The head and right-hand of Cyrus cut off. Artaxerxes pursues
Ariæus, plunders the camp of Cyrus, and then returns to attack the
victorious Greeks, who put him to flight, recover what he had
seized, and return to their camp.
1. The head and right-hand of Cyrus were then cut off. The king, and the
troops that were with him, engaging in pursuit, fell upon the camp of
Cyrus; when the soldiers of Ariæus no longer stood their ground, but
fled through their camp to the station whence they had last started;
which was said to be four parasangs distant. 2. The king and his
followers seized upon many other things, and also captured the Phocæan
woman, the mistress of Cyrus, who was said to be both accomplished and
beautiful. 3. His younger mistress, a native of Miletus, being taken by
some of the king's soldiers, fled for refuge, without her outer garment,
to the party of Greeks,[73] who were stationed under arms to guard the
baggage, and who, drawing themselves up for defence, killed several of
the pillagers; and some of their own number also fell; yet they did not
flee, but saved not only the woman, but all the rest of the property and
people that were in their quarters.
4. The king and the main body of Greeks were now distant from each other
about thirty stadia, the Greeks pursuing those that had been opposed to
them, as if they had conquered all; the Persians engaged in plundering,
as if they were wholly victorious. 5. But when the Greeks found that the
king with his troops was amongst their baggage; and the king, on the
other hand, heard from Tissaphernes, that the Greeks had routed that
part of his line which had been opposed to them, and were gone forward
in pursuit, the king, on his part, collected his forces, and formed
them in line again; while Clearchus, on the other side, calling to him
Proxenus, who happened to be nearest to him, consulted with him whether
they should send a detachment to the camp, or proceed, all of them
together, to relieve it. 6. In the mean time, the king was observed
again approaching them, as it seemed, in their rear. The Greeks,
wheeling round, prepared to receive him, in the belief that he would
attack them on that quarter; the king, however, did not lead his troops
that way, but led them off by the same route by which he had before
passed on the outside of their left wing; taking with him both those who
had deserted to the Greeks during the engagement, and Tissaphernes with
the troops under his command.
7. Tissaphernes had not fled at the commencement of the engagement, but
had charged through the Greek peltasts, close to the banks of the river.
In breaking through, however, he killed not a single man, for the
Greeks, opening their ranks, struck his men with their swords, and
hurled their javelins at them. Episthenes of Amphipolis had the command
of the peltasts, and was said to have proved himself an able captain. 8.
Tissaphernes, therefore, when he thus came off with disadvantage, did
not turn back again, but, proceeding onwards to the Grecian camp, met
the king there; and thence they now returned together, with their forces
united in battle-array. 9. When they were opposite the left wing of the
Greeks, the Greeks feared lest they should attack them on that wing,
and, enclosing them on both sides, should cut them off; they therefore
thought it advisable to draw back this wing,[74] and to put the river in
their rear. 10. While they were planning this manœuvre, the king,
having passed beyond them, presented his force opposite to them, in the
same form in which he had at first come to battle; and when the Greeks
saw their enemies close at hand, and drawn up for fight, they again sang
the pæan, and advanced upon them with much greater spirit than before.
11. The Barbarians, on the other hand, did not await their onset, but
fled sooner[75] than at first; and the Greeks pursued them as far as a
certain village,[76] where they halted; 12. for above the village was a
hill, upon which the king's troops had checked their flight, and though
there were no longer any infantry[77] there, the height was filled with
cavalry; so that the Greeks could not tell what was doing. They said,
that they saw the royal standard, a golden eagle upon a spear,[78] with
expanded wings.[79]
13. But as the Greeks were on the point of proceeding thither, the
cavalry too left the hill; not indeed in a body, but some in one
direction and some in another; and thus the hill was gradually thinned
of cavalry, till at last they were all gone. 14. Clearchus, however, did
not march up the hill, but, stationing his force at its foot, sent
Lycius the Syracusan and another up the hill, and ordered them, after
taking a view from the summit, to report to him what was passing on the
other side. 15. Lycius accordingly rode thither, and having made his
observations, brought word that the enemy were fleeing with
precipitation. Just as these things took place, the sun set.
16. Here the Greeks halted, and piling their arms, took some rest; and
at the same time they wondered that Cyrus himself nowhere made his
appearance, and that no one else came to them from him; for they did not
know that he was killed, but conjectured that he was either gone in
pursuit of the enemy, or had pushed forward to secure some post. 17.
They then deliberated whether they should remain in that spot and fetch
their baggage thither, or return to the camp; and it was resolved to
return, and they arrived at the tents about supper-time. 18. Such was
the conclusion of this day.
They found almost all their baggage, and whatever food and drink was
with it, plundered and wasted; the waggons, too, full of barley-meal and
wine, which Cyrus had provided, in order that, if ever a great scarcity
of provisions should fall upon the army, he might distribute them
amongst the Grecian troops, (and the waggons, as was said, were four
hundred in number,) these also the king's soldiers had plundered. 19.
Most of the Greeks consequently remained supperless; and they had also
been without dinner; for before the army had halted for dinner, the king
made his appearance. In this state they passed the ensuing night.
[Footnote 73: Πρὸς τῶν Ἑλλήνων.] "These words," says Kühner, "have
wonderfully exercised the abilities of commentators." The simplest mode
of interpretation, he then observes, is to take πρὸς in the sense of
versus, "towards," comparing iv. 3. 26; ii. 2. 4; but he inclines, on
the whole, to make the genitive Ἑλλήνων depend on τούτους understood:
ἐκφεύγει τῶν Ἑλλήνων πρὸς (τούτους) οἵ ἔτυχον, κ. τ. λ., though he
acknowledges that this construction is extremely forced, and that he can
nowhere find anything similar to it. Brodæus suggested πρὸς τὸ τῶν
Ἑλλήνων, scil. στρατόπεδον, and Weiske and Schneider would read πρὸς τὸ
τῶν Ἑλλήνων στρατόπεδον. Other conjectures it is unnecessary to notice.]
[Footnote 74: Ἀναπτύσσειν.] Literally "to fold back." Whether we are to
understand that one part of the wing was drawn behind the other, is not
very clear. The commentators are not all agreed as to the exact sense
that the word ought to bear. Some would interpret it by _explicare_, "to
open out," or "extend," and this indeed seems more applicable to
περιπτύξαντες which precedes; for the Greeks might lengthen out their
line that the king's troops might not surround them. But on the whole,
the other interpretation seems to have most voices in favour of it.]
[Footnote 75: Ἐκ πλέονος.] Sc. διαστήματος: they began to flee when the
Greeks were at a still greater distance than before.]
[Footnote 76: Μέχρι κώμης τινός.] This is generally supposed to have
been Cunaxa, where, according to Plutarch, the battle was fought.
Ainsworth, p. 244, identifies Cunaxa with _Imséy'ab_, a place 36 miles
north of Babylon.]
[Footnote 77: The infantry seem to have fled; the cavalry only were
left.]
[Footnote 78: Ἐπὶ πέλτης ἐπὶ ξύλου.] So stands the passage in Dindorf's
text; but most editors, from Schneider downwards, consider ἐπὶ ξύλου to
be a mere interpretation of ἐπὶ πέλτης, that has crept by some accident
into the text, and either enclose it in brackets or wholly omit it.
Πέλτη is said by Hesychius and Suidas to be the same as δόρυ or λόγχη:
and Krüger refers to Philostratus, Icon. ii. 82, ἐπὶ τῆς πέλτης ἀετός.
In Cyrop. vii. 1, 4, the insigne of Cyrus the elder is said to have been
a golden eagle, ἐπὶ δόρατος μακροῦ ἀνατεταμένος. Πέλτη accordingly being
taken in this sense, all is clear, and ἐπὶ ξύλου is superfluous. Kühner
gives great praise to the conjecture of Hutchinson, ἐπὶ πέλτης ἐπὶ
ξυστοῦ, who, taking πέλτη in the sense of _a shield_, supposed that the
eagle was mounted on a shield, and the shield on a spear. But the shield
would surely have been a mere encumbrance, and we had better be rid of
it. Yet to take πέλτη in the sense of _a spear_, unusual in Xenophon, is
not altogether satisfactory; and it would be well if we could fairly
admit into the text Leunclavius's conjecture, ἐπὶ παλτοῦ.]
[Footnote 79: Ἀνατεταμένον.] This word is generally understood to
signify that the eagle's wings were expanded. See Liddell and Scott's
Lexicon; and Dr. Smith's Dict. of G. and R. Ant. sub _Signa
Militaria_.]
BOOK II.
CHAPTER I.
The Greeks are surprised to hear of the death of Cyrus. Ariæus
resolves to return to Ionia, contrary to the advice of Clearchus,
who incites him to make an attempt on the throne of Persia.
Artaxerxes sends a message to the Greeks; their reply.
