SECTION LXI.

In these bourdings and skirmishes, divers of our men were slaine, and

many hurt, and myselfe amongst them received sixe wounds; one of them in

the necke very perillous; another through the arme, perishing the bone,

and cutting the sinewes close by the arme-pit; the rest not so

dangerous. The master of our shippe had one of his eyes, his nose, and

halfe his face shott away. Master Henry Courton was slaine. On these two

I principally relyed for the prosecution of our voyage, if God, by

sicknesse, or otherwise, should take me away.

[The Spaniards parley.]

The Spaniards with their great ordinance lay continually playing upon

us, and now and then parled and invited us to surrender ourselves _a

buena querra_.[226] The captaine of our shippe, in whose direction and

guide, our lives, our honour, and welfare now remained, seeing many of

our people wounded and slaine, and that few were left to sustaine and

maintaine the fight, or to resist the entry of the enemy, if he should

againe bourd with us, and that our contraries offered us good

pertido,[227] came unto me accompanied with some others, and began to

relate the state of our shippe, and how that many were hurt and slaine,

and scarce any men appeared to traverse the artillery, or to oppose

themselves for defence, if the enemy should bourd with us againe; and

how that the admirall offered us life and liberty, and to receive us _a

buena querra_, and to send us into our owne country. Saying, that if I

thought it so meete, he and the rest were of opinion that we should put

out a flagge of truce, and make some good composition. The great losse

of blood had weakened me much. The torment of my wounds newly received,

made me faint, and I laboured for life, within short space expecting I

should give up the ghost.

But this parley pearced through my heart, and wounded my soule; words

failed me wherewith to expresse it, and none can conceive it but he

which findeth himselfe in the like agonie. Yet griefe and rage

ministered force, and caused me to breake forth into this reprehension

and execution following.

“Great is the crosse which Almightie God hath suffered to come upon me:

that assaulted by our professed enemies, and by them wounded, as you

see, in body, lying gasping for breath, those whom I reputed for my

friends to fight with me; those which I relyed on as my brethren to

defend me in all occasions; those whom I have nourished, cherished,

fostered and loved as my children, to succour me, helpe me, and to

sustaine my reputation in all extremities; are they who first draw their

swords against me, are they which wound my heart, in giving me up into

mine enemies hands. Whence proceedeth this ingratitude? whence this

faintnesse of heart? whence this madnesse? Is the cause you fight for

unjust? is the honour and love of your prince and countrey buried in the

dust? your sweete lives, are they become loathsome unto you? will you

exchange your liberty for thraldome? will you consent to see that which

you have sweat for and procured with so great labour and adventure, at

the dispose of your enemies? can you content your selves to suffer my

blood spilt before your eyes, and my life bereft me in your presence,

with the blood and lives of your deere brethren to be unrevenged? Is not

an honourable death to be preferred before a miserable and slavish life?

The one sustaining the honour of our nation, of our predecessors, and of

our societie: the other ignominious to our selves, and reproachful to

our nation. Can you be perswaded that the enemy will performe his

promise with you, that never leaveth to breake it with others, when he

thinketh it advantagious? And know you not, that with him, all is

convenient that is profitable? Hold they not this for a maxime: that,

_nulla fides est servanda cum hereticis_? In which number they accompt

us to be. Have you forgotten their faith violated with my father, in

Saint John de Ulua, the conditions and capitulations being firmed by the

vice-roy and twelve hostages, all principall personages given for the

more securitie of either party to other? Have you forgotten their

promise broken with John Vibao and his company, in Florida, having

conditioned to give them shipping and victuals, to carry them into their

countrey; immediately after they had delivered their weapons and armes,

had they not their throates cut? Have you forgotten how they dealt with

John Oxnam and his company, in this sea, yeelded upon composition; and

how after a long imprisonment, and many miseries, being carryed from

Panama to Lyma, and there hanged with all his company, as pyrates, by

the justice?[228] And can you forget how dayly they abuse our noble

natures, which being voyde of malice, measure all by sinceritie, but to

our losse; for that when we come to demand performance, they stoppe our

mouthes; either with laying the inquisition upon us, or with delivering

us into the hands of the ordinary justice, or of the kings ministers.

And then urged with their promises, they shrinke up to the shoulders,

and say, that they have now no further power over us; they sorrow in

their hearts to see their promise is not accomplished: but now they

cannot doe us any good office, but to pray to God for us, and to entreat

the ministers in our behalfe.

