity. Xenophon however had

a dream; he thought that he was bound in fetters, but that they fell off

him of their own accord, so that he was set at liberty, and walked

securely[194] whithersoever he pleased. 9. When the morning approached,

he went to Cheirisophus, told him that he had hopes that all would be

well, and related to him his dream. Cheirisophus was much pleased, and,

as soon as it was day, all the generals who were present offered

sacrifice, and the victims were favourable at the very first. As soon as

they left the place of sacrifice, the generals and captains gave

directions to the troops to take their breakfast.

10. While Xenophon was at breakfast, two young men came running up to

him, for every one knew that it was allowable to approach him whether

breakfasting or supping, and to wake him and speak to him even when

asleep, if they had anything to tell of affairs relating to the war. 11.

The youths informed him that they had been gathering sticks for their

fire, and had chanced to see, on the opposite side of the river, among

the rocks that reached down to the stream itself, an old man, a woman,

and some girls, depositing in a cavernous rock what appeared to be bags

of clothes; 12. that when they saw this, they thought it would be safe

to cross, as the ground at that point was inaccessible to the enemy's

horse; that having taken off their clothes, and taken their daggers in

their hands, they went over undressed, in expectation of having to swim,

but that, as they went on, they reached the other side before they were

wet to the middle, and, having thus forded the stream, and taken the

clothes, they came back again. 13. Xenophon immediately therefore made a

libation, and ordered the young men to join in it,[195] and to pray to

the gods who had sent the dream and pointed out the ford, to complete

what was wanting to their success. After the libation, he at once

conducted the youths to Cheirisophus, and to him they gave the same

account. Cheirisophus, on hearing it, made a libation also.

14. When the libation was over, they gave orders to the soldiers to get

their baggage ready; while they themselves, calling the rest of the

generals together, consulted with them how they might cross the river to

the best advantage, and how they might defeat the enemy in front, and

suffer no damage from those in the rear. 15. It was then resolved that

Cheirisophus should take the lead, and cross over with half of the army,

that the other half should stay behind with Xenophon, and that the

baggage-cattle and camp-followers should go over between the two. 16.

When these matters were fairly arranged, they began to move, the young

men acting as guides, and keeping the river on the left, the distance to

the ford being about four stadia. 17. As they proceeded, the lines of

the enemy's cavalry advanced abreast of them on the opposite bank; and

when they came to the ford, and the margin of the river, they halted,

laying down their arms; and then Cheirisophus himself, placing a chaplet

upon his head,[196] and laying aside his outer garments, took up his

arms and commanded the rest to follow his example, directing the

captains to lead their troops in files,[197] some on his left hand, and

some on his right. 18. The augurs at the same time sacrificed victims

over the river;[198] while the enemy plied their bows and slings, but

did not reach the Greeks. 19. As the sacrifices appeared favourable, all

the soldiers sung the pæan and raised a shout, and all the women (for

there were a number of the men's mistresses in the army) joined in the

cry.

20. Cheirisophus and his men then entered the stream; and Xenophon,

taking the most active of the rear-guard, marched at full speed back to

the ford[199] opposite the outlet into the mountains of Armenia, making

a feint that he meant to cross the river there, and thus cut off the

cavalry that were on the bank; 21. when the enemy, seeing Cheirisophus

and his men crossing over with ease, and Xenophon and his party hurrying

back, were afraid of being intercepted, and fled with precipitation to

gain the outlet that led up from the river, and as soon as they came to

that passage, they directed their course up into the mountains. 22.

Lycius, who had the command of the troop of horse, and Æschines, who

commanded the band of peltasts attending on Cheirisophus, seeing the

enemy retreating with so much haste, set off in pursuit of them; and the

rest of the soldiers called to each other not to stay behind,[200] but

to go along with them up the mountains. 23. But Cheirisophus, when he

had crossed the river, did not follow the cavalry, but made his way up

the high banks that reached down to the river, to attack that portion of

the enemy that were on the more elevated ground.[201] This party on the

heights, however, seeing their cavalry take to flight, abandoned their

commanding position above the stream.

24. Xenophon, when he saw that all was going well on the other side,

returned with all possible speed to join that part of the army which was

crossing over; for the Carduchi were evidently descending into the

plain, with the view of falling upon the rear. 25. Cheirisophus was now

in possession of the heights, and Lycius, who, with his small party, had

proceeded in pursuit of the enemy, had captured some of their baggage

that they had left behind, and amongst it some rich garments and

drinking-cups. 26. The baggage and camp-followers of the Greeks were

still in the act of crossing; and Xenophon, turning towards the

Carduchi, halted under arms over against them, and ordered the captains

to form each his own company into divisions of five and twenty men,

bringing round each division in line[202] towards the left; and he

directed both the captains, and the officers of the divisions of five

and twenty, to advance facing the Carduchi, and the rearmost to halt

facing the river.

27. The Carduchi, when they observed that the rear-guard of the

camp-followers was diminished in number, and that they seemed now indeed

to be but few, advanced at a quicker pace, singing at the same time

certain songs. Cheirisophus, when he saw that all was safe on his own

side, sent the peltasts, and the slingers and archers, to Xenophon,

desiring them to do whatsoever he should direct. 28. Xenophon, seeing

them beginning to cross, sent a messenger to desire that they should

remain by the river where they were, without crossing, and that, when

his own party should begin to cross, they should come forward into the

water on each side opposite to him, the javelin-men holding their

weapons by the thong,[203] and the archers with their arrows on the

string, as if with the intention of crossing over, but not to advance

far into the river. 29. His own men he ordered, as soon as a sling

should reach them and a shield should ring,[204] to raise the pæan and

rush towards the enemy; and he directed that when the enemy should take

to flight, and the trumpeter should sound the signal of attack[205] from

the river, the rear should wheel to the right and take the lead, and

that they should then all run forward as fast as possible, and cross

over at the part where each happened to be stationed, so as not to

impede one another; telling them that he would be the best man who

should first reach the opposite side. 30. The Carduchi, seeing that

those who were left were but few, (for many even of those who had been

ordered to stay had gone away, some to take care of the cattle, some of

their baggage, and others of their mistresses,) began, in consequence,

to press forward boldly, and to use their slings and bows. 31. The

Greeks then sang the pæan, and rushed upon them at full speed; and the

Barbarians did not stand their charge; for though they were well enough

equipped for a sudden onset and retreat upon the mountains, they were by

no means sufficiently armed to receive an enemy hand to hand. At this

juncture the trumpeter sounded, 32. when the enemy fled still faster,

and the Greeks, turning in the opposite direction, made their way over

the river with all possible speed. 33. Some of the enemy, perceiving

this movement, ran back to the river, and wounded a few of our men with

their arrows; but the greater number of them, even when the Greeks were

on the other side, were observed to continue their flight. 34. The

troops, meanwhile, that came to meet Xenophon, being carried away by

their courage, and advancing too far, repassed the river in the rear of

Xenophon's men; and some of these also were wounded.