1. How the Grecian force was collected for Cyrus, when he undertook his
expedition against his brother Artaxerxes, what occurred in his march up
the country, how the battle took place, how Cyrus was killed, and how
the Greeks returned to their camp and went to rest, in the belief that
they were completely victorious, and that Cyrus was still alive, has
been related in the preceding book.
2. When it was day, the generals met together, and expressed their
surprise that Cyrus had neither sent any person to give directions how
they should act, nor had made his appearance himself. It seemed best to
them, therefore, to pack up what baggage they had, and, arming
themselves, to march forward till they could effect a junction with
Cyrus. 3. But when they were on the point of starting, just as the sun
was rising, there came to them Procles, the governor of Teuthrania, (who
was descended from Damaratus, the Lacedæmonian,) and with him Glus, the
son of Tamos, who told them that Cyrus was dead, and that Ariæus, having
fled, was, with the rest of the Barbarians, at the station whence they
started the day before; and that he said he would wait for the Greeks
that day, if they would come to him; but on the morrow, he said, he
should set off for Ionia, from whence he had come.
4. The generals, on hearing this intelligence, and the other Greeks, on
learning it from them,[80] were grievously afflicted; and Clearchus
spoke thus: "Would that Cyrus were still alive; but since he is no more,
carry back word to Ariæus, that we at least are victorious over the
king, and that, as you see, no enemy any longer offers us battle; and if
you had not come, we should have marched against the king; and we
promise Ariæus that, if he will come hither, we will seat him on the
royal throne: for to those who conquer, it belongs also to rule." 5.
Saying this, he dismissed the messengers, and sent with them
Cheirisophus the Lacedæmonian, and Menon the Thessalian; for Menon
himself desired to go, as he was connected with Ariæus by ties of
friendship and hospitality.
6. While they departed on their mission Clearchus waited where he was;
and the troops supplied themselves with food, as well as they could,
from the carcases of their baggage-cattle, slaughtering their oxen and
asses; and, going a little way in front of the line, to the place where
the battle was fought, they collected and used as fuel, not only the
arrows, which lay in great quantities, and which the Greeks had
compelled the deserters from the king to throw down, but also the wicker
shields of the Persians, and the wooden ones of the Egyptians; and there
were also many other light shields, and waggons emptied of their
contents[81] to be taken away; using all which materials to cook the
meat, they appeased their hunger for that day.
7. It was now about the middle of the forenoon,[82] when some heralds
arrived from the king and Tissaphernes, all of them Barbarians, except
one, a Greek named Phalinus, who chanced to be with Tissaphernes, and
was highly esteemed by him, for he had pretensions to skill in the
arrangement of troops, and in the exercise of heavy arms. 8. These
persons having approached, and asked to speak with the commanders of the
Greeks, told them, "that the king, since he had gained the victory and
slain Cyrus, required the Greeks to deliver up their arms, and go to the
gates of the king,[83] and try to obtain, if they could, some favour
from him." 9. Thus spoke the king's heralds; and the Greeks heard them
with no small concern: but Clearchus only said, "that it was not the
part of conquerors to deliver up their arms; but," he continued, "do
you, fellow-captains, give these men such an answer as you think most
honourable and proper; and I will return immediately;" for one of the
attendants just then called him away to inspect the entrails which had
been taken out of the victim, as he happened to be engaged in sacrifice.
10. Cleanor the Arcadian, the oldest of them, then answered, that "they
would die before they would deliver up their arms." "For my part," said
Proxenus the Theban, "I wonder, Phalinus, whether it is as conqueror
that the king asks for our arms, or as gifts in friendship; for if as
conqueror, why should he ask for them at all, and not rather come and
take them? But if he wishes to get them from us by means of persuasion,
let him say what will be left to the soldiers, if they gratify him in
this particular." 11. To this Phalinus replied, "The king considers
himself the conqueror, since he has slain Cyrus. For who is there now
that disputes the sovereignty with him? And he also looks upon
yourselves as his captives, having you here in the middle of his
dominions, and enclosed within impassable rivers; and being able to lead
such multitudes against you, as, though he gave them into your power, it
would be impossible for you to destroy."
12. After him, Theopompus,[84] an Athenian, spoke thus: "O Phalinus, we
have now, as you see, nothing to avail us, except our arms and our
valour. While we retain our arms, we may hope to profit by our valour;
but if we were to give them up, we should expect to be deprived also of
our lives. Do not suppose, therefore, that we shall give up to you the
only things of value that we possess; but, with these in our hands, we
will even fight for whatever of value you possess." 13. On hearing him
speak thus, Phalinus smiled, and said, "You seem like a philosopher,
young man, and express yourself not without grace; but be assured that
you are out of your senses if you imagine that your valour will prove
victorious over the might of the king." 14. But it was reported that
certain others of the generals, giving way to their fears, said that
they had been faithful to Cyrus, and might likewise prove of great
service to the king, if he were willing to become their friend; and that
whether he might wish to employ them in any other service, or in an
expedition against Egypt, they would assist him in reducing it.
15. In the mean time Clearchus returned, and asked whether they had yet
given their answer. Phalinus, in reply, said, "Your companions, O
Clearchus, give each a different answer; and now tell us what you have
to say." 16. Clearchus then said, "I was glad to see you, O Phalinus,
and so, I dare say, were all the rest of us; for you are a Greek, as we
also are; and, being so many in number as you see, and placed in such
circumstances, we would advise with you how we should act with regard to
the message that you bring. 17. Give us then, I entreat you by the gods,
such advice as seems to you most honourable and advantageous, and such
as will bring you honour in time to come, when it is related, that
Phalinus, being once sent from the king to require the Greeks to deliver
up their arms, gave them, when they consulted him, such and such
counsel; for you know that whatever counsel you do give, will
necessarily be reported in Greece."
18. Clearchus craftily threw out this suggestion, with the desire that
the very person who came as an envoy from the king, should advise them
not to deliver up their arms, in order that the Greeks might be led to
conceive better hopes. But Phalinus, adroitly evading the appeal, spoke,
contrary to his expectation, as follows: 19. "If, out of ten thousand
hopeful chances, you have any single one, of saving yourselves by
continuing in arms against the king, I advise you not to deliver up
your arms; but if you have not a single hope of safety in opposing the
king's pleasure, I advise you to save yourselves in the only way in
which it is possible." 20. Clearchus rejoined, "Such, then, is your
advice; but on our part return this answer, that we are of opinion,
that, if we are to be friends with the king, we shall be more valuable
friends if we retain our arms, than if we surrender them to another; but
that if we must make war against him, we should make war better if we
retain our arms, than if we give them up to another." 21. Phalinus said,
"This answer, then, we will report: but the king desired us also to
inform you, that while you remain in this place, a truce is to be
considered as existing between him and you; but, if you advance or
retreat, there is to be war. Give us, therefore, your answer on this
point also; whether you will remain here, and a truce is to exist, or
whether I shall announce from you, that there is war." 22. Clearchus
replied, "Report, therefore, on this point also, that our resolution is
the same as that of the king." "And what is that?" said Phalinus.
Clearchus replied, "If we stay here, a truce; but if we retreat or
advance, war." 23. Phalinus again asked him, "Is it a truce or war that
I shall report?" Clearchus again made the same answer: "A truce, if we
stay; and if we retreat or advance, war." But of what he intended to do,
he gave no intimation.
[Footnote 80: Πυνθανόμενοι.] Schneider and others would omit this word,
as an apparent interpolation. I have followed Kühner's interpretation.]
[Footnote 81: Φέρεσθαι ἔρημοι.] Before Φέρεσθαι is to be understood
ὥστε, as Zeune and Weiske observe. Kühner remarks that ἔρημοι should
properly be referred to both πέλται and ἅμαξαι: the shields were without
owners, and the waggons without their contents, as having been plundered
by the enemy.]
[Footnote 82: Περὶ πλήθουσαν ἀγοράν.] See i. 8. 1.]
[Footnote 83: See i. 9. 3.]
[Footnote 84: Θεόπομπος.] This is the reading of six manuscripts; others
have Ξενοφῶν. The passage has greatly exercised the ingenuity of the
learned, some endeavouring to support one reading, some the other. If we
follow manuscript authority, it cannot be doubted that Θεόπομπος is
genuine. Weiske thinks "Xenophon" inadmissible, because the officers
only of the Greeks were called to a conference, and Xenophon, as appears
from iii. 1. 4, was not then in the service: as for the other arguments
that he has offered, they are of no weight. Krüger (Quæstt. de Xen. Vit.
p. 12) attempts to refute Weiske, and to defend the name of Xenophon,
conjecturing that some scholiast may have written in the margin
Θεοπόμπος δὲ Πρόξενον τοῦτο εἰπεῖν φησι, whence the name of Theopompus
may have crept into the text, as Diod. Sic., xiv. 25, attributes those
words to Proxenus. But as this notion rests on conjecture alone, I have
thought it safest, with Weiske, Schneider, Poppo, and Dindorf, to adhere
to the reading of the best manuscripts. * * * Who this Theopompus was,
however, is unknown; for he is nowhere else mentioned in the Anabasis.