“Came we into the South sea to put out flags of truce? And left we our

pleasant England, with all her contentments, with intention or purpose

to avayle our selves of white ragges, and by banners of peace to deliver

ourselves for slaves into our enemies hands; or to range the world with

the English, to take the law from them, whom by our swords, prowesse,

and valour, we have alwaies heretofore bin accustomed to purchase

honour, riches, and reputation? If these motives be not sufficient to

perswade you, then I present before your eyes your wives and children,

your parents and friends, your noble and sweete countrey, your gracious

soveraigne; of all which accompt yourselves for ever deprived, if this

proposition should be put in execution. But for all these, and for the

love and respect you owe me, and for all besides that you esteeme and

hold dear in this world, and for Him that made us and all the world,

banish out of your imagination such vaine and base thoughts; and

according to your woonted resolution, prosecute the defence of your

shippe, your lives, and libertie, with the lives and libertie of your

companions; who by their wounds and hurts are disabled and deprived of

all other defence and helpe, save that which lyeth in your discretions

and prowesse. And you, captaine,--of whom I made choise amongst many, to

be my principall assistant, and the person to accomplish my dutie if

extraordinary casualtie should disable me to performe and prosecute our

voyage,--tender your obligation; and now in the occasion give testimony,

and make proofe of your constancie and valour, according to the opinion

and confidence I have ever held of you.”

Whereunto he made answere: “My good generall, I hope you have made

experience of my resolution, which shall be ever to put in execution

what you shall be pleased to command me; and my actions shall give

testimonie of the obligation wherein I stand bound unto you. What I have

done, hath not proceeded from faintnesse of heart, nor from a will to

see imaginations put in execution; for besides the losse of our

reputation, liberty, and what good else we can hope for, I know the

Spaniard too too well, and the manner of his proceedings in discharge of

promises: but only to give satisfaction to the rest of the company,

which importuned me to moove this point, I condiscended to that which

now I am ashamed of, and grieve at, because I see it disliking to you.

And here I vowe to fight it out, till life or lymmes fayle me. Bee you

pleased to recommend us to Almightie God, and to take comfort in him,

whom I hope will give us victory, and restore you to health and

strength, for all our comforts, and the happy accomplishing and

finishing of our voyage, to his glory.”

I replyed: “This is that which beseemeth you; this sorteth to the

opinion I ever held of you; and this will gaine you, with God and man, a

just reward. And you the rest, my deere companions and friends, who ever

have made a demonstration of desire to accomplish your duties, remember

that when we first discryed our enemy, you shewed to have a longing to

proove your valours against him: now that the occasion is offered, lay

hold of the fore-locke; for if once shee turne her backe, make sure

accompt never after to see her face againe: and as true English men, and

followers of the steppes of our forefathers, in vertue and valour, sell

your bloods and lives deerely, that Spaine may ever record it with

sadnesse and griefe. And those which survive, rejoyce in the purchase of

so noble a victory, with so small meanes against so powerfull an enemy.”

Hereunto they made answere: that as hitherto they had beene conformable

to all the undertakings which I had commanded or counselled, so they

would continue in the selfe same dutie and obedience to the last breath;

vowing either to remaine conquerours and free-men, or else to sell their

lives at that price which their enemies should not willingly consent to

buy them at. And with this resolution, both captaine and company tooke

their leave of me, every one particularly, and the greater part with

teares and imbracings, though we were forthwith to depart the world, and

never see one the other againe but in heaven, promising to cast all

forepassed imaginations into oblivion, and never more to speake of

surrendry.

[They resolve to fight it out.]

In accomplishment of this promise and determination, they persevered in

sustaining the fight, all this night, with the day and night following,

and the third day after. In which time the enemy never left us, day nor

night, beating continually upon us with his great and small shott.

Saving that every morning, an hower before the breake of day, he

[The enemy breatheth.] edged a little from us, to breath, and

to remedie such defects as were amisse, as also to consult what they

should doe the day and night following.

[The English repaire their defects.]