[Footnote 192: Yet "the Carduchian mountains," observes Rennell, "in

effect presented an asylum to the Greeks, who could no other way have

escaped, at least, the reiterated attacks of such a host of enemies,

whose numbers also were augmenting instead of diminishing. But as a

Persian army could not subsist, or their cavalry act, within the wide

range of these mountains, the Greeks, by ascending them, got rid of

their dreaded enemy. And although, in the mean time, they had to contend

with an enemy much more brave and persevering, their numbers were fewer,

and they might reasonably expect an earlier escape from them than from

the Persians. Had they known that the Tigris was fordable under the Zaco

hills, and passed into Mesopotamia, they would still have had the

Euphrates to cross, a yet more difficult river, in the line which they

must have pursued. Therefore, according to our limited view of things,

it appears that nothing less than such a barrier as these mountains

presented, could have saved the Greeks from eventual destruction, from

the attacks of the Persians." _Illustrations of the Exp. of Curas_, p.

173.]

[Footnote 193: Orontes was satrap of Armenia, iii. 5. 17; Artuchas is

nowhere else mentioned.]

[Footnote 194: Διαβαίνειν.] "Ingredi, pedem proferre." _Kühner_. His

fetters being removed, he was able to put his legs _apart_, and walk

_with stability_; as is indicated, says Weiske, by the preposition διά.]

[Footnote 195: Ἐγχεῖν.] This passage is commonly taken thus: ἐκέλευε

τοῖς νεανίσκοις ἐγχεῖν, "he ordered the young men to pour (wine) into

(the cup for themselves)," for the purpose of making a libation. Kühner,

however, makes it ἐκελευε (τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν) ἐγχεῖν τοῖς νεανίσκοις, he

ordered those about him (the attendants) to pour into the cup for the

young men. The former mode is the more simple, κελεύω being sometimes

found with the dative, and agrees better with what follows.]

[Footnote 196: Στεφανωσάμενος.] According to the custom of the

Lacedæmonians, of which Xenophon speaks de Repub. Lacedæm. 13. 8;

Hellen. iv. 2. 12; see also Plutarch, Lycurg. c. 22. _Schneider_.]

[Footnote 197: Τοὺς λόχους ὀρθίους.] See iv. 2. 11.]

[Footnote 198: Ἐσφαγίζουτο εἰς τὸν ποταμόν.] Offering a sacrifice to the

gods inhabiting the river, as Alexander in the middle of the Hellespont

sacrificed a bull to Neptune and the Nereids: see Arrian i. 11. 10,

cited by Hutchinson. "They slew the animals so as to allow the blood to

flow into the river." _Poppo_.]

[Footnote 199: Τὸν πόρον.] The ford mentioned in sect. 5, 6.]

[Footnote 200: Behind the enemy. _Kühner_. Or behind the cavalry that

were pursuing the enemy.]

[Footnote 201: Those mentioned in sect. 3.]

[Footnote 202: Ἐπὶ φάλαγγος.] This disposition of a company was in

opposition to λόχοι ὄρθιοι (iv. 2. 11): see c. 8, sect, 10. The

expression ἐπὶ φάλαγγος, says Kühner, properly means _for a phalanx_, or

_so that a phalanx_ (or _acies_) _might be formed_.]

[Footnote 203: Διηγκυλωμένους.] The verb διηγκυλοῦσθαι is rightly

interpreted by Hesychius τὸ ἐνεῖραι τοῦς δακτύλους τῇ ἀγκύλη (h. e.

amento) τοὺ ἀκοντίου. _Sturz_. The following ἐπιβεβλημένους must be

similarly explained.]

[Footnote 204: Ἀσπὶς ψοφῇ.] From the enemy's missiles striking upon it.

_Kühner_. Hutchinson, Weiske, and Zeune think that a clashing of shields

on the part of the Greeks is meant, preparatory to an onset; but,

without doubt, erroneously.]

[Footnote 205: Or, _sound a charge_. The design of it was to precipitate

the enemy's flight. Compare sect. 32.]

CHAPTER IV.

The Greeks enter Armenia, pass the sources of the Tigris, and

arrive at the Teleboas. They make a treaty with Tiribazus, the

governor of the province, and discover his insincerity.

1. When they had crossed, and had ranged themselves in order about noon,

they proceeded through the country of Armenia, consisting wholly of

plains and gently sloping hills, a distance of not less than five

parasangs; for there were no villages near the river, in consequence of

the hostilities with the Carduchi. 2. The village, however, at which

they at length arrived, was of considerable size, and contained a palace

for the satrap;[206] upon most of the houses there were towers[207], and

provisions were in great plenty.

3. Hence they proceeded, two days' journey, a distance of ten parasangs,

until they passed round the sources of the river Tigris. From hence they

advanced, three days' journey, fifteen parasangs, to the river

Teleboas, a stream not large, indeed, but of much beauty[208]; and there

were many villages on its banks. 4. This part of the country was called

Western Armenia. The deputy-governor of it was Tiribazus, who was an

intimate friend of the king; and no one else, when he was present,

assisted the king to mount his horse. 5. He now rode up with a body of

cavalry, and sending forward an interpreter, said that he wished to

speak with the commanders. The generals thought proper to hear what he

had to say, and, advancing within hearing, asked what he wanted. 6. He

replied, that he wished to make a treaty with them, on the conditions

that he himself should not hurt the Greeks, and that the Greeks should

not burn the houses, but should be at liberty to take such provisions as

they required. This proposal was agreeable to the generals, and they

concluded a treaty upon these terms.

7. Hence they proceeded, three days' march, a distance of fifteen

parasangs, through a plain; and Tiribazus followed them with his troops,

keeping at the distance of about ten stadia. They then came to a

palace,[209] with several villages around it stored with abundance of

provisions. 8. While they were encamped, there fell a great quantity of

snow[210] in the night; and in the morning it was thought advisable

that the companies and officers should take up their quarters in the

neighbouring villages; for they perceived no enemy, and it appeared to

be safe on account of the quantity of the snow.[211] 9. Here they found

all kinds of excellent provisions, cattle, corn, old wines of great

fragrance, dried grapes, and vegetables of all kinds.

Some of the soldiers, however, who had strolled away from the camp,

brought word that they had caught sight of an army, and that many fires

had been visible during the night. 10. The generals thought it unsafe,

therefore, for the troops to quarter apart, and resolved to bring the

whole army together again. They accordingly assembled, for it seemed to

be clearing up.[212] 11. But as they were passing the night here, there

fell a vast quantity of snow, so that it covered both the arms and the

men as they lay on the ground. The snow cramped the baggage-cattle, and

they were very reluctant to rise; for, as they lay, the snow that had

fallen upon them served to keep them warm, when it had not dropped off.

12. But when Xenophon was hardy enough to rise without his outer

garment, and to cleave wood, some one else then rose, and, taking the

wood from him, cleft it himself. Soon after, the rest got up, and

lighted fires and anointed themselves; 13. for abundance of ointment was

found there, made of hog's-lard, sesamum,[213] bitter almonds, and

turpentine, which they used instead of oil. Of the same materials also

an odoriferous unguënt was found.

