SECT. XII.

XLVI. I would not have it understood by what I have said, that I think

the reading of Machiavel would not be pernicious; for it would without

doubt be so to many, and especially if their dispositions incline

them to the side of ambition. There have been, and ever will be, an

infinite number of tyrants, who never heard of, or read Machiavel’s

book, intituled The Prince; but that book may probably have made

tyrants of many, who never would have been such without perusing it;

and it would have the same effect in the hands of a weak prince, that

the mouth of an evil counsellor would have applied to his ear.

XLVII. One of the most atrocious and treacherous acts ever recorded in

history, and one that has made the greatest noise in the world, was,

the unworthy putting to death of the great Pompey, which was occasioned

intirely, by young Ptolemy who was then king of Egypt, having at the

time it was committed, a Machiavel by his side, in the person of the

depraved Theodotus.

XLVIII. Pompey, after being routed in the battle of Pharsalia, and

becoming a fugitive from Cæsar and his fortune, thought no asylum could

be more convenient and safe for him, than the kingdom of Egypt; because

the prince who then reigned there, was indebted to him, for the great

favour of having reinstated his father on that throne, from whence

he had been cast down by his own subjects. On the confidence of this

service, he steered for Alexandria, and upon entering the port, sent

to inform the king of his arrival, and beg that protection from him,

which he had so just a right to demand. The king summoned a council

to deliberate on the matter, in which the majority of votes, were for

doing what was honourable and right, and gave it as their opinion,

that the unfortunate hero should be entertained and protected. But

Theodotus, who had got the ascendency over the young king, and who had

more influence with him than every body else, suggested to him, that

he should not only not grant Pompey his protection, but that he should

take away his life also.

XLIX. But let us hear from Lucan, the reasons of convenience, on which

that depraved politician grounded his advice for perpetrating so horrid

and atrocious an act of treachery, in order, that by comparing them

with those of Machiavel, we may discern, whether the principles of

the Florentine master were well understood in those times. But it is

proper to observe, that Lucan makes the eunuch Photinus the author of

the advice, instead of Theodotus; whereas other writers do not make

Photinus the adviser, but assisted by the general Aquilas, the executor

of the wickedness; and some others again, attribute to this last, a

great part, if not the whole of the suggestion.

L. But whether Theodotus, Aquilas, or Photinus, was the first who

suggested the treacherous cruelty, is not material to the main

question. The arguments used with Ptolemy, to incite him to the

deed, were as follow: That great as his father’s obligations were to

Pompey, he ought to consider, that he owed more to himself than he

did to him; that Fortune had declared itself in favour of Cæsar, and

against Pompey, and that it would be the height of imprudence to take

part with that side, to whom Fortune was averse; that although it was

true, the affording Pompey an asylum had the appearance of an honest

action, still, princes ought not to attend to what was honest, but to

what was useful; that the monarch, who is desirous of confining his

operations within the limits of justice, is more a slave of the laws,

than a master of his dominions; that the supreme power is paramount to

all law, nor can it acknowledge any subjection; that it was beyond a

doubt, the affording Pompey protection in his kingdom, would soon bring

on him, the invincible arms of Cæsar, and the power of the whole Roman

empire; against which attack, he would be unable to make the slightest

resistance; that he already, as far as his ability went, had complied

with his obligations to Pompey, by wishing that he might be victorious;

but now that Cæsar had won the day, he ought to attach himself to

die conqueror, and endeavour to court his favour, by taking away the

life of Pompey; that pursuing the medium, of neither receiving nor

destroying him, would be the worst resolution they could take, for that

by such a determination, they would lose the useful, without attaining

the honest; that Cæsar would always look upon him as an enemy, who

having had it in his power, should neglect to destroy his rival,

although all the rest of the world should regard him as ungrateful,

for refusing to protect his benefactor. It was also suggested, that

it would not be difficult to assign a religious motive for destroying

Pompey, and to cover the cruelty of the action under that pretence; for

it might be alledged, that he was sacrificed to the goddess of Fortune,

who had already declared herself adverse to the unhappy hero; that this

sacrifice seemed not only to be dictated by religion, but justice also;

for that protecting Pompey under such circumstances, in the kingdom

of Egypt, and in the manner he wished, would infallibly, by provoking

the indignation of Cæsar, bring on it ruin and desolation, and that he

ought therefore to be proceeded against with fire and sword, as against

an avowed enemy of the state.

LI. I ask now, if Nicholas Machiavel, placed at the ear of the king

of Egypt in that conjuncture, and under the like circumstances, could

have said more? Thus there always were Machiavels, and they were always

pernicious and did mischief, when concerned in the administration of

public affairs, not only to the people at large, but most commonly to

the princes themselves, whose exaltation or security they endeavoured

to promote, by the practice and adoption of impious and cruel maxims.

LII. I believe, that although all who read the relation we have

just been discussing, will abominate the advice of Theodotus, as

base, tyrannical, violent, inhuman, and atrocious; there are many of

those who attend to nothing but temporal convenience, will think it

salutary; but observe, that instead of this, it was extremely hurtful

and injurious. They perpetrated the murder of the great Pompey, by

adding to the act of cruelty, another of treachery, which was coaxing

him to come ashore, by an assurance, that the king had engaged his

royal word that his life should be safe. What was the result of all

this? That Ptolemy obtained the hoped for friendship of Cæsar? That

Theodotus, Aquilas, and Photinus, were rewarded for the great service

they had done him, by freeing him for ever from the apprehension of

so formidable an enemy as Pompey? No, nothing of this sort fell out

in consequence of the base act; but it happened, that in a few days

after, Ptolemy in a most tragical manner, lost his kingdom and his

life, and that the three authors and executors of the murder of Pompey,

Theodotus, Aquilas, and Photinus, died miserably; which consequences

are produced, either by impious maxims tending naturally to bring on

misfortunes, or by the interposition of the Supreme Providence, which

superintends and watches over human affairs, and with an especial

design, fulminates his wrath on the authors of such wickedness, in a

manner, that serves to make them scarecrows to terrify, as well as

examples to warn others.

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