_Kühner_.]
CHAPTER II.
The Greeks, joining Ariæus, form an alliance with him, and take
counsel with him in reference to their return. During the night
following the first day's march they are seized with a panic, which
Clearchus allays.
1. Phalinus and his companions departed; and there now returned, from
their interview with Ariæus, Procles and Cheirisophus; Menon had
remained there with Ariæus. They reported, "that Ariæus said that there
were many Persians, of superior rank to himself, who would not endure
that he should be king; but," he adds, "if you wish to return with him,
he desires you to come to him this very night; if you do not, he says
that he will set out by himself early in the morning." 2. Clearchus
rejoined, "And we must certainly do as you say, if we determine to go to
him; but if not, adopt for yourselves such measures as you may think
most for your advantage;" for not even to them did he disclose what he
intended to do.
3. But afterwards, when the sun was setting, having assembled the
generals and captains, he spoke as follows: "My friends, when I offered
a sacrifice with reference to marching against the king, the signs of
the victims were not favourable, and indeed it was with good cause that
they were not so; for as I now learn, there is between us and the king
the river Tigris, a navigable river, which we could not cross without
vessels; and vessels we have none. Yet it is not possible to remain
here; for we have no means of procuring provisions. But for going to the
friends of Cyrus, the sacrifices were extremely favourable. 4. We must
accordingly proceed thus: when we separate, we must sup, each of us on
what he has; when the signal is given with the horn as if for going to
rest, proceed to pack up your baggage; when it sounds the second time,
place it on your baggage-cattle; and, at the third signal, follow him
who leads the way, keeping your baggage-cattle next the river, and the
heavy-armed troops on the outside." 5. The generals and captains, after
listening to this address, went away, and did as he directed; and
thenceforth he commanded, and the others obeyed, not indeed having
elected him commander, but perceiving that he alone possessed such
qualifications as a leader ought to have, and that the rest of them were
comparatively inexperienced.
6. The computation of the route which they had come from Ephesus in
Ionia to the field of battle, was ninety-three days' march, and five
hundred and thirty-five parasangs, or sixteen thousand and fifty
stadia;[85] and the distance from the field of battle to Babylon was
said to be three hundred and sixty stadia.
7. Here, as soon as it was dark, Miltocythes the Thracian deserted to
the king, with about forty horse that he commanded, and nearly three
hundred of the Thracian infantry. 8. Clearchus led the way for the rest,
in the prescribed order; and they followed, and arrived at the first
halting-place,[86] to join Ariæus and his troops about midnight; and the
generals and captains of the Greeks, having drawn up their men under
arms, went in a body to Ariæus; when the Greeks on the one hand, and
Ariæus and his principal officers on the other, took an oath not to
betray each other, and to be true allies; and the Barbarians took
another oath, that they would lead the way without treachery. 9. These
oaths they took after sacrificing a bull, a wolf,[87] a boar, and a ram,
over a shield, the Greeks dipping a sword, and the Barbarians a lance,
into the blood.
10. When these pledges of mutual fidelity were given, Clearchus said:
"Since then, Ariæus, our route and yours is now the same, tell us, what
is your opinion with respect to our course; whether we shall return the
way we came, or whether you consider that you have thought of a better
way." 11. Ariæus replied: "If we were to return the way we came, we
should all perish of hunger; for we have now no supply of provisions;
and for the last seventeen days' march, even when we were coming hither,
we could procure nothing from the country through which we passed; or,
if anything was to be found there, we consumed it ourselves in our
passage. But now we propose to take a longer road, but one in which we
shall not want for provisions. 12. We must make the first days' marches
as long as we can, that we may remove ourselves to the greatest possible
distance from the king's army; for if we once escape two or three days'
journey from him, the king will no longer be able to overtake us; since
he will not dare to pursue us with a small force; and, with a numerous
army, he will not be able to march fast enough, and will probably
experience a scarcity of provisions." "Such," he concluded, "is my
opinion."
13. This scheme for conducting the army was calculated for nothing else
than to effect an escape, clandestinely or openly, by flight.[88] But
fortune proved a better leader; for as soon as it was day they began
their march, with the sun on their right, expecting to arrive about
sunset at some villages in the Babylonian territory; and in this
expectation they were not disappointed. 14. But, in the afternoon, they
thought that they perceived some of the enemy's cavalry; and those of
the Greeks who happened not to be in their ranks, ran to their places in
the ranks; and Ariæus (for he was riding in a waggon because he had been
wounded) came down and put on his armour, as did those who were with
him. 15. But while they were arming themselves, the scouts that had been
sent forward returned, and reported that they were not cavalry, but
baggage-cattle grazing; and every one immediately concluded that the
king was encamped somewhere near. Smoke also was seen rising from some
villages not far distant. 16. Clearchus however did not lead his troops
against the enemy; (for he was aware that his soldiers were tired and in
want of food; and besides it was now late;) yet he did not turn out of
his way, taking care not to appear to flee, but continued his march in a
direct line, and took up his quarters with his vanguard, just at sunset,
in the nearest villages, from which even the wood-work of the houses had
been carried off by the king's troops. 17. These, therefore, who were in
advance, encamped with some degree of regularity; but those who
followed, coming up in the dark, took up with such quarters as they
chanced to find, and made so much noise in calling to each other, that
even the enemy heard them; and those of the enemy who were stationed the
nearest, fled from their encampments. 18. That this had been the case,
became apparent on the following day; for there was no longer a single
beast of burden to be seen, nor any camp, nor smoke anywhere near. The
king had been alarmed, as it seemed, by the sudden approach of the
Grecian army; and of this he gave proof by what he did on the following
day.
19. However, in the course of this night, a panic fell upon the Greeks
themselves, and there arose such noise and commotion in their camp as
usually ensues on the occurrence of sudden terror. 20. Upon this,
Clearchus ordered Tolmides, an Eleian, whom he happened to have with
him, the best[89] herald of his time, to command silence; and proclaim,
that "the generals give notice, that whoever will give information of
the person who turned the ass among the arms,[90] shall receive a reward
of a talent of silver." 21. On this proclamation being made, the
soldiers were convinced that their alarm was groundless, and their
generals were safe. At break of day, Clearchus issued orders for the
Greeks to form themselves under arms, in the same order in which they
had been when the battle took place.
[Footnote 85: As Xenophon, in the first book, has enumerated only 84
days' march, 517 parasangs, which make but 15,510 stadia, Zeune thinks
that the 9 days' march, and 18 parasangs, here added, are to be
understood as forming the route from Ephesus to Sardis. Krüger is
inclined to think the passage an interpolation.]
[Footnote 86: Εἰς τὸν πρῶτον σταθμόν.] This is the σταθμός mentioned in
i. 10. 1, being that from which the army of Cyrus started on the day
when the battle took place.]
[Footnote 87: Bornemann observes that the sacrifice of the wolf seems to
have been the act of the Persians, referring to Plutarch de Is. et Os.,
where it is said that it was a custom with them to sacrifice that
animal. "They thought the wolf," he adds, "the son and image of
Ahrimanes, as appears from Kleuker in Append. ad Zendavestam, T. II. P.
iii. pp. 78, 84; see also Brisson, p. 388."]
[Footnote 88: Ἀποδρᾶναι καὶ ἀποφυγεῖν.] The first means to flee, so that
it cannot be discovered whither the fugitive is gone; the second, so
that he cannot be overtaken. _Kühner_ ad i. 4. 8. "Fugâ vel clandestinâ
vel apertâ." _Weiske_.]
[Footnote 89: Ἄριοστον.] Best, apparently, on account of the loudness or
clearness of his voice.]
[Footnote 90: The arms, as Kühner observes, were piled in front of the
men's quarters. The affair of the ass was an invention of Clearchus to
draw off the thoughts of the soldiers from the subject of their
apprehension. Polyænus, iii. 9. 4, speaks of a similar stratagem having
been adopted by Iphicrates.]
CHAPTER III.
The king proposes a truce, and supplies the Greeks with provisions
during the negotiation. Three days after he sends Tissaphernes to
them, to ask why they had engaged in hostilities against him; he is
answered by Clearchus. A treaty is then concluded, the king
engaging to send home the Greeks under the conduct of Tissaphernes,
and the Greeks promising to do no injury to the countries through
which they should pass.
1. What I just now stated, that the king was alarmed at the approach of
the Greeks, became evident by what followed; for though, when he sent to
them on the preceding day, he desired them to deliver up their arms, he
now, at sunrise, sent heralds to negotiate a truce. 2. These heralds,
upon arriving at the outposts, requested to speak with the commanders.