14. After this it was resolved to quarter again throughout the

villages, under shelter; and the soldiers went off with great shouting

and delight to the cottages and provisions. Those who had set fire to

the houses, when they quitted them before, paid the penalty of having to

encamp uncomfortably in the open air. 15. Hence they despatched in the

night Democrates of Temenos, giving him a detachment of men, to the

hills where the stragglers said that they had seen the fires; they

selected him because he was thought on several former occasions to have

brought exact information concerning such matters, reporting what was,

just as it appeared, and what was not, as not existing. 16. Having gone,

he said that he saw no fires, but he brought with him a captive that he

had taken, having a Persian bow and quiver, and a short battle-axe, such

as the Amazons have. 17. Being asked of what country he was, he said

that he was a Persian, and that he was going from the army of Tiribazus

to get provisions. They then asked him how large the army was, and for

what purpose it was assembled. 18. He said that Tiribazus had his own

troops, and some mercenaries from the Chalybes and Taochians; and that

he was prepared to attack the Greeks in their passage over the

mountains, at a narrow defile through which lay their only road.

19. The generals, on hearing this, resolved to collect the army, and,

leaving a guard, with Sophænetus the Stymphalian as commander over those

who stayed behind, proceeded to march without delay, taking the man that

had been captured for their guide. 20. After they had passed the

mountains, the peltasts, who went before the rest, and were the first to

discover the enemy's camp, did not wait for the heavy-armed men, but ran

forward with a shout to attack it. 21. The Barbarians, hearing the

noise, did not stand their ground, but fled; some of them however were

killed, and about twenty horses taken, as was also the tent of

Tiribazus, and in it some couches with silver feet, and drinking-cups,

and some prisoners, who said that they were bakers and cup-bearers. 22.

When the officers of the heavy-armed troops heard what had taken place,

they resolved upon marching back as fast as possible to their own camp,

lest any attempt should be made on those who had been left there.

Calling in the men immediately, therefore, by sound of trumpet, they

returned to the camp the same day.

[Footnote 206: Orontes: iii. 5. 17; 4. 3, 4. He was the satrap, as

Krüger thinks, of Eastern Armenia; Tiribazus being called satrap of

Western Armenia, sect. 4.]

[Footnote 207: Τύρσεις.] Apparently intended for a sort of defences,

should the people be attacked by any of their neighbours. Compare v. 2.

5.]

[Footnote 208: Καλὸς μὲν, μέγας δ' οὔ.] I have, with Bornemann and

Poppo, restored this reading, in which all the manuscripts concur.

Muretus, from Demetrius Phalereus, sect. 6 and 121, has given μέγας μὲν

οὔ, καλὸς δέ, and Hutchinson and all other editors down to Bornemann

have followed him. It cannot be denied that this is the usual order in

such phrases; as in iv. 8. 2; vi. 4. 20; but passages are not wanting in

which the contrary order is observed; see iv. 6. 2. _Kühner_. As the

piece attributed to Demetrius Phalereus is not genuine, little attention

need be paid to it.]

[Footnote 209: It would seem to have been the palace of Tiribazus, as

the one mentioned in sect. 2 was that of Orontes. _Schneider_.]

[Footnote 210: See Diod. Sic. xiv. 28.] Ainsworth speaks of the cold in

the nights on these Armenian uplands, p. 173. "When Lucullus, in his

expedition against Mithridates, marched through Armenia, his army

suffered as much by the frost and snow as the Greeks under Xenophon;

and, when Alexander Severus returned through this country, many of his

men lost their hands and feet through excessive cold. Tournefort also

complains that at Erzeroum, though situated in a plain, his fingers were

so benumbed with cold, that he could not write till an hour after

sunrise. (See Plutarch in Lucull., and Zonaras's Annals.)" _Spelman_.]

[Footnote 211: There being no cause to apprehend the approach of an

enemy during such deep snow.]

[Footnote 212: Διαιθριάζειν.] The commentators rightly interpret this

word disserenascere, "to clear up." _Kühner_; who, however, prefers

συναιθριάζειν, for which there is good manuscript authority. He

translates it, with Bornemann, _simul disserenascere_, "to clear up at

the same time;" so that the one word has little advantage over the

other. Sturz disapproves of the interpretation _disserenascere_, and

would have both verbs to signify _sub dio agere_, "to bivouack in the

open air;" but the other sense appears preferable.]

[Footnote 213: See note on i. 2. 22. Oil made of sesamum, or sesama, is

mentioned, says Kühner, by Plin. H. N. xiii. 1, xviii. 10; Q. Curt. vii.

4. 23; Dioscorid. 2. 119-121; Theophrast. de Odoribus, p. 737, ed.

Schneid.; Salmas. Exercit. Plin. p. 727; Interp. ad Aristoph. Pac. 865.]

CHAPTER V.

The Greeks march through an uninhabited tract of country, suffering

greatly from cold winds, snow, and want of provisions. At length

they reach some well-stored villages, where they rest seven days.

1. The next day it was thought necessary to march away as fast as

possible, before the enemy's force should be re-assembled, and get

possession of the pass. Collecting their baggage at once, therefore,

they set forward through a deep snow, taking with them several guides;

and, having the same day passed the height on which Tiribazus had

intended to attack them, they encamped. 2. Hence they proceeded three

days' journey through a desert tract of country, a distance of fifteen

parasangs,[214] to the river Euphrates, and passed it without being wet

higher than the middle. The sources of the river were said not to be far

off. 3. From hence they advanced three days' march, through much snow

and a level plain, a distance of fifteen parasangs; the third day's

march was extremely troublesome, as the north-wind blew full in their

faces, completely parching up everything and benumbing the men. 4. One

of the augurs, in consequence, advised that they should sacrifice to the

wind; and a sacrifice was accordingly offered; when the vehemence of the

wind appeared to every one manifestly to abate. The depth of the snow

was a fathom;[215] so that many of the baggage-cattle and slaves

perished, with about thirty of the soldiers. 5. They continued to burn

fires through the whole night, for there was plenty of wood at the place

of encampment. But those who came up late could get no wood; those

therefore who had arrived before, and had kindled fires, would not admit

the late comers to the fire unless they gave them a share of the corn or

other provisions that they had brought. 6. Thus they shared with each

other what they respectively had. In the places where the fires were

made, as the snow melted, there were formed large pits that reached

down to the ground; and here there was accordingly opportunity to

measure the depth of the snow.

7. From hence they marched through snow the whole of the following day,

and many of the men contracted the _bulimia_.[216] Xenophon, who

commanded in the rear, finding in his way such of the men as had fallen

down with it, knew not what disease it was. 8. But as one of those

acquainted with it, told him that they were evidently affected with

_bulimia_, and that they would get up if they had something to eat, he

went round among the baggage, and, wherever he saw anything eatable, he

gave it out, and sent such as were able to run to distribute it among

those diseased, who, as soon as they had eaten, rose up and continued

their march. 9. As they proceeded, Cheirisophus came, just as it grew

dark, to a village, and found, at a spring in front of the rampart, some

women and girls belonging to the place fetching water. 10. The women

asked them who they were; and the interpreter answered, in the Persian

language, that they were people going from the king to the satrap. They

replied that he was not there, but about a parasang off. However, as it

was late, they went with the water-carriers within the rampart, to the

head man of the village; 11. and here Cheirisophus, and as many of the

troops as could come up, encamped; but of the rest, such as were unable

to get to the end of the journey, spent the night on the way without

food or fire; and some of the soldiers lost their lives on that

occasion. 12. Some of the enemy too, who had collected themselves into a

body, pursued our rear, and seized any of the baggage-cattle that were

unable to proceed, fighting with one another for the possession of them.