This time of interdiction, we imployed in repayring our sayles and

tacklings, in stopping our leakes, in fishing and wolling our masts and

yards, in mending our pumpes, and in fitting and providing our selves

for the day to come. Though this was but little space for so many

workes, yet gave it great reliefe and comfort unto us, and made us

better able to endure the defence: for otherwise, our ship must of force

have suncke before our surrendry, having many shot under water, and our

pumpes shot to peeces every day. In all this space, not any man of

either part tooke rest or sleepe, and little sustenance, besides bread

and wine.

In the second dayes fight, the vice-admirall comming upon our quarter,

William Blanch, one of our masters mates, with a luckie hand, made a

shot unto her with one of our sterne peeces; it carried away his maine

mast close by the decke: wherewith the admirall beare up to her, to see

what harme shee had received, and to give her such succour as shee was

able to spare; which we seeing, were in good hope that they would have

now left to molest us any longer, having wherewithall to entertaine

themselves [Advantages omitted.] in redressing their owne

harmes. And so we stood away from them close by as we could; which we

should not have done, but prosecuted the occasion, and brought our

selves close upon her weather gage, and with our great and small shot

hindered them from repairing their harmes: if we had thus done, they had

beene forced to cut all by the bourd; and it may bee, lying a hull or to

le-wards of us, with a few shot wee might have suncke her. At the least,

it would have declared to our enemies that wee had them in little

estimation, when, able to goe from them, we would not; and perhaps bin a

cause to have made them to leave us.

But this occasion was let slip, as also that other to fight with them,

sayling quarter winds, or before the winde; for having stood off to sea

a day and a night, we had scope to fight at our pleasure; and no man,

having sea roome, is bound to fight as his enemie will, with

disadvantage, being able otherwise to deal with equalitie; contrariwise,

every man ought to seeke the meanes hee can for his defence, and

greatest advantage, to the annoyance of his contrarie.

Now wee might, with our fore saile low set, have borne upp before the

winde, and the enemie of force must have done the like, if he would

fight with us, or keepe us company: and then should wee have had the

advantage of them. For although their artillery were longer, waightier,

and many more then ours, and in truth did pierce with greater violence;

yet ours being of greater bore, and [The difference of shot.]

carrying a waightier and greater shot, was of more importance and of

better effect for sinking and spoyling: for the smaller shot passeth

through, and maketh but his whole, and harmeth that which lyeth in his

way; but the greater shaketh and shivereth all it meeteth, and with the

splinters, or that which it encountreth, many times doth more hurt then

with his proper circumference: as is plainely seene in the battery by

land, when the saker, the demy-colverin, [Their effects.] the

colverin, and demi-cannon (being peeces that reach much further point

blanke then the cannon), are nothing of like importance for making the

breach, as is the cannon; for that this shot being ponderous, pierceth

with difficultie, yea worketh better effects, tormenting, shaking, and

overthrowing all; whereas the others, with their violence, pierce

better, and make onely their hole, and so hide themselves in the wooll

or rampire.[229]

Besides, our ship being yare[230] and good of steeridge, no doubt but we

should have played better with our ordinance, and with more effect then

did our enemies; which was a [Errors in fight,] great errour,

being able to fight with lesse disadvantage, and yet to fight with the

most that could be imagined, which I knew not off, neither was able to

direct though I had knowne it, being in a manner senselesse, what with

my wounds, and what with the agony of the surrendry propounded, for

that I had seldome knowne it spoken of, but that it came afterwards to

be put in execution.

The generall not being able to succour his vice-admirall, except he

should utterly leave us, gave them order to shift as well as they could

for the present, and to beare with the next port, and there to repayre

their harmes. Himselfe presently followed the chase, and in short space

fetched us up, and beganne a fresh to batter us with his great and small

shott. The vice-admirall, having saved what they could, cutt the rest by

the bourd, and with fore-sayle and myson came after us also; and before

the setting of the sunne, were come upon our broad side, wee bearing all

our sayles, and after kept us company, lying upon our weather quarter,

and annoying us what shee could.

Here I hold it necessary, to make mention of two things which were most

prejudiciall unto us, and the principall causes of our perdition; the

errours and faults of late dayes, [learned from the Flemings

and Easterlings.] crept in amongst those who follow the sea, and learned

from the Flemings and Easterlings. I wish that by our misfortunes others

would take warning, and procure to redresse them, as occasions shall be

offered.

[1. To fight unarmed. 2. To drinke to excesse.]