Their request being reported by the guards, Clearchus, who happened then
to be inspecting the several divisions, told the guards to desire the
heralds to wait till he should be at leisure. 3. When he had arranged
the army in such a manner as to present on every side the fair
appearance of a compact phalanx, and so that none of the unarmed were to
be seen, he called for the heralds, and came forward himself, having
about him the best-armed and best-looking of his soldiers, and told the
other leaders to do the same. 4. When he drew near the messengers, he
asked them what they wanted. They replied, "that they came to negotiate
a truce, with full powers to communicate with the Greeks on behalf of
the king, and with the king on behalf of the Greeks." 5. Clearchus
answered, "Tell the king, then, that we must come to battle first; for
we have no breakfast;[91] and there is no one who will dare to talk to
the Greeks of a truce, without first supplying them with breakfast."
6. On hearing this answer, the messengers departed, but soon returned;
from whence it was apparent that the king, or some other person to whom
a commission had been given to conduct the negotiation, was somewhere
near. They brought word, "that the king thought what they said was
reasonable, and that they now came with guides, who, in case the truce
should be settled, would conduct the Greeks to a place where they might
procure provisions." 7. Clearchus then inquired, whether the king would
grant the benefit of the truce to those only who went to him, on their
way thither and back, or whether the truce would be with the rest as
well.[92] The messengers replied, "With all; until what you have to say
is communicated to the king." 8. When they had said this, Clearchus,
directing them to withdraw, deliberated with the other officers; and
they proposed to conclude the truce at once, and to go after the
provisions at their ease, and supply themselves. 9. And Clearchus said,
"I too am of that opinion. I will not, however, announce our
determination immediately, but will wait till the messengers begin to be
uneasy lest we should determine not to conclude the truce. And yet,"
said he, "I suspect that a similar apprehension will arise among our own
soldiers." When he thought therefore that the proper time had arrived,
he announced to the messengers that he agreed to the truce, and desired
them to conduct him forthwith to the place where the provisions were.
10. They accordingly led the way; and Clearchus proceeded to conclude
the truce, keeping his army however in battle-array; the rear he brought
up himself. They met with ditches and canals so full of water that they
could not cross without bridges; but they made crossings of the
palm-trees which had fallen, and others which they cut down. 11. Here it
might be seen how Clearchus performed the duties of a commander, holding
his spear in his left hand, and a staff in his right; and if any of
those ordered to the work seemed to him to loiter at it, he would select
a fit object for punishment,[93] and give him a beating, and would lend
his assistance himself,[94] leaping into the midst, so that all were
ashamed not to share his industry. 12. The men of thirty and under only
had been appointed by him to the work; but the older men, when they saw
Clearchus thus busily employed, gave their assistance likewise. 13.
Clearchus made so much the more haste, as he suspected that the ditches
were not always so full of water; (for it was not the season for
irrigating the ground;) but thought that the king had let out the water
upon the plain, in order that even now there might appear to the Greeks
to be many difficulties in the march.
14. Proceeding on their way, they arrived at some villages, from which
the guides signified that they might procure provisions. In these
villages there was great plenty of corn, and wine made from dates, and
an acidulous drink obtained from them by boiling. 15. As to the dates
themselves, such as those we see in Greece were here put aside for the
use of the servants; but those which were laid by for their masters,
were choice fruit, remarkable for beauty and size; their colour was not
unlike that of amber; and some of these they dried and preserved as
sweetmeats. These were a pleasant accompaniment to drink, but apt to
cause headache. 16. Here too the soldiers for the first time tasted the
cabbage[95] from the top of the palm-tree, and most of them were
agreeably struck both with its external appearance and the peculiarity
of its sweetness. But this also was exceedingly apt to give headache.
The palm-tree, out of which the cabbage had been taken, soon withered
throughout.
17. In this place they remained three days, when Tissaphernes arrived
from the Great King, and with him the brother of the king's wife, and
three other Persians; and a numerous retinue attended them. The generals
of the Greeks having met them on their arrival, Tissaphernes first spoke
by an interpreter, to the following effect: 18. "I myself dwell, O
Greeks, in the neighbourhood of your country; and when I perceived you
fallen into many troubles and difficulties, I thought it a piece of good
fortune if I could in any way press a request upon the king to allow me
to conduct you in safety back to Greece. For I think that such a service
would be attended with no want of gratitude either from yourselves or
from Greece in general. 19. With these considerations, I made my request
to the king, representing to him that he might reasonably grant me this
favour, because I had been the first to give him intelligence that Cyrus
was marching against him, and at the same time that I brought him the
intelligence, had come to him with an auxiliary force; because I alone,
of all those opposed to the Greeks, did not flee, but, on the contrary,
charged through the midst of them, and joined the king in your camp,
whither he came after he had slain Cyrus; and because, together with
these who are now present with me, and who are his most faithful
servants, I engaged in pursuit of the Barbarian part of Cyrus's army.
20. The king promised to consider of my request; and in the mean time
desired me to come and ask you, on what account it was that you took the
field against him; and I advise you to answer with moderation, in order
that it may be easier for me to secure you whatever advantage I can from
the king."
21. The Greeks then withdrew, and, after some deliberation, gave their
answer, Clearchus speaking for them: "We neither formed ourselves into a
body, with the view of making war upon the king, nor, when we set out,
was our march directed against him; but Cyrus, as you yourself are well
aware, devised many pretences for his proceedings, that he might both
take you by surprise, and lead us up hither. 22. But when we afterwards
saw him in danger, we were ashamed, in the face of gods and men, to
desert him, as we had before allowed him to bestow favours upon us. 23.
As Cyrus, however, is now dead, we neither dispute the sovereignty with
the king, nor is there any reason why we should desire to do harm to the
king's territory; nor would we wish to kill him, but would proceed
homeward, if no one molest us; but we will endeavour, with the aid of
the gods, to avenge ourselves on any one that may do us an injury;
while, if any one does us good, we shall not be behind-hand in requiting
him to the utmost of our power." Thus spoke Clearchus. 24. Tissaphernes,
having heard him, said, "I will report your answer to the king, and
bring back to you his reply; and till I return, let the truce remain in
force; and we will provide a market for you."
25. On the following day he did not return; so that the Greeks began to
be anxious; but on the third day he came, and said, that he returned
after having obtained the king's permission to be allowed to save the
Greeks; although many spoke against it, saying that it did not become
the king to suffer men to escape who had engaged in war against him. 26.
In conclusion he said, "You may now receive from us solemn promises
that we will render the country, through which you will pass, friendly
to you; and will, without treachery, conduct you back to Greece,
affording you opportunities of purchasing provisions; and wheresoever we
do not afford you an opportunity of purchasing, we will allow you to
take for yourselves necessaries from the adjacent country. 27. On the
other hand, it will be incumbent upon you to swear to us, that you will
march, as through a friendly territory, without doing harm, only taking
a supply of meat and drink, whenever we do not give you an opportunity
of purchasing, but that if we give you such opportunity, you will
procure your supplies by purchase." 28. These conditions were assented
to; and they took the oaths, and Tissaphernes and the brother of the
king's wife gave their right-hands to the generals and captains of the
Greeks, and received from the Greeks theirs in return. 29. After this,
Tissaphernes said, "And now I shall go back to the king; and as soon as
I have accomplished what I wish, I will come again, after making the
necessary preparations, for the purpose of conducting you back to
Greece, and returning myself to my province."
[Footnote 91: Ἄριοστον.] This word answers to the Latin _prandium_, a
meal taken in the early part of the day. We cannot here render it
"dinner."]
[Footnote 92: I have translated this passage as I think that the drift
of the narrative requires. Krüger refers σπένδοιτο to Clearchus, and
thinks that by ἀυτοῖς τοῖς ἀνδράσι are meant the Persian deputies. Some
critics suppose that by those words the men who were to get provisions
are intended. To me nothing seems consistent with the context but to
refer σπένδοιτο to the king, and to understand by ἀυτοῖς τοῖς ἀνδράσι
the messengers from the Greeks.]
[Footnote 93: Τον ἐπιτήδειον.] Scil. παίεσθαι, _pœnæ idoneum, pœnû
dignum_. Kühner.]
[Footnote 94: Προσελάμβανε.] _Manum operi admovebat._ Kühner.]
[Footnote 95: Τὸν ἐγκέφαλον.] Literally "the brain." Dulcis medulla
earum [palmarum] in cacumine, quod cerebrum appellant. Plin. H. N. xiii.
4. See also Theophr. ii. 8; Galen. de Fac. simpl. Medic. iv. 15. It is
generally interpreted _medulla_, "marrow" or "pith," but it is in
reality a sort of bud at the top of the palm-tree, containing the last
tender leaves, with flowers, and continuing in that state two years
before it unfolds the flower; as appears from Boryd. St. Vincent Itiner.
t. i. p. 223, vers. Germ., who gives his information on the authority of
Du Petit Thouars. The French call it _choux_; the Germans, _Kohl_,
Schneider. "By modern travellers it is called the _cabbage_ of the palm;
it 'is composed' (says Sir Joseph Banks) 'of the rudiments of the future
leaves of the palm-tree, enveloped in the bases or footstalks of the
actual leaves; which enclose them as a tight box or trunk would do.' It
forms a mass of convolutions, exquisitely beautiful and delicate; and
wonderful to appearance, when unfolded. It is also exceedingly delicate
to the taste. Xenophon has justly remarked that the trees from whence it
was taken withered." _Rennell's Illustrations of the Exp. of Cyrus_, p.