Such of the soldiers, also, as had lost their sight from the effects of

the snow, or had had their toes mortified by the cold, were left behind.

13. It was found to be a relief to the eyes against the snow, if the

soldiers kept something black before them on the march, and to the feet,

if they kept constantly in motion, and allowed themselves no rest, and

if they took off their shoes in the night; 14. but as to such as slept

with their shoes on, the straps worked into their feet, and the soles

were frozen about them; for when their old shoes had failed them, shoes

of raw hides had been made by the men themselves from the newly-skinned

oxen. 15. From such unavoidable sufferings, some of the soldiers were

left behind, who, seeing a piece of ground of a black appearance, from

the snow having disappeared there, conjectured that it must have melted;

and it had in fact melted in the spot from the effect of a fountain,

which was sending up vapour in a woody hollow close at hand. Turning

aside thither, they sat down and refused to proceed farther. 16.

Xenophon, who was with the rear-guard, as soon as he heard this, tried

to prevail on them by every art and means not to be left behind, telling

them, at the same time, that the enemy were collected, and pursuing them

in great numbers. At last he grew angry; and they told him to kill them,

as they were quite unable to go forward. 17. He then thought it the best

course to strike a terror, if possible, into the enemy that were behind,

lest they should fall upon the exhausted soldiers. It was now dark, and

the enemy were advancing with a great noise, quarrelling about the booty

that they had taken; 18. when such of the rear-guard as were not

disabled, started up, and rushed towards them, while the tired men,

shouting as loud as they could, clashed their spears against their

shields. The enemy, struck with alarm, threw themselves among the snow

into the hollow, and no one of them afterwards made themselves heard

from any quarter.

19. Xenophon, and those with him, telling the sick men that a party

should come to their relief next day, proceeded on their march, but

before they had gone four stadia, they found other soldiers resting by

the way in the snow, and covered up with it, no guard being stationed

over them. They roused them up, but they said that the head of the army

was not moving forward. 20. Xenophon, going past them, and sending on

some of the ablest of the peltasts, ordered them to ascertain what it

was that hindered their progress. They brought word that the whole army

was in that manner taking rest. 21. Xenophon and his men, therefore,

stationing such a guard as they could, took up their quarters there

without fire or supper. When it was near day, he sent the youngest of

his men to the sick, telling them to rouse them and oblige them to

proceed. 22. At this juncture Cheirisophus sent some of his people from

the villages to see how the rear were faring. The young men were

rejoiced to see them, and gave them the sick to conduct to the camp,

while they themselves went forward, and, before they had gone twenty

stadia, found themselves at the village in which Cheirisophus was

quartered. 23. When they came together, it was thought safe enough to

lodge the troops up and down in the villages. Cheirisophus accordingly

remained where he was, and the other officers, appropriating by lot the

several villages that they had in sight, went to their respective

quarters with their men.

24. Here Polycrates, an Athenian captain, requested leave of absence,

and, taking with him the most active of his men, and hastening to the

village which Xenophon had been allotted, surprised all the villagers,

and their head man, in their houses, together with seventeen[217] colts

that were bred as a tribute for the king, and the head man's daughter,

who had been but nine days married; her husband was gone out to hunt

hares, and was not found in any of the villages. 25. Their houses were

under ground, the entrance like the mouth of a well, but spacious below;

there were passages dug into them for the cattle, but the people

descended by ladders. In the houses were goats, sheep, cows, and fowls,

with their young; all the cattle were kept on fodder within the

walls.[218] 26. There was also wheat, barley, leguminous vegetables,

and barley-wine,[219] in large bowls; the grains of barley floated in

it even with the brims of the vessels, and reeds also lay in it, some

larger and some smaller, without joints; 27. and these, when any one was

thirsty, he was to take in his mouth, and suck.[220] The liquor was very

strong, unless one mixed water with it, and a very pleasant drink to

those accustomed to it.

28. Xenophon made the chief man of his village sup with him, and told

him to be of good courage, assuring him that he should not be deprived

of his children, and that they would not go away without filling his

house with provisions in return for what they took, if he would but

prove himself the author of some service to the army till they should

reach another tribe. 29. This he promised, and, to show his good-will,

pointed out where some wine[221] was buried. This night, therefore, the

soldiers rested in their several quarters in the midst of great

abundance, setting a guard over the chief, and keeping his children at

the same time under their eye. 30. The following day Xenophon took the

head man and went with him to Cheirisophus, and wherever he passed by a

village, he turned aside to visit those who were quartered in it, and

found them in all parts feasting and enjoying themselves; nor would they

anywhere let them go till they had set refreshments before them; 31. and

they placed everywhere upon the same table lamb, kid, pork, veal, and

fowl, with plenty of bread both of wheat and barley. 32. Whenever any

person, to pay a compliment, wished to drink to another, he took him to

the large bowl, where he had to stoop down and drink, sucking like an

ox. The chief they allowed to take whatever he pleased, but he accepted

nothing from them; where he found any of his relatives, however, he took

them with him.

33. When they came to Cheirisophus, they found his men also feasting in

their quarters,[222] crowned with wreaths made of hay, and Armenian

boys, in their Barbarian dresses, waiting upon them, to whom they made

signs what they were to do as if they had been deaf and dumb. 34. When

Cheirisophus and Xenophon had saluted one another, they both asked the

chief man, through the interpreter who spoke the Persian language, what

country it was. He replied that it was Armenia. They then asked him for

whom the horses were bred; and he said that they were a tribute for the

king, and added that the neighbouring country was that of the Chalybes,

and told them in what direction the road lay. 35. Xenophon then went

away, conducting the chief back to his family, giving him the horse that

he had taken, which was rather old, to fatten and offer in sacrifice,

(for he had heard that it had been consecrated to the sun,) being

afraid, indeed, that it might die, as it had been injured by the

journey. He then took some of the young horses, and gave one of them to

each of the other generals and captains. 36. The horses in this country

were smaller than those of Persia, but far more spirited. The chief

instructed the men to tie little bags round the feet of the horses, and

other cattle, when they drove them through the snow, for without such

bags they sunk up to their bellies.

[Footnote 214: Rennell, p. 214, and Kinneir, p. 485, think this distance

too great for troops marching through deep snow. Πέντε occurs in one

manuscript, and Kühner has admitted it into his text.]

[Footnote 215: Ὀργυιά.] A great depth. We cannot suppose the snow to

have been of that depth everywhere. None of the commentators make any

remark.]

[Footnote 216: Ἐβουλιμίασαν.] Spelman quotes a description of the

βουλιμία or βούλιμος from Galen Med. Def., in which it is said to be "a

disease in which the patient frequently craves for food, loses the use

of his limbs, falls down, turns pale, feels his extremities become cold,

his stomach oppressed, and his pulse feeble." Here, however, it seems to

mean little more than a faintness from long fasting.]