The one, is to fight unarmed, where they may fight armed. The other is,

in comming to fight, to drinke themselves drunke. Yea, some are so madd,

that they mingle powder with wine, to give it the greater force,

imagining that it giveth spirit, strength, and courage, and taketh away

all feare and doubt. The latter is for the most part true, but the

former is false and beastly, and altogether against reason. For though

the nature of wine, with moderation, is to comfort and revive the heart,

and to fortifie and strengthen the spirit; yet the immoderate use

thereof worketh quite contrary effects.

In fights, all receipts which add courage and spirit, are of great

regard, to be allowed and used; and so is a draught of wine, to be given

to every man before he come to action, but more then enough is

pernicious; for exceeding the same, it offendeth, and enfeebleth the

sences, converting the strength (which should resist the force of the

enemy) into weaknesse: it dulleth and blindeth the understanding, and

consequently depraveth any man of true valour; for that he is disenabled

to judge and apprehend the occasion which may be offered, to assault and

retyre in time convenient; the raynes of reason being put into the hands

of passion and disorder. For after I was wounded, this _nimium_ bred

great disorder and inconvenience in our shippe; the pott continually

walking, infused desperate and foolish hardinesse in many, who blinded

with the fume of the liquor, considered not of any danger, but thus and

thus would stand at hazard; some in vaine glory vaunting themselves;

some other rayling upon the Spaniards; another inviting his companion to

come and stand by him, and not to budge a foote from him; which

indiscreetly they put in execution, and cost the lives of many a good

man, slaine by our enemies muskettiers, who suffered not a man to shew

himselfe, but they presently overthrew him with speed and

watchfullnesse. For prevention of the second errour, although I had

great preparation of armours, as well of proofe, as of light corseletts,

yet not a man would use them; but esteemed a pott of wine a better

defence then an armour of proofe. Which truely was great madnesse, and a

lamentable fault, worthy to be banished from amongst all reasonable

people, and well to be weighed by all commanders. [The Spaniard

surpasseth us in temperance.] For if the Spaniard surpasseth us in any

thing, it is in his temperance and suffering: and where he hath had the

better hand of us, it hath beene, for the most part, through our own

folly; for that we will fight unarmed with him being armed. And although

I have heard many men maintaine, that in shipping, armour is of little

profit: all men of good understanding will condemne such desperate

ignorance. For besides, that the sleightest armour secureth the parts

of a mans body, which it covereth, from pike, sword, and all hand

weapons, it likewise giveth boldnesse and courage: a man armed, giveth a

greater and a waightier blow, then a man unarmed; he standeth faster,

and with greater difficultie is to be overthrowne.

[The use and profit of arming,]

And I never read, but that the glistering of the armour hath beene by

authors observed, for that, as I imagine, his show breedeth terror in

his contraries, and despayre to himselfe if he be unarmed. And therefore

in time of warre, such as devote themselves to follow the profession of

armes, by sea or by land, ought to covet nothing more then to be well

armed; for as much as it is the second meanes, next Gods protection, for

preserving and prolonging many mens lives.[231]

[exactly observed by the Spanish.]

Wherein the Spanish nation deserveth commendation above others; every

one, from the highest to the lowest, putting their greatest care in

providing faire and good armes. He which cannot come to the price of a

corslet, will have a coat of mayle, a jackett, at least a buffe-jerkin,

or a privie coate. And hardly will they be found without it, albeit they

live and serve, for the most part, in extreame hott countries.

Whereas I have knowne many bred in cold countries, in a moment complaine

of the waight of their armes, that they smoother them, and then cast

them off, chusing rather to be shott through with a bullet, or lanched

through with a pike, or thrust through with a sword, then to endure a

little travaile and suffering. But let me give these lazie ones this

lesson, that he that will goe a warre-fare, must resolve himselfe to

fight; and he that putteth on this resolution, must be contented to

endure both heate and waight: first for the safeguard of his life, and

next for subduing of his enemie; both which are hazarded, and put into

great danger, if he fight unarmed with an enemy armed.

[Armes more necessary by sea, then at land.]

Now for mine owne opinion, I am resolved that armour is more necessary

by sea then by land, yea, rather to be excused on the shore then in the

shippe. My reason is, for that on the shore, the bullet onely hurteth,

but in the shippe I have seene the splinters kill and hurt many at once,

and yet the shott to have passed without touching any person. As in the

galeon in which I came out of the Indies, in anno 1597, in the rode of

Tercera, when the Queenes Majesties shippes, under the charge of the

Earle of Essex, chased us into the rode, with the splinters of one

shott, were slaine, maymed, and sore hurt, at the least a dozen persons,

the most part whereof had beene excused, if they had beene armed.