118.]
CHAPTER IV.
The Greeks conceive distrust both of Tissaphernes and Ariæus, and
resolve to march apart from the Persians. They commence their march
under the guidance of Tissaphernes, pass the wall of Media, and
cross the Tigris.
1. After these occurrences, the Greeks and Ariæus, encamping near each
other, waited for Tissaphernes more than twenty days;[96] in the course
of which there came to visit Ariæus both his brothers and other
relations, and certain other Persians, to see his companions, and gave
them encouraging hopes; some too were the bearers of assurances[97] from
the king, that he would not remember to their disadvantage their
expedition against him under Cyrus, or anything else that was past. 2.
On these things taking place, the followers of Ariæus evidently began to
pay the Greeks less attention; so that, on this account, they rendered
most of the Greeks dissatisfied with them; and many of them, going to
Clearchus and the other generals, said, 3. "Why do we remain here? are
we not aware that the king would wish above all things to destroy us, in
order that a dread of going to war with the Great Monarch may fall upon
the rest of the Greeks? For the present, he craftily protracts our stay,
because his forces are dispersed; but, when his army is re-assembled, it
is not possible but that he will attack us. 4. Perhaps, too, he is
digging some trench, or building some wall, that the way may be rendered
impassable; for he will never consent, at least willingly, that we
should go back to Greece, and relate how so small a number as we are
have defeated the king at his own gates, and returned after setting him
at nought."
5. To those who thus addressed him, Clearchus answered, "I have been
considering all these things as well; but I think that, if we now go
away, we shall be thought to go with a view to war, and to act contrary
to the terms of the truce. Moreover, in the first place, there will be
no one to provide us a market, or any means of procuring provisions;
and, in the next place, there will be no one to guide us; besides, the
moment that we do this, Ariæus will separate himself from us so that not
a friend will be left us; and, what is more, our former friends will
then become our enemies. 6. Whether there is any other river for us to
cross, I do not know; but as for the Euphrates, we know that it is
impossible to cross that, if the enemy try to prevent us. Nor yet, if it
should be necessary to fight, have we any horse to support us; while the
enemy's cavalry is most numerous and efficient; so that, though we were
victorious, how many of our enemies should we be able to kill? And, if
we were defeated, it would not be possible for a man of us to escape. 7.
With regard to the king, therefore, who is aided by so many advantages,
I know not, if he wishes to effect our destruction, why he should swear,
and give his right-hand, and perjure himself before the gods, and
render his pledges faithless both to Greeks and Barbarians." He said
much besides to the same effect.
8. In the mean time Tissaphernes arrived, with his army, as if with the
view of returning home; and Orontes came with his army. Orontes also
brought[98] with him the king's daughter, whom he had received in
marriage.[99] 9. From hence they now proceeded on their march,
Tissaphernes being their guide, and securing them opportunities of
buying provisions; Ariæus also, with the Barbarian troops of Cyrus,
marched in company with Tissaphernes and Orontes, and encamped in common
with them. 10. But the Greeks, conceiving a suspicion of these men,
began to march by themselves, taking guides of their own; and they
always encamped at the distance of a parasang, or little less, from each
other; and both parties kept on their guard against one another, as if
they had been enemies, and this consequently increased their mistrustful
feelings. 11. More than once, too, as they were gathering fuel, or
collecting grass and other such things, in the same quarter, they came
to blows with each other;[100] and this was an additional source of
animosity between them.
12. After marching three days, they arrived at the wall of Media,[101]
as it is called, and passed to the other side of it. This wall was built
of burnt bricks, laid in bitumen; it was twenty feet in thickness, and a
hundred in height, and the length of it was said to be twenty parasangs;
and it was not far distant from Babylon. 13. Hence they proceeded, in
two days' march, the distance of eight parasangs; crossing two canals,
the one by a permanent bridge, the other by a temporary one formed of
seven boats. These canals were supplied from the river Tigris; and from
one to the other of them were cut ditches across the country, the first
of considerable size, and the next smaller; and at last diminutive
drains, such as are cut in Greece through the panic[102] fields. They
then arrived at the Tigris; near which there was a large and populous
city, called Sitace, distant from the banks of the river only fifteen
stadia. 14. In the neighbourhood of this city the Greeks encamped, close
to an extensive and beautiful park, thickly planted with all kinds of
trees. The Barbarians, though they had but just crossed the Tigris, were
no longer in sight.
15. After supper Proxenus and Xenophon happened to be walking in front
of the place where the arms were piled, when a man approached, and
inquired of the sentinels where he could see Proxenus or Clearchus. But
he did not ask for Menon, though he came from Ariæus, Menon's intimate
friend. 16. Proxenus replying, "I am the person whom you seek," the man
said, "Ariæus and Artaozus, the faithful friends of Cyrus, who are
interested for your welfare, have sent me to you, and exhort you to
beware lest the Barbarians should fall upon you in the night; for there
is a considerable body of troops in the adjoining park. 17. They also
advise you to send a guard to the bridge over the Tigris, as
Tissaphernes designs to break it down in the night, if he can, in order
that you may not be able to cross the river, but may be hemmed in
between the river and the canal." 18. On hearing the man's message, they
conducted him to Clearchus, and told him what he had said. When
Clearchus heard it he was greatly agitated and alarmed.
19. But a young man,[103] one of those who were present, after
reflecting a little on the matter, observed, "that the imputed designs
of making an attack, and of breaking down the bridge, were not
consistent; for," said he, "if they attack us, they must certainly
either conquer or be conquered; if then they are to conquer us, why
should they break down the bridge? for even though there were many
bridges, we have no place where we could save ourselves by flight; 20.
but if, on the other hand, we should conquer them, then, if the bridge
is broken down, they will have no place of retreat; nor will any of
their friends on the other side of the river, however numerous, be able
to come to their assistance when the bridge is destroyed." 21. After
listening to these observations, Clearchus asked the messenger what was
the extent of the country that lay between the Tigris and the canal. He
replied, "that it was of considerable extent, and that there were
several villages and large towns in it." 22. It was then immediately
concluded, that the Barbarians had sent this man with an underhand
object, "being afraid lest the Greeks, having taken to pieces[104] the
bridge, should remain in the island, where they would have, as defences,
the river Tigris on the one side, and the canal on the other; and might
procure a sufficient supply of provisions from the country which lay
between, and which was extensive and fertile, with people in it to
cultivate it; and which would also serve as a place of refuge to any
that might be inclined to annoy the king.
23. They then prepared for rest, but did not neglect, however, to send a
guard to the bridge; but neither did any one attempt to attack them on
any quarter, nor did any of the enemies come near the bridge, as those
who were stationed on guard there reported.
24. As soon as it was day they crossed the bridge, which was constructed
of thirty-seven boats, with every precaution in their power; for some of
the Greeks, who came from Tissaphernes, stated that the enemy meant to
attack them as they were crossing; but this report was also false.
However, as they were going over, Glus made his appearance, with some
others, watching to see if they were crossing the river; and when they
saw they were, he immediately rode away.
25. From the Tigris they proceeded, in four days' march, a distance of
twenty parasangs, to the river Physcus, which was a plethrum in breadth,
and over which was a bridge. Here was situate a large town, called Opis;
near which an illegitimate brother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, who was
leading a numerous army from Susa and Ecbatana, with the intention of
assisting the king, met the Greeks, and, ordering his troops to halt,
took a view of the Greeks as they passed by. 16. Clearchus marched his
men two abreast, and halted occasionally on the way; and as long as the
van of the army halted, so long there was necessarily a halt throughout
the whole of the line; so that even to the Greeks themselves their army
seemed very large, and the Persian was amazed at the sight of it.
27. Hence they proceeded through Media,[105] six days' march through a
desert country, a distance of thirty parasangs, when they arrived at the
villages of Parysatis, the mother of Cyrus and the king; which
Tissaphernes, in mockery of Cyrus, gave permission to the Greeks to
plunder of everything except the slaves. There was found in them a great
quantity of corn, and sheep, and other property. 18. Hence they advanced
in a march of five days more through the desert, a distance of twenty
parasangs, having the Tigris on their left. At the end of the first
day's march there was situate on the opposite bank of the river a large
and opulent city, called Cænæ, whence the Barbarians brought over, on
rafts made of hide a supply of bread, cheese, and wine.
[Footnote 96: During this time Tissaphernes went to Babylon to the king,
and was rewarded with the hand of his daughter, and the province of
which Cyrus had been Satrap. _Diod. Sic._ xiv. 26. See sect. 8.]