[Footnote 217: That this number is corrupt is justly suspected by

Weiske, and shown at some length by Krüger de Authent. p. 47. Bornemann,

in his preface, p. xxiv., proposes ἑπτὰ καὶ ἑκατὸν, a hundred and seven.

Strabo, xi. 14, says that the satrap of Armenia used to send annually to

the king of Persia twenty thousand horses. _Kühner_. Krüger, 1. c.,

suggests that Xenophon may have written Σ' _two hundred_, instead, of

ΙΖ', _seventeen_. In sect. 35 we find Xenophon taking some of these

horses himself, and giving one to each of the other generals and

captains; so that the number must have been considerable.]

[Footnote 218: "This description of a village on the Armenian uplands

applies itself to many that I visited in the present day. The descent by

wells is now rare, but is still to be met with; but in exposed and

elevated situations, the houses are uniformly semi-subterraneous, and

entered by as small an aperture as possible, to prevent the cold getting

in. Whatever is the kind of cottage used, cows, sheep, goats, and fowls

participate with the family in the warmth and protection thereof."

_Ainsw. Travels_, p. 178.]

[Footnote 219: Οἶνος κρίθινος.] Something like our beer. See Diod. Sic.

i. 20, 34; iv. 2; Athenæus i. 14; Herod, ii. 77; Tacit. Germ. c. 23.

"The barley-wine I never met with." _Ainsw._ p. 178.]

[Footnote 220: The reeds were used, says Krüger, that none of the grains

of barley might be taken into the mouth.]

[Footnote 221: Xenophon seems to mean _grape-wine_, rather than to refer

to the barley-wine just before mentioned, of which the taste does not

appear to have been much liked by the Greeks. Wine from grapes was not

made, it is probable, in these parts, on account of the cold, but Strabo

speaks of the οἶνος Μοναρίτης of Armenia Minor as not inferior to any of

the Greek wines. _Schneider_.]

[Footnote 222: Σκηνοῦντας.] _Convivantes, epulantes_. Comp. v. 3. 9;

vii. 3. 15. _Kühner_. Having no flowers or green herbs to make chaplets,

which the Greeks wore at feasts, they used hay.]

CHAPTER VI.

The Greeks leave the villages under conduct of a guide, who, on

being struck by Cheirisophus, deserts them. After wandering through

the country for seven days, they arrive at the Phasis, and in two

days more at some mountains occupied by the Phasiani, Taochi, and

Chalybes, whom, by skilful manœuvring, they dislodge.

1. When the eighth day was come, Xenophon committed the guide to

Cheirisophus. He left the chief[223] all the members of his family,

except his son, a youth just coming to mature age; him he gave in charge

to Episthenes of Amphipolis, in order that if the father should conduct

them properly, he might return home with him. At the same time they

carried to his house as many provisions as they could, and then broke up

their camp, and resumed their march. 2. The chief conducted them through

the snow, walking at liberty. When he came to the end of the third day's

march, Cheirisophus was angry at him for not guiding them to some

villages. He said that there were none in that part of the country.

Cheirisophus then struck him, but did not confine him; 3. and in

consequence he ran off in the night, leaving his son behind him. This

affair, the ill-treatment and neglect of the guide, was the only cause

of dissension between Cheirisophus and Xenophon during the march.

Episthenes conceived an affection for the youth, and, taking him home,

found him extremely attached to him.

4. After this occurrence they proceeded seven days' journey, five

parasangs each day, till they came to the river Phasis,[224] the breadth

of which is a plethrum. 5. Hence they advanced two days' journey, ten

parasangs; when, on the pass that led over the mountains into the plain,

the Chalybes, Taochi, and Phasians were drawn up to oppose their

progress. 6. Cheirisophus, seeing these enemies in possession of the

height, came to a halt, at the distance of about thirty stadia, that he

might not approach them while leading the army in a column. He

accordingly ordered the other officers to bring up their companies, that

the whole force might be formed in line.[225]

7. When the rear-guard was come up, he called together the generals and

captains, and spoke to them as follows: "The enemy, as you see, are in

possession of the pass over the mountains; and it is proper for us to

consider how we may encounter them to the best advantage. 8. It is my

opinion, therefore, that we should direct the troops to get their

dinner, and that we ourselves should hold a council, in the mean time,

whether it is advisable to cross the mountain to-day or to-morrow." 9.

"It seems best to me," exclaimed Cleanor, "to march at once, as soon as

we have dined and resumed our arms, against the enemy; for if we waste

the present day in inaction, the enemy who are now looking down upon us

will grow bolder, and it is likely that, as their confidence is

increased, others will join them in greater numbers."

10. After him Xenophon said, "I am of opinion, that if it is necessary

to fight, we ought to make our arrangements so as to fight with the

greatest advantage; but that, if we propose to pass the mountains as

easily as possible, we ought to consider how we may incur the fewest

wounds and lose the fewest men. 11. The range of hills, as far as we

see, extends more than sixty stadia in length; but the people nowhere

seem to be watching us except along the line of road; and it is

therefore better, I think, to endeavour to try to seize unobserved some

part of the unguarded range, and to get possession of it, if we can,

beforehand, than to attack a strong post and men prepared to resist us.

12. For it is far less difficult to march up a steep ascent without

fighting than along a level road with enemies on each side; and, in the

night, if men are not obliged to fight, they can see better what is

before them than by day if engaged with enemies; while a rough road is

easier to the feet to those who are marching without molestation than a

smooth one to those who are pelted on the head with missiles. 13. Nor do

I think it at all impracticable for us to steal a way for ourselves, as

we can march by night, so as not to be seen, and can keep at such a

distance from the enemy as to allow no possibility of being heard. We

seem likely, too, in my opinion, if we make a pretended attack on this

point, to find the rest of the range still less guarded; for the enemy

will so much the more probably stay where they are. 14. But why should I

speak doubtfully about stealing? For I hear that you Lacedæmonians, O

Cheirisophus, such of you at least as are of the better class,[226]

practise stealing from your boyhood, and it is not a disgrace, but an

honour, to steal whatever the law does not forbid; 15. while, in order

that you may steal with the utmost dexterity, and strive to escape

discovery, it is appointed by law that, if you are caught stealing, you

are scourged. It is now high time for you, therefore, to give proof of

your education, and to take care that we may not receive many stripes."

16. "But I hear that you Athenians also," rejoined Cheirisophus, "are

very clever at stealing the public money, though great danger threatens

him that steals it; and that your best men steal it most, if indeed your

best men are thought worthy to be your magistrates; so that it is time

for you likewise to give proof of your education." 17. "I am then

ready," exclaimed Xenophon, "to march with the rear-guard, as soon as we

have supped, to take possession of the hills. I have guides too; for our

light-armed men captured some of the marauders following us by lying in

ambush; and from them I learn that the mountains are not impassable, but

are grazed over by goats and oxen, so that if we once gain possession of

any part of the range, there will be tracks also for our baggage-cattle.