And doubtlesse, if these errours had beene foreseene, and remedied by

us, many of those who were slaine and hurt, had beene on foote, and we

inabled to have sustained and maintained the fight much better and

longer, and perhaps at last had freed our selves. For if our enemy had

come to bourd with us, our close fights were such, as we were secure,

and they open unto us. And what with our cubridge heads, one answering

the other, our hatches upon bolts, our brackes in our deckes and gunner

roome, it was impossible to take us as long as any competent number of

men had remained: twentie persons would have sufficed for defence; and

for this, such ships are called impregnable, and are not to be taken,

but by surrender, nor to be overcome but with bourding or sinking, as in

us by experience was verified. And not in us alone, but in the _Revenge_

of the Queenes Majestie, which being compassed round about with all the

armado of Spaine, and bourded sundry times by many at once, is said to

have sunke three of the armado by her side.

And in this conflict, having lost all her mastes, and being no other

then a logge in the sea, could not be taken with all their force and

pollicie, till she surrendred her selfe by an honourable composition.

By these presidents,[232] let governours by sea take speciall care,

above all, to preserve their people, in imitation of the French; who

carrie many souldiers in their shippes of warre, and secure them in

their holdes, till they come to entring, and to prove their forces by

the dint of sword.

[A difference for commanders.]

But here the discreete commaunders are to put difference, betwixt those

which defend, and those which are to offend, and betwixt those which

assault, and those which are assaulted. For, as I have sayd, no

government whatsoever, better requireth a perfect and experimented

commaunder, then that of the sea. And so no greater errour can be

committed, then to commend such charges to men unexperimented in this

profession.

[Race-ships of warre disliked.]

A third and last cause, of the losse of sundry of our men, most worthy

of note for all captaines, owners, and carpenters, was the race[233]

building of our shippe, the onely fault shee had; and now a-dayes, held

for a principall grace in any shippe: but by the experience which I have

had, it seemeth for sundry reasons verie prejudiciall for shippes of

warre. For in such, those which tackle the sayles, of force must bee

upon the deckes, and are open without shelter or any defence: yet here

it will be objected, that for this [Wast clothes not so

useful] inconvenience, wast clothes are provided, and for want of them,

it is usuall to lace a bonnet, or some such shadow for the men: worthily

may it bee called a shadow, and one of the most pernitious customes that

can be used; for this shadow, or defence, being but of linnen or wollen

cloth, emboldeneth many, who without it would retire to better

securitie; whereas, now thinking themselves unseene, they become more

bould then otherwise they would, and thereby shot through when they

least thinke of it. Some captaines observing this errour, have sought to

remedie it in some of his Majesties shippes; not by altering the

building, but [as other devises.] by devising a certaine

defence, made of foure or five inch planckes, of five foote high, and

sixe foote broad, running upon wheeles, and placed in such partes of the

shippe as are most open. These they name blenders, and made of elme for

the most part; for that it shivers not with a shot, as oake and other

timber will doe, which are now in use and service: but best it is, when

the whole side hath one blender, and one armour of proofe, for defence

of those which of force must labour and be aloft.

This race building, first came in by overmuch homing[234] in of our

shippes; and received for good, under colour of making our shippes

thereby the better sea-shippes, and of better advantage to hull and

trye: but in my judgement, it breedeth many inconveniences, and is farre

from working the effect they pretend, by disinabling them for bearing

their cage worke correspondent to the proportion and mould of the

shippe, making them tender sided, and unable to carry sayle in any fresh

gaile of winde, and diminishing the play of their artillery, and the

place for accommodating their people to fight, labor, or rest.

And I am none of those who hold opinion that the over-much homing in,

the more the better, is commodious and easier for the shippe; and this

out of the experience that I have learned, which with forcible reasons I

could prove to be much rather discomodious and worthy to be reformed.

But withall, I hold it not necessary to discourse here of that

particularitie, but leave the consequence to men of understanding, and

so surcease.

The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knt, in his Voyage into the South Sea in the Year 1593 Reprinted from the Edition of 1622 · 第 61 / 68 章