[Footnote 97: Δεξιὰς.] That is, fidem regis nomine dabant. See the
commentators on Cyrop. iv. 2. 7: δεξιὰν δὸς, ἵνα φέρωμεν καὶ τοις ἄλλοις
τᾶυτα. _Poppo._ So it is said in Latin _dextram ferre_. See Breitenbach
on Xen. Agesil. iii. 4]
[Footnote 98: Ἦγε.] From iii. 4. 13, it appears that we must refer this
verb to Orontes. See note on sect. 1. Whether Tissaphernes and Orontes
both married daughters of the king, is uncertain. If only one of them,
Xenophon is more likely to be in the right than Diodorus Siculus.
Orontes was satrap of Armenia, iii. 5. 17. Rhodogune, a daughter of
Artaxerxes, is said by Plutarch (Vit. Art. c. 27) to have been married
to Orætes, who may be the same as Xenophon's Orontes.]
[Footnote 99: Ἐπὶ γάμῳ.] These words signify literally _for_ or _upon
marriage_. The true interpretation, says Krüger, is, doubtless, "in
order that he might have her, or live with her, in wedlock," the
marriage ceremony having been, it would seem, previously performed at
Babylon.]
[Footnote 100: Πληγὰς ἐνέτεινον ἀλλήλοις.] Whether this signifies that
they actually inflicted blows on one another, or only threatened them,
may admit of some doubt. The former notion is adopted by the Latin
translators, by Sturz in his Lexicon, and by the commentators
generally.]
[Footnote 101: See i. 7. 15.]
[Footnote 102: i. 2. 22.]
[Footnote 103: Zeune thinks that Xenophon may possibly mean himself; but
this is mere conjecture.]
[Footnote 104: Διελόντες.] An excellent conjectural emendation of
Holtzmann for the old reading διελθόντες. _Kühner_.--The stratagem of
Tissaphernes was similar to that by which Themistocles expedited the
departure of Xerxes from Greece.]
[Footnote 105: i. 7. 15.]
CHAPTER V
After a three days' halt on the river Zabatus, Clearchus endeavours
to put an end to the distrust between the Persians and the Greeks
by an interview with Tissaphernes. He is received so plausibly that
he is induced to return on the following day, accompanied by five
other generals and twenty captains, in expectation of being
informed of the persons who had excited, by false reports, ill
feelings between the two armies. The generals are conducted into
the tent and put to death; the captains and those with them are
massacred on the outside, one only escaping to tell the tale.
Ariæus calls on the rest of the Greeks to surrender their arms, but
is answered with defiance.
1. Soon after, they arrived at the river Zabatus, the breadth of which
was four plethra. Here they remained three days; during which the same
suspicions continued, but no open indication of treachery appeared. 2.
Clearchus therefore resolved to have a meeting with Tissaphernes, and,
if it was at all possible, to put a stop to these suspicions, before
open hostilities should arise from them. He accordingly sent a person to
say, that he wished to have a meeting with Tissaphernes; who at once
requested him to come. 3. When they met, Clearchus spoke as follows: "I
am aware, O Tissaphernes, that oaths have been taken, and right-hands
pledged between us, that we will do no injury to each other:
nevertheless, I observe you on your guard against us, as though we were
enemies; and we, perceiving this, stand on our guard against you. 4. But
since, upon attentive observation, I can neither detect you in any
attempt to injure us, and since, as I am certain, we have no such
intentions towards you, it seemed proper for me to come to a conference
with you, that we may put an end, if we can, to our distrust of one
another. 5. For I have, before now, known instances of men, who, being
in fear of another, some through direct accusations, and others through
mere suspicion, have, in their eagerness to act before they suffered,
inflicted irremediable evils upon those who neither intended nor wished
anything of the kind. 6. Thinking, therefore, that such
misunderstandings may be best cleared up by personal communications, I
have come here, and am desirous to convince you that you have no just
ground for mistrusting us. 7. In the first and principal place, the
oaths, which we have sworn by the gods, forbid us to be enemies to each
other; and I should never consider him to be envied who is conscious of
having disregarded such obligations; for from the vengeance of the gods
I know not with what speed any one could flee so as to escape,[106] or
into what darkness he could steal away, or how he could retreat into any
stronghold, since all things, in all places, are subject to the gods;
and they have power over all everywhere alike. 8. Such are my sentiments
respecting the gods, and the oaths which we swore by them, in whose
keeping we deposited the friendship that we cemented; but among human
advantages, I, for my own part, consider you to be the greatest that we
at present possess; 9. for with your assistance, every road is easy,
every river is passable, and there will be no want of provisions; but
without you all our way would lie through darkness, (for we know nothing
of it,) every river would be difficult to pass, and every multitude of
men would be terrible, but solitude most terrible of all, as it is full
of extreme perplexity. 10. And even if we should be so mad as to kill
you, what else would be the consequence, than that, having slain our
benefactor, we should have to contend with the king as your most
powerful avenger?[107] For my own part, of how many and how great
expectations I should deprive myself, if I attempted to do you any
injury, I will make you acquainted. 11. I was desirous that Cyrus should
be my friend, as I thought him, of all the men of his time, the most
able to benefit those whom he wished to favour. But I now see that you
are in the possession both of the power and the territory of Cyrus,
while you still retain your own province, and that the power of the
king, which was opposed to Cyrus, is ready to support you, 12. Such
being the case, who is so mad as not to wish to be your friend?
"But I will mention also the circumstances from which I derive hopes
that you will yourself desire to be our friend. 13. I am aware that the
Mysians give you much annoyance, and these, I have no doubt, I should be
able, with my present force, to render subservient to you; I am aware
also that the Pisidians molest you; and I hear that there are many such
nations besides, which I think I could prevent from ever disturbing your
tranquillity. As for the Egyptians, against whom I perceive you are most
of all incensed. I do not see what auxiliary force you could use to
chastise them better than that which I now have with me. 14. If, again,
among the states that lie around you, you were desirous to become a
friend to any one, you might prove the most powerful of friends; and if
any of them gave you any annoyance, you might, by our instrumentality,
deal with them[108] as a master, as we should serve you not for the
sake of pay merely, but from gratitude, which we should justly feel
towards you if we are saved by your means. 15. When I consider all these
things, it appears to me so surprising that you should distrust us, that
I would most gladly hear the name[109] of him who is so persuasive a
speaker as to make you believe that we are forming designs against you."
Thus spoke Clearchus. Tissaphernes replied as follows: 16. "I am
delighted, O Clearchus, to hear your judicious observations; for, with
these sentiments, if you were to meditate anything to my injury, you
would appear to be at the same time your own enemy. But that you may be
convinced that you have no just cause for distrusting either the king or
me, listen to me in your turn. 17. If we wished to destroy you, do we
appear to you to be deficient in numbers either of cavalry or infantry,
or in warlike equipments, with the aid of which we might be able to do
you injury, without danger of suffering any in return? 18. Or do we seem
to you likely to be in want of suitable places to make an attack upon
you? Are there not so many plains, which, as the inhabitants of them are
friendly to us,[110] you traverse with exceeding toil? See you not so
many mountains before you to be crossed, which we might, by
pre-occupying them, render impassable to you? Or are there not so many
rivers, at which we might parcel you out[111] as many at a time as we
might be willing to engage? Some of these rivers, indeed, you could not
cross at all, unless we secured you a passage. 19. But even supposing
that we were baffled in all these points, yet fire at least would prove
its power over the produce of the soil; by burning which, we could set
famine in array against you, which, though you were the bravest of the
brave, you would find it difficult to withstand. 20. How then, having so
many means of waging war with you, and none of them attended with
danger to ourselves, should we select from amongst them all this mode,
the only one that is impious in the sight of the gods, the only one that
is disgraceful in the sight of men? 21. It belongs, altogether, to men
who are destitute of means, deprived of every resource, and under the
coercion of necessity, and at the same time devoid of principle, to seek
to effect their purposes by perjury towards the gods, and breach of
faith towards men. We, O Clearchus, are not so foolish or so
inconsiderate; 22. or why, when we have the opportunity of effecting
your destruction, have we made no such attempt? Be well assured, that
the cause of this was my desire to prove myself faithful to the Greeks,
and, in consequence of doing them service, to return supported by that
very body of foreign troops, to whom Cyrus, when he went up, trusted
only on account of the pay that he gave them. 23. As to the particulars
in which you will be of service to me, some of them you have enumerated,
but of the greatest of all I am myself fully conscious; for though it is
permitted to the king alone to wear the turban upright on the head, yet
perhaps another than he may, with your assistance, wear that upright
which is on the heart."[112]
24. Tissaphernes, in speaking thus, seemed to Clearchus to speak with
sincerity, and he replied, "Do not those, then, who endeavour by calumny
to make us enemies, when there are such strong inducements to friendship
between us, deserve the severest of punishment?" 25. "Well, then," said
Tissaphernes, "if you will come to me, as well generals as captains, in
a public manner, I will inform you who they are that tell me that you
are forming plots against me and my army." 26. "I will bring them all,"
said Clearchus, "and, on my part, will let you know the quarter whence I
hear reports respecting you." 27. After this conversation, Tissaphernes,
behaving to Clearchus with much courtesy, desired him to stay with him,
and made him his guest at supper.