18. I expect also that the enemy will no longer keep their ground, when

they see us upon a level with them on the heights, for they will not now

come down to be upon a level with us." 19. Cheirisophus then said, "But

why should you go, and leave the charge of the rear? Rather send others,

unless some volunteers present themselves." 20. Upon this Aristonymus of

Methydria came forward with his heavy-armed men, and Aristeas of Chios

and Nicomachus of Œta[227] with their light-armed; and they made an

arrangement, that as soon as they should reach the top, they should

light a number of fires. 21. Having settled these points, they went to

dinner; and after dinner Cheirisophus led forward the whole army ten

stadia towards the enemy, that he might appear to be fully resolved to

march against them on that quarter.

22. When they had taken their supper, and night came on, those

appointed for the service went forward and got possession of the hills;

the other troops rested where they were. The enemy, when they saw the

heights occupied, kept watch and burned a number of fires all night. 23.

As soon as it was day, Cheirisophus, after having offered sacrifice,

marched forward along the road; while those who had gained the heights

advanced by the ridge. 24. Most of the enemy, meanwhile, stayed at the

pass, but a part went to meet the troops coming along the heights. But

before the main bodies came together, those on the ridge closed with one

another, and the Greeks had the advantage, and put the enemy to flight.

25. At the same time the Grecian peltasts ran up from the plain to

attack the enemy drawn up to receive them, and Cheirisophus followed at

a quick pace with the heavy-armed men. 26. The enemy at the pass,

however, when they saw those above defeated, took to flight. Not many of

them were killed, but a great number of shields were taken, which the

Greeks, by hacking them with their swords, rendered useless. 27. As soon

as they had gained the ascent, and had sacrificed and erected a trophy,

they went down into the plain before them, and arrived at a number of

villages stored with abundance of excellent provisions.

[Footnote 223: This is rather oddly expressed; for the guide and the

chief were the same person.]

[Footnote 224: Not the Colchian Phasis, which flows into the Euxine, but

a river of Armenia (Ἀράξης, now _Aras_) which runs into the Caspian. See

Ainsworth, Travels, p. 179, 247. However Xenophon himself seems to have

confounded this Phasis with that of Colchis. See Rennell, p. 230.

_Kühner_.]

[Footnote 225: Ἐπὶ φάλαγγος.] See on iv. 3. 26.]

[Footnote 226: Τῶν ὁμοίων.] The ὅμοιοι at Sparta were all those who had

an equal right to participate in the honours or offices of the state;

_qui pari inter se jure gaudebant, quibus honores omnes æqualiter

patebant_. Cragius de Rep. Lac. i. 10, cited by Sturz in his Lex.

Xenoph. See Xenophon De Rep. Lac. 13. 1 and 7; Aristot. Polit. 5. 7. 8.

"A similar designation to that of ὁμότιμοι in the Cyropædia,"

_Schneider_. See Hellen. iii. 3. 5.]

[Footnote 227: A native of the country about Mount Œta in Thessaly.

There was also however a town of that name in the south of Thessaly:

Thucyd. iii. 92.]

CHAPTER VII.

The Greeks, entering the country of the Taochi, storm a fort,

capturing a great number of cattle, on which they subsist while

traversing the region of the Chalybes. They cross the Harpasus,

and, marching through the territory of the Scythini, arrive at a

town called Gymnias, whence they are conducted to Mount Theches,

from the top of which they see the Euxine.

1. From hence they marched five days' journey, thirty parasangs, to the

country of the Taochi, where provisions began to fail them; for the

Taochi inhabited strong fastnesses, in which they had laid up all their

supplies. 2. Having at length, however, arrived at one place which had

no city or houses attached to it, but in which men and women and a great

number of cattle were assembled, Cheirisophus, as soon as he came before

it, made it the object of an attack; and when the first division that

assailed it began to be tired, another succeeded, and then another; for

it was not possible for them to surround it in a body, as there was a

river about it. 3. When Xenophon came up with his rear-guard, peltasts,

and heavy-armed men, Cheirisophus exclaimed, "You come seasonably, for

we must take this place, as there are no provisions for the army, unless

we take it."

4. They then deliberated together, and Xenophon asking what hindered

them from taking the place, Cheirisophus replied, "The only approach to

it is the one which you see; but when any of our men attempt to pass

along it, the enemy roll down stones over yonder impending rock, and

whoever is struck, is treated as you behold;" and he pointed, at the

same moment, to some of the men who had had their legs and ribs broken.

5. "But if they expend all their stones," rejoined Xenophon, "is there

anything else to prevent us from advancing? For we see, in front of us,

only a few men, and but two or three of them armed. 6. The space, too,

through which we have to pass under exposure to the stones, is, as you

see, only about a hundred and fifty feet in length; and of this about a

hundred feet is covered with large pine trees in groups, against which

if the men place themselves, what would they suffer either from the

flying stones or the rolling ones? The remaining part of the space is

not above fifty feet, over which, when the stones cease, we must pass at

a running pace." 7. "But," said Cheirisophus, "the instant we offer to

go to the part covered with trees, the stones fly in great numbers."

"That," cried Xenophon, "would be the very thing we want, for thus they

will exhaust their stones the sooner. Let us then advance, if we can, to

the point whence we shall have but a short way to run, and from which we

may, if we please, easily retreat."

8. Cheirisophus and Xenophon, with Callimachus of Parrhasia, one of the

captains, who had that day the lead of all the other captains of the

rear-guard, then went forward, all the rest of the captains remaining

out of danger. Next, about seventy of the men advanced under the trees,

not in a body, but one by one, each sheltering himself as he could. 9.

Agasias of Stymphalus, and Aristonymus of Methydria, who were also

captains of the rear-guard, with some others, were at the same time

standing behind, without the trees, for it was not safe for more than

one company to stand under them. 10. Callimachus then adopted the

following stratagem: he ran forward two or three paces from the tree

under which he was sheltered, and when the stones began to be hurled,

hastily drew back; and at each of his sallies more than ten cartloads of

stones were spent. 11. Agasias, observing what Callimachus was doing,

and that the eyes of the whole army were upon him, and fearing that he

himself might not be the first to enter the place, began to advance

alone, (neither calling to Aristonymus who was next him, nor to

Eurylochus of Lusia, both of whom were his intimate friends, nor to any

other person,) and passed by all the rest. 12. Callimachus, seeing him

rushing by, caught hold of the rim of his shield, and at that moment

Aristonymus of Methydria ran past them both, and after him Eurylochus of

Lusia, for all these sought distinction for valour, and were rivals to

one another; and thus, in mutual emulation, they got possession of the

place, for when they had once rushed in, not a stone was hurled from

above. 13. But a dreadful spectacle was then to be seen; for the women,

flinging their children over the precipice, threw themselves after them;

and the men followed their example. Æneas of Stymphalus, a captain,

seeing one of them, who had on a rich garment, running to throw himself

over, caught hold of it with intent to stop him. 14. But the man dragged

him forward, and they both went rolling down the rocks together, and

were killed. Thus very few prisoners were taken, but a great number of

oxen, asses, and sheep.