On the following day, when Clearchus returned to the camp, he plainly
showed that he considered himself to be on the most friendly footing
with Tissaphernes, and stated what he had proposed; and he said that
those must go to Tissaphernes, whose presence he required, and that
whoever of the Greeks should be proved guilty of uttering the alleged
calumnies, must be punished as traitors, and persons ill-affected to the
Greeks. 28. It was Menon that he suspected of making the charges, as he
knew that he had had an interview with Tissaphernes in company with
Ariæus, and was forming a party and intriguing against himself, in order
that, having gained the whole army over to his own interests, he might
secure the friendship of Tissaphernes. 29. Clearchus likewise wished the
whole army to have their affections fixed on himself, and troublesome
rivals to be removed out of his way.
Some of the soldiers urged, in opposition to his advice, that all the
captains and generals should not go, and that they ought to place no
confidence in Tissaphernes. 30. But Clearchus pressed his proposal with
great vehemence, till he at length succeeded in getting five generals
and twenty captains to go; and some of the other soldiers followed them,
to the number of about two hundred, as if for the purpose of
marketing.[113]
31. When they had arrived at the entrance of Tissaphernes' tent, the
generals, who were Proxenus the Bœotian, Menon the Thessalian, Agias
the Arcadian, Clearchus the Lacedæmonian, and Socrates the Achæan, were
invited to enter; but the captains waited at the door. 32. Not long
after, at one and the same signal, those within were seized, and those
without massacred; and immediately afterwards a body of Barbarian
cavalry, riding through the plain, killed every Greek, slave or freeman,
that they met.
33. The Greeks, observing the motions of these cavalry from the camp,
were filled with astonishment, and wondered what they could be doing,
till Nicarchus an Arcadian came fleeing thither, wounded in the belly
and holding his intestines in his hands, and related all that had
occurred. 34. The Greeks, in consequence, ran to their arms in a state
of general consternation, expecting that the enemy would immediately
march upon the camp. 35. They however did not all come, but only Ariæus
and Artaozus and Mithridates, who had been Cyrus's most confidential
friends; and the interpreter of the Greeks said, that he saw with them,
and recognised, the brother of Tissaphernes. Other Persians, equipped
with corslets, to the number of three hundred, were in attendance on
them. 36. As they approached the camp, they called for whatever general
or captain of the Greeks might be there, to come out to them, that they
might deliver a message from the king. 37. There accordingly went forth
to them, with much caution, Cleanor the Orchomenian, and Sophænetus the
Stymphalian, generals of the Greeks, and with them Xenophon the
Athenian, that he might learn news of Proxenus. As for Cheirisophus, he
happened to be absent at some village looking for provisions.
38. When they had stopped just within hearing, Ariæus said to them:
"Clearchus, O Greeks, having been found guilty of perjury, and of
violating the truce, has received his just punishment, and is dead;
Proxenus and Menon, as having denounced his treachery, are in great
honour; but the king demands of you your arms; for he says that they are
his, as they belonged to Cyrus his subject." 39. To this the Greeks
answered, (Cleanor the Orchomenian spoke for them,) "O Ariæus, most
wicked of men, and the rest of you, as many as were the friends of
Cyrus, have you no regard either for gods or men, that, after having
sworn that you would consider our friends and enemies to be likewise
yours, you have thus,[114] after treacherously deserting us in concert
with Tissaphernes, the most godless and most unprincipled of human
beings, murdered the very men to whom you swore alliance, and,
abandoning us who are left, have come against us in conjunction with our
enemies?" 40. Ariæus replied, "Clearchus had been previously detected in
treacherous designs against Tissaphernes and Orontes, and all of us who
accompany them." 41. To this Xenophon rejoined, "Clearchus, then, if he
infringed the truce in violation of his oath, is deservedly punished;
for it is just that those who violate their oaths should suffer death;
but as for Proxenus and Menon, as they are your benefactors and our
generals, send them hither; for it is clear that, being friends to both
parties, they will endeavour to advise what is best both for you and for
us." 42. The Barbarians, after conversing among themselves for some
time, departed without making any answer to this proposal.
[Footnote 106: Οὔτ' ἀπὸ ποίου ἀν τάχους φεύγων τις ἀποφύγοι.] This is
Dindorf's reading. Bornemann and Kühner have οὔτ' ἀπὸ ποίου ἀν τάχους
οὔτε ὅποι ἀν τις φεύγων ἀποφύγοι, on the authority, as they say, of the
best copies. Dindorf thought with Schæfer, ad Greg. Cor. p. 492, that
the words οὔτε ὅποι ἀν were superfluous, and consequently omitted them.
Bornemann and Kühner see no reason why they should not be retained.]
[Footnote 107: Τὸν μέγιστον ἔφεδρον.] Ἔφεδρος properly meant a gladiator
or wrestler, who, when two combatants were engaged, stood ready to
attack the one that should prove victorious. See Sturz. Lex. Xen.;
Schol. in Soph. Aj. 610; Hesychius; D'Orvill. ad Charit. p. 338.]
[Footnote 108: Ἀναστρέφοιο.] "Ut dominus versere, vivias, domini partes
sustineas:" Ἀν must be repeated from the preceding clause; unless that
particle, as Dindorf thinks, has dropped out from before ἀναστρέφοιο.
_Kühner_.]
[Footnote 109: There is in the text, as Krüger observes, a confusion of
the two constructions, ἀκούσαιμι τὸ ὄνομα τούτου, ὅστις, and ἀκούσαιμι,
τις.]
[Footnote 110: Ἅ ἡμῖν φίλια ὄντα.] I have here departed from Dindorf's
text, which has ἅ ὑμεῖς φίλια ὄντα, κ. τ. λ.; a reading much less
satisfactory than the other, to which Schneider, Bornemann, and Kühner
adhere.]
[Footnote 111: Ταμιεύεσθαι.] This word is used in the same sense, 3. 47;
iv. 1. 18; Thucyd. vi. 18; Plutarch, Timol. c. 27.]
[Footnote 112: Τὴν δ' ἐπὶ τῇ καρδιᾳ ---- ἔχοι.] Sc. ὄρθην. The sense is,
"but to wear a tiara erect on the heart, that is, to have a kingly
spirit and to aspire to dominion, is what another, by your aid, might be
able to do." Tissaphernes, by this expression, wished to make it
understood that he might possibly, with the support of the Greeks,
aspire to the throne of Persia himself. A similar metaphor is noticed by
Schæfer, (ad Greg. Corinth. p. 491.) in Philostratus v. a. iii. p. 131:
δοκεῖ μοι καὶ τὸν προγνωσόμενον ἄνορ ὑγιῶς ἑαυτοῦ ἔχειν ----' καθαρῶς δὲ
αὐτὸν προφητεύειν, ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῷ στέρνῳ τρίποδος συνιέντος.
_Kühner_. See Cyrop. viii. 3. 13. Hutchison refers to Dion Chrysost.
xiv. extr. Lucian Piscat. p. 213. See also Strabo, xv. p. 231, where the
Persian tiara is said to be πίλημα πυργωτόν, in the shape of a tower;
and Joseph. Ant. xx. 3. "The tiaras of the king's subjects were soft and
flexible: Schol. ad Plat. de Repub." _Krüger_.]
[Footnote 113: Ὡς εἰς ἀγορὰν.] "Consequently unarmed." _Krüger_.]
[Footnote 114: Ὡς ἀπολωλέκατε.] Jacobs interprets ὡς by quàm, as
equivalent to quàm turpiter! quàm impiè! But such exclamations belong
rather to modern writers than to the ancients. * * * Others have
conjectured ἀθέως, ἀνοσίως, ὠμῶς, ἵσως, ὅλως, οὕτως. In one manuscript
ὡς is omitted; an omission approved by Larcher, Porson and some others.
Some, too, think that the sentence is ἀνακόλουθος, and that the author,
forgetful how he commenced it, goes on with ὡς for ὅτι. Dindorf supposes
that Cleanor must be regarded as too much provoked and agitated to mind
the exact arrangement of his words. For my own part, I consider that
those have the most reason on their side who think that we should read
οὕτως, interpreting it, with Bornemann, _so rashly, so unjustifiably_.
From οὕτως, written compendiously, ὡς might easily have sprung.
_Kühner_.]
CHAPTER VI.
The characters of the five generals that were put to death.
1. The generals, who were thus made prisoners, were taken up to the
king, and put to death by being beheaded.
One of them, Clearchus, by the general consent of all who were
acquainted with him, appears to have been a man well qualified for war,
and extremely fond of military enterprise. 2. For as long as the
Lacedæmonians were at war with the Athenians, he remained in the service
of his country; but when the peace took place, having induced his
government to believe that the Thracians were committing ravages on the
Greeks, and having gained his point, as well as he could, with the
Ephori, he sailed from home to make war upon the Thracians that lie
above the Chersonesus and Perinthus. 3. But when the Ephori, after he
was gone, having for some reason changed their mind, took measures to
oblige him to turn back from the Isthmus, he then no longer paid
obedience to their commands, but sailed away to the Hellespont, 4. and
was in consequence condemned to death, for disobedience, by the chief
magistrates at Sparta. Being then an exile, he went to Cyrus; and by
what methods he conciliated the favour of Cyrus, has been told in
another place. Cyrus presented him with ten thousand darics; 5. and he,
on receiving that sum, did not give himself up to idleness, but having
collected an army with the money, made war upon the Thracians, and
conquered them in battle, and from that time plundered and laid waste
their country, and continued this warfare till Cyrus had need of his
army; when he went to him, for the purpose of again making war in
concert with him.
6. These seem to me to have been the proceedings of one fond of war,
who, when he might have lived in peace without disgrace or loss, chose
war in preference; when he might have spent his time in idleness,
voluntarily underwent toil for the sake of military adventure; and when
he might have enjoyed riches in security, chose rather, by engaging in
warfare, to diminish their amount. He was indeed led by inclination to
spend his money in war, as he might have spent it in pursuits of
gallantry, or any other pleasure; to such a degree was he fond of war.
7. He appears also to have been qualified for military undertakings, as
he liked perilous adventure, was ready to march day and night against
the enemy, and was possessed of great presence of mind in circumstances
of difficulty, as those who were with him on all such occasions were
universally ready to acknowledge.
8. For commanding troops he was said to be qualified in as great a
degree as was consistent with his temper; for he was excelled by no one
in ability to contrive how an army might have provisions, and to procure
them; and he was equally fitted to impress on all around him the
necessity of obeying Clearchus. 9. This he effected by severity; for he
was of a stern countenance and harsh voice; and he always punished
violently, and sometimes in anger, so that he occasionally repented of
what he had done. He punished too on principle, for he thought that
there could be no efficiency in an army undisciplined by chastisement.
10. He is also reported to have said, that a soldier ought to fear his
commander more than the enemy, if he would either keep guard well, or
abstain from doing injury to friends, or march without hesitation
against foes. 11. In circumstances of danger, accordingly, the soldiers
were willing to obey him implicitly, and wished for no other leader; for
they said, that the sternness in his countenance then assumed an
appearance of cheerfulness, and that what was severe in it seemed
undauntedness against the enemy; so that it appeared indicative of
safety, and not of austerity. 12. But when they were out of danger, and
were at liberty to betake themselves to other chiefs, they deserted him
in great numbers; for he had nothing attractive in him, but was always
forbidding and repulsive, so that the soldiers felt towards him as boys
towards their master. 13. Hence it was, that he never had any one who
followed him out of friendship and attachment to his person; though such
as followed him from being appointed to the service by their country, or
from being compelled by want or other necessity, he found extremely
submissive to him. 14. And when they began under his command to gain
victories over the enemy, there were many important circumstances that
concurred to render his troops excellent soldiers; for their perfect
confidence against the enemy had its effect, and their dread of
punishment from him rendered them strictly observant of discipline. 15.
Such was his character as a commander. But he was said to have been by
no means willing to be commanded by others. When he was put to death, he
was about fifty years of age.
16. Proxenus the Bœotian, from his earliest youth, felt a desire to
become a man capable of great undertakings; and through this desire paid
Gorgias of Leontium for instruction. 17. When he had passed some time
with him, and thought himself capable of command, and, if honoured with
the friendship of the great, of making no inadequate return for their
favours, he proceeded to take a part in this enterprise with Cyrus; and
expected to acquire in it a great name, extensive influence, and
abundant wealth. 18. But though he earnestly wished for these things, he
at the same time plainly showed, that he was unwilling to acquire any of
them by injustice, but that he thought he ought to obtain them by just
and honourable means, or otherwise not at all.
19. He was indeed able to command orderly and well-disposed men, but
incapable of inspiring ordinary soldiers with either respect or fear for
him; he stood even more in awe of those under his command, than they of
him; and evidently showed that he was more afraid of being disliked by
his soldiers, than his soldiers of being disobedient to him. 20. He
thought it sufficient both for being, and appearing, capable of command,
to praise him who did well, and withhold his praise from the offender.
Such, therefore, of his followers, as were of honourable and virtuous
character, were much attached to him, but the unprincipled formed
designs upon him, as a man easy to manage. He was about thirty years old
when he was put to death.
21. As for Menon the Thessalian, he ever manifested an excessive desire
for riches, being desirous of command that he might receive greater pay,
and desirous of honours that he might obtain greater perquisites; and he
wished to be well with those in power, in order that when he did wrong
he might not suffer punishment. 22. To accomplish what he desired, he
thought that the shortest road lay through perjury, falsehood, and
deceit; while sincerity and truth he regarded as no better than folly.
23. He evidently had no affection for any man; and as for those to whom
he professed to be a friend, he was unmistakeably plotting mischief
against them. He never ridiculed an enemy, but always used to talk with
his associates as if ridiculing all of them.[115] 24. He formed no
designs on the property of his enemies, (for he thought it difficult to
take what belonged to such as were on their guard against him,) but
looked upon himself as the only person sensible how very easy it was to
invade the unguarded property of friends.
25. Those whom he saw given to perjury and injustice, he feared as men
well armed; but sought to practise on those who were pious and observant
of truth, as imbeciles. 26. As another might take a pride in religion,
and truth, and justice, so Menon took a pride in being able to deceive,
in devising falsehoods, in sneering at friends; and thought the man who
was guileless was to be regarded as deficient in knowledge of the world.
He believed that he must conciliate those, in whose friendship he
wished to stand first, by calumniating such as already held the chief
place in their favour. 27. The soldiers he tried to render obedient to
him by being an accomplice in their dishonesty. He expected to be
honoured and courted, by showing that he had the power and the will to
inflict the greatest injuries. When any one deserted him, he spoke of it
as a favour on his own part that, while he made use of his services, he
did not work his destruction.
28. As to such parts of his history as are little known, I might, if I
were to speak of them, say something untrue of him; but those which
every one knows, are these. While yet in the prime of youth he obtained,
at the hands of Aristippus, the command of his corps of mercenaries. He
was also, in his prime, most intimate with Ariæus, though a Barbarian,
as Ariæus delighted in beautiful youths. He himself, too, while yet a
beardless youth, made a favourite of Tharypas, who had arrived at
manhood.
29. When his fellow-officers were put to death, because they had served
with Cyrus against the king, he, though he had done the same, was not
put to death with them; but after the death of the other generals, he
died under a punishment inflicted by the king, not like Clearchus and
the other commanders, who were beheaded (which appears to be the
speediest kind of death); but after living a year in torture, like a
malefactor, he is said at length to have met his end.
30. Agias the Arcadian and Socrates the Achæan were also put to death.
These no one ever derided as wanting courage in battle, or blamed for
their conduct towards their friends. They were both about five and
thirty years of age.
[Footnote 115: Τῶν δὲ συνόντων, κ. τ. λ.] By a species of attraction for
τοῖς δὲ συνοῦσι πᾶσιν, ὡς καταγελῶν αὐτῶν, ἀεὶ διελέγετο. _Kühner_.]
BOOK III.
CHAPTER I.
Dejection of the Greeks. How Xenophon was led to join in Cyrus's
expedition. His dream, and reflections. He rouses the captains of
the division that Proxenus had commanded, and exhorts them to take
measures for their safety. Apollonides deprived of his captaincy. A
general meeting of the surviving generals and captains, at which
Xenophon persuades them to choose new commanders in the room of
those that they had lost. Xenophon is one of those elected.
1. What the Greeks did in their march up the country with Cyrus, until
the time of the battle, and what occurred after Cyrus was dead, when the
Greeks set out to return with Tissaphernes in reliance on a truce, has
been related in the preceding part of the work.
2. After the generals were made prisoners, and such of the captains and
soldiers as had accompanied them were put to death, the Greeks were in
great perplexity, reflecting that they were not far from the king's
residence;[116] that there were around them, on all sides, many hostile
nations and cities; that no one would any longer secure them
opportunities of purchasing provisions; that they were distant from
Greece not less than ten thousand stadia; that there was no one to guide
them on the way; that impassable rivers would intercept them in the
midst of their course; that the Barbarians who had gone up with Cyrus
had deserted them; and that they were left utterly alone, having no
cavalry to support them, so that it was certain, even if they defeated
their enemies, that they would kill not a man of them, and that, if they
were defeated, none of themselves would be left alive;--3. reflecting, I
say, on these circumstances, and being disheartened at them, few of them
tasted food for that evening,[117] few kindled fires, and many did not
come to the place of arms[118] during the night, but lay down to rest
where they severally happened to be, unable to sleep for sorrow and
longing for their country, their parents, their wives and children, whom
they never expected to see again. In this state of mind they all went to
their resting-places.