15. Hence they advanced, seven days' journey, a distance of fifty

parasangs, through the country of the Chalybes. These were the most

warlike people of all that they passed through, and came to close combat

with them. They had linen cuirasses, reaching down to the groin, and,

instead of skirts,[228] thick cords twisted. 16. They had also greaves

and helmets, and at their girdles a short faulchion, as large as a

Spartan crooked dagger, with which they cut the throats of all whom they

could master, and then, cutting off their heads, carried them away with

them. They sang and danced when the enemy were likely to see them. They

carried also a spear of about fifteen cubits in length, having one

spike.[229] 17. They stayed in their villages till the Greeks had

passed by, when they pursued and perpetually harassed them. They had

their dwellings in strong places, in which they had also laid up their

provisions, so that the Greeks could get nothing from that country, but

lived upon the cattle which they taken from the Taochi.

18. The Greeks next arrived at the river Harpasus, the breadth of which

was four plethra. Hence they proceeded through the territory of the

Scythini, four days' journey, making twenty parasangs, over a level

tract, until they came to some villages, in which they halted three

days, and collected provisions. 19. From this place they advanced four

days' journey, twenty parasangs, to a large, rich, and populous city,

called Gymnias, from which the governor of the country sent the Greeks a

guide, to conduct them through a region at war with his own people. 20.

The guide, when he came, said that he would take them in five days to a

place whence they should see the sea; if not, he would consent to be put

to death. When, as he proceeded, he entered the country of their

enemies, he exhorted them to burn and lay waste the lands; whence it was

evident that he had come for this very purpose, and not from any good

will to the Greeks. 21. On the fifth day they came to the mountain;[230]

and the name of it was Theches. When the men who were in the front had

mounted the height, and looked down upon the sea, a great shout

proceeded from them; 22. and Xenophon and the rear-guard, on hearing it,

thought that some new enemies were assailing the front, for in the rear,

too, the people from the country that they had burnt were following

them, and the rear-guard, by placing an ambuscade, had killed some, and

taken others prisoners, and had captured about twenty shields made of

raw ox-hides with the hair on. 23. But as the noise still increased, and

drew nearer, and as those who came up from time to time kept running at

full speed to join those who were continually shouting, the cries

becoming louder as the men became more numerous, it appeared to

Xenophon that it must be something of very great moment. 24. Mounting

his horse, therefore, and taking with him Lycius and the cavalry, he

hastened forward to give aid, when presently they heard the soldiers

shouting, "The sea, the sea!" and cheering on one another. They then all

began to run, the rear-guard as well as the rest, and the baggage-cattle

and horses were put to their speed; 25. and when they had all arrived at

the top, the men embraced one another, and their generals and captains,

with tears in their eyes. Suddenly, whoever it was that suggested it,

the soldiers brought stones, and raised a large mound, 26. on which they

laid a number of raw ox-hides,[231] staves, and shields taken from the

enemy. The shields the guide himself hacked in pieces,[232] and exhorted

the rest to do the same. 27. Soon after, the Greeks sent away the guide,

giving him presents from the common stock, a horse, a silver cup, a

Persian robe, and ten darics;[233] but he showed most desire for the

rings on their fingers, and obtained many of them from the soldiers.

Having then pointed out to them a village where they might take up their

quarters, and the road by which they were to proceed to the Macrones,

when the evening came on he departed, pursuing his way during the night.

[Footnote 228: Ἀντὶ τῶν πτερύγων.] That this is the true sense of this

word appears from Xen. de Re Equest. 12. 4.]

[Footnote 229: Having one iron point at the upper end, as in v. 4. 12,

and no point at the lower for fixing the spear in the ground.

_Schneider_.]

[Footnote 230: The word ἱερόν, which precedes ὄρος in the older

editions, is enclosed in brackets, as being probably spurious, by most

of the modern editors, and actually ejected by Dindorf. Yet something

seems to be wanting in connexion with ὄρος, for the guide (sect. 20)

says merely that he will bring them to α χωρίον, and on the fifth day

after it is said that they come to _the mountain_.]

[Footnote 231: They appear to be the hides of oxen offered up as a sort

of sacrifice to the gods. _Balfour_.]

[Footnote 232: In order, says Krüger, to render them useless, so that

they might not be carried off by any of the neighbouring people.]

[Footnote 233: i. 1. 9.]

CHAPTER VIII.

The Greeks proceed unmolested through the country of the Macrones,

and enter Colchis. Putting to flight the Colchians who obstructed

their passage, they arrive at Trebisond, a Greek city, where they

perform whatever vows they had made, and celebrate games.

1. Hence the Greeks advanced three days' journey, a distance of ten

parasangs, through the country of the Macrones. On the first day they

came to a river which divides the territories of the Macrones from those

of the Scythini. 2. On their right they had an eminence extremely

difficult of access, and on their left another river,[234] into which

the boundary river, which they had to cross, empties itself. This stream

was thickly edged with trees, not indeed large, but growing closely

together. These the Greeks, as soon as they came to the spot, cut

down,[235] being in haste to get out of the country as soon as possible.

3. The Macrones, however, equipped with wicker shields, and spears, and

hair tunics, were drawn up on the opposite side of the crossing-place;

they were animating one another, and throwing stones into the

river.[236] They did not hit our men, or cause them any inconvenience.

4. At this juncture one of the peltasts came up to Xenophon, saying that

he had been a slave at Athens, and adding that he knew the language of

these men. "I think, indeed," said he, "that this is my country, and, if

there is nothing to prevent, I should wish to speak to the people." 5.

"There is nothing to prevent," replied Xenophon; "so speak to them, and

first ascertain what people they are." When he asked them, they said

that they were the Macrones. "Inquire, then," said Xenophon, "why they

are drawn up to oppose us, and wish to be our enemies." 6. They replied,

"Because you come against our country." The generals then told him to

acquaint them that we were not come with any wish to do them injury, but

that we were returning to Greece after having been engaged in war with

the king, and that we were desirous to reach the sea. 7. They asked if

the Greeks would give pledges to this effect; and the Greeks replied

that they were willing both to give and receive them. The Macrones

accordingly presented the Greeks with a Barbarian lance, and the Greeks

gave them a Grecian one; for they said that such were their usual

pledges. Both parties called the gods to witness.

8. After these mutual assurances, the Macrones immediately assisted them

in cutting away the trees, and made a passage for them, as if to bring

them over, mingling freely among the Greeks; they also gave such

facilities as they could for buying provisions, and conducted them

through their country for three days, until they brought them to the

confines of the Colchians. 9. Here was a range of hills,[237] high, but

accessible, and upon them the Colchians were drawn up in array. The

Greeks, at first, drew up against them in a line,[238] with the

intention of marching up the hill in this disposition; but afterwards

the generals thought proper to assemble and deliberate how they might

engage with the best effect. 10. Xenophon then said it appeared to him

that they ought to relinquish the arrangement in line, and to dispose

the troops in columns;[239] "for a line," pursued he, "will be broken at

once, as we shall find the hills in some parts impassable, though in

others easy of access; and this disruption will immediately produce

despondency in the men, when, after being ranged in a regular line, they

find it dispersed. 11. Again, if we advance drawn up very many deep, the

enemy will stretch beyond us on both sides, and will employ the parts

that outreach us in any way they may think proper; and if we advance

only a few deep, it would not be at all surprising if our line be broken

through by showers of missiles and men falling upon us in large bodies.

If this happen in any part, it will be ill for the whole extent of the

line. 12. I think, then, that having formed our companies in columns, we

should keep them so far apart from each other as that the last companies

on each side may be beyond the enemy's wings. Thus our extreme companies

will both outflank the line of the enemy, and, as we march in file, the

bravest of our men will close with the enemy first, and wherever the

ascent is easiest, there each division will direct its course. 13. Nor

will it be easy for the enemy to penetrate into the intervening spaces,

when there are companies on each side, nor will it be easy to break

through a column as it advances; while, if any one of the companies be

hard pressed, the neighbouring one will support it; and if but one of

the companies can by any path attain the summit, the enemy will no

longer stand their ground." 14. This plan was approved, and they threw

the companies into columns. Xenophon, riding along from the right wing

to the left, said. "Soldiers, the enemy whom you see before you, are now

the only obstacle to hinder us from being where we have long been eager

to be. These, if we can, we must eat up alive."[240]

15. When the men were all in their places, and they had formed the

companies into columns, there were about eighty companies of heavy-armed

men, and each company consisted of about eighty men. The peltasts and

archers they divided into three bodies, each about six hundred men, one

of which they placed beyond the left wing, another beyond the right, and

the third in the centre. 16. The generals then desired the soldiers to

make their vows[241] to the gods; and having made them, and sung the

pæan, they moved forward. Cheirisophus and Xenophon, and the peltasts

that they had with them, who were beyond the enemy's flanks, pushed on;

17. and the enemy, observing their motions, and hurrying forward to

receive them, were drawn off, some to the right and others to the left,

and left a great void in the centre of their line; 18. when the peltasts

in the Arcadian division, whom Æschines the Acarnanian commanded, seeing

them separate, ran forward in all haste, thinking that they were taking

to flight; and these were the first that reached the summit. The

Arcadian heavy-armed troop, of which Cleanor the Orchomenian was

captain, followed them. 19. But the enemy, when once the Greeks began to

run, no longer stood their ground, but went off in flight, some one way

and some another.

Having passed the summit, the Greeks encamped in a number of villages

containing abundance of provisions. 20. As to other things here, there

was nothing at which they were surprised; but the number of bee-hives

was extraordinary, and all the soldiers that ate of the combs, lost

their senses, vomited, and were affected with purging, and none of them

were able to stand upright; such as had eaten only a little were like

men greatly intoxicated, and such as had eaten much were like mad-men,

and some like persons at the point of death. 21. They lay upon the

ground, in consequence, in great numbers, as if there had been a defeat;

and there was general dejection. The next day no one of them was found

dead; and they recovered their senses about the same hour that they had

lost them on the preceding day; and on the third and fourth days they

got up as if after having taken physic.[242]

22. From hence they proceeded two days' march, seven parasangs, and

arrived at Trebisond, a Greek city, of large population, on the Euxine

Sea; a colony of Sinope, but lying in the territory of the Colchians.

Here they stayed about thirty days, encamping in the villages of the

Colchians, 23. whence they made excursions and plundered the country of

Colchis. The people of Trebisond provided a market for the Greeks in the

camp, and entertained them in the city; and made them presents of oxen,

barley-meal, and wine. 24. They negotiated with them also on behalf of

the neighbouring Colchians, those especially who dwelt in the plain, and

from them too were brought presents of oxen.

25. Soon after, they prepared to perform the sacrifice which they had

vowed. Oxen enough had been brought them to offer to Jupiter the

Preserver, and to Hercules, for their safe conduct, and whatever they

had vowed to the other gods. They also celebrated gymnastic games upon

the hill where they were encamped, and chose Dracontius a Spartan, (who

had become an exile from his country when quite a boy, for having

involuntarily killed a child by striking him with a dagger,) to prepare

the course and preside at the contests. 26. When the sacrifice was

ended, they gave the hides[243] to Dracontius, and desired him to

conduct them to the place where he had made the course. Dracontius,

pointing to the place where they were standing, said, "This hill is an

excellent place for running, in whatever direction the men may wish."

"But how will they be able," said they, "to wrestle on ground so rough

and bushy?" "He that falls," said he, "will suffer the more." 27. Boys,

most of them from among the prisoners, contended in the short course,

and in the long course above sixty Cretans ran; while others were

matched in wrestling, boxing, and the pancratium. It was a fine sight;

for many entered the lists, and as their friends were spectators, there

was great emulation. 28. Horses also ran; and they had to gallop down

the steep, and, turning round in the sea, to come up again to the altar.

In the descent, many rolled down; but in the ascent, against the

exceedingly steep ground, the horses could scarcely get up at a walking

pace. There was consequently great shouting, and laughter, and cheering

from the people.

[Footnote 234: A stream running into the Tchórúk-sú, according to

Ainsworth, Travels, p. 189.]

[Footnote 235: The Greeks cut down the trees in order to throw them into

the stream, and form a kind of bridge on which they might cross.

_Schneider_.]

[Footnote 236: They threw stones into the river that they might stand on

them, and approach nearer to the Greeks, so as to use their weapons with

more effect. _Bornemann_.]

[Footnote 237: Kárá Kapán, or Kóhát Tágh, according to Ainsw. p. 190.]

[Footnote 238: Κατὰ φάλαγγα.] See on iv. 3. 26.]

[Footnote 239: Λόχους ὀρθίους.] See on iv. 2. 11.]

[Footnote 240: Ὠμοὺς ---- κατάφαγεῖν.] "Eat up raw," without waiting to

cook them; a metaphorical expression for _to extirpate utterly and at

once_, taken from Homer, Il. v. 35: Ὠμὸν βεβρώθοις Πρίαμον Πρίαμοιό τε

μαῖδας.]

[Footnote 241: See the payment of these vows in sect. 25.]

[Footnote 242: That there was honey in these parts with intoxicating

qualities, was well known to antiquity. Pliny, H. N. xxi. 44, mentions

two sorts of it, one produced at Heraclea in Pontus, and the other among

the Sanni or Macrones. The peculiarities of the honey arose from the

herbs to which the bees resorted, the first came from the flower of a

plant called ægolethron, or goats'-bane; the other from a species of

rhododendron. Tournefort, when he was in that country, saw honey of this

description. See Ainsworth, Travels in the Track, p. 190, who found that

the intoxicating honey had a bitter taste. See also Rennell, p. 253.

"This honey is also mentioned by Dioscorides, ii. 103; Strabo, xii. p.

826; Ælian, H. A. v. 42; Procopius, B. Goth. iv. 2." _Schneider_.]

[Footnote 243: Lion and Kühner have a notion that these skins were to be

given as prizes to the victors, referring to Herod, ii. 91, where it is

said that the Egyptians, in certain games which they celebrate in honour

of Perseus, offer as prizes cattle, cloaks, and δέρματα, hides. Krüger

doubts whether they were intended for prizes, or were given as a present

to Dracontius.]

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