CHAPTER XXX.

THE INDIANS OF THE MISSOURI VALLEY.

The course of this narrative has shown that a large portion of the

business of the Missouri River steamboats pertained to the Indians who

dwelt on the banks of that stream. The great valley had been their home

for unknown generations. The tribes were distributed along its course

or those of its tributaries, from its mouth to their sources. First

came the Missouris, whose name the river still bears--a tribe long

since extinct as a separate organization. The Osages and the Kansas

likewise bequeathed their names to the rivers in whose valleys they

dwelt. The Omahas have lived, since the white man knew them, a short

distance above the city which perpetuates their name, while a hundred

miles to the westward in the valley of the Loup Fork of the Platte

dwelt the four tribes of the Pawnees. From the point where Sioux City

now stands, northward nearly to the British line, the great nation of

the Sioux held a wide tract of country on both sides of the river.

Within their territory dwelt the treacherous Aricaras, near the mouth

of the Grand River, and the stalwart Cheyennes at the eastern base of

the Black Hills. The unhappy tribe of the Mandans lived near the river

some distance north of the modern town of Bismarck, and near them were

the Minnetarees, or Grosventres of the Missouri. Along the northern

shore of the river from the Mandans to Milk River, and northward far

into British territory, roamed the numerous bands of the Assiniboines,

one of the most populous of the plains tribes. From Milk River to the

sources of the Missouri was the land of the hostile Blackfeet, where

dwelt the Piegan, Blood, and Blackfoot bands and the Grosventres of

the Prairies. Finally, in the valley of the Yellowstone and its great

tributary the Bighorn, was Absaroka, the home of the proud tribe of the

Crows.

[Sidenote: GRAVITATE TOWARD THE RIVER.]

All of these tribes gravitated toward the great watercourses, as man,

in every stage of his history has done. It was not in this case the

use of the stream as a transportation route that made it attractive.

The Missouri Valley tribes, unlike those of the Great Lakes, or the

Coast, or the northern rivers, were not good navigators. The stream

was a treacherous one, and its shores did not yield a timber suitable

to the crude workmanship of the Indian. Skin boats were used to a

limited extent, but as a rule the horse and not the boat was the means

of travel and transportation. The great importance of the river

arose from other considerations. In a region where streams are scarce

and where most of them dry up in the summer, this river furnished a

never-failing supply of as healthy a drinking water as flows on the

surface of the globe. Then its valley was the only timbered region of

consequence for hundreds of miles on either side. Groves of cottonwood,

walnut, cedar, and willow lined its banks, and the Indian here found

all the wood that his simple order of life required. The abundant

groves along the bottoms gave splendid shelter from the heat of summer

and the cold of winter.

[Sidenote: STRANGE VISITORS.]

The entire watershed of the river was thus originally occupied by

Indians. Considering its extensive area, their numbers were very

few--scarcely one to ten square miles. But as they mostly dwelt near

the rivers, the country seemed to the early navigators more densely

populated than it really was. Into this primeval domain there came,

more than two centuries ago, strange visitors who never went away. They

were welcomed at first; but every foot of ground they gained was held,

farther and farther up the river to its source among the mountains,

thence to the River of the West, and down its rugged valleys to the

western sea. It was a sad day to the tribes of the Missouri Valley, as

to every other, when the white man came, but a far sadder day when

the emigrant and settler came. Between these two epochs there was

a long interval in which the paleface and his red brother lived in

comparative harmony together. It was the era of the trader. Under the

fur-trade régime the Indian might have continued his native mode of

life indefinitely. The trader never sought to change it. He introduced

but few innovations; had no desire to introduce any; and looked with as

jealous an eye as the Indian himself upon the approach of civilization.

This relation of the two races was ideal, and during its continuance

the Indian is seen at his best.

[Sidenote: THE COMING OF THE EMIGRANT.]

All this was changed when the emigrant came. The traders were few in

number and made no permanent settlements. The emigrants came by the

thousand and spread themselves all over the country. They made roads,

discovered rich mines, laid out cities, and declared their purpose

to send the “fire-horse” across the plains, as they had sent the

“fire canoe” up the great river. Before this ever-increasing host the

game wasted away. It was estimated that in the single year 1853 four

hundred thousand buffalo were slain. As the buffalo was the very life

of the plains tribes, its extermination meant inevitable starvation or

hopeless dependence upon the government.

[Sidenote: AN UNSOLVABLE PROBLEM.]

All this the Indian foresaw with unerring vision, and it affected

him just as it would any other independent people. A state of unrest

ensued. Depredations and outrages occurred--for the Indian understood

no other way of expressing his displeasure,--and the government was

forced to interfere. The era of the fur trade came to an end, and that

of the treaty, the agent, and the annuity, began--an era whose history

will bring the blush of shame to its readers to the latest generations.

And yet it would be wholly unjust to charge the flagrant wrongs which

followed to this or that particular cause. History will exonerate

the government from any but the purest motives in its dealings with

the Indians. It may have been unwise in some of its measures; it was

certainly weak in carrying its purposes into effect; but it always

sought, with the light it possessed, the highest good of the Indian.

The problem, unfortunately, was beyond human wisdom to solve. The

ablest minds of this country and century have grappled with it in

vain. It was the problem of how to commit a great wrong without doing

any wrong--how to deprive the Indian of his birthright in such a way

that he should feel that no injustice had been done him. It was the

decree of destiny that the European should displace the native American

upon his own soil. No earthly power could prevent it. _This_ was the

wrong; all else was purely incidental; and whatever consideration or

generosity might attend the details of the change, nothing could alter

the stern and fundamental fact.[64]

[Sidenote: THE TREATY SYSTEM.]

[Sidenote: POLICY OF INSINCERITY.]

With this impossible problem our law-givers wrestled for a century

in vain. They sought to deal with the Indian on a basis of political

equality, where such equality did not and could not exist. The treaty

system was the outgrowth of this attempt. Perhaps it was impossible to

deal with the Indians except by treaty, but it is difficult at this day

to see the wisdom of that method. It only deferred the inevitable. It

made promises which, in the nature of things, could not be kept.[65]

Made to be broken, they served no other purpose than to lull the

natives into temporary quiet while the paleface was fastening his

grip ever more tightly upon their country. It was throughout a policy

of insincerity; the fostering of a spirit of independent sovereignty

when in fact the tribes were only vassals. Like all insincerity, it

bred endless wrong. The loss of his lands would not have been so bad to

him if he had understood it from the start; but as it was, he had not

only to bear this loss, but the ever-increasing evidence of the white

man’s bad faith; and he thus came to hate the whites and distrust their

government.[66]

This, if we were to venture a criticism, has been the government’s

one great mistake in dealing with the Indians. A firm attitude of

authority toward the tribes, with an unqualified claim to sovereignty

of the soil, and an assertion of the right to reduce it and them to a

condition of ultimate civilization, would have eliminated the element

of bad faith which has always characterized the treaty system. But

instead of this the government continued to foster to the last the

notion of tribal sovereignty over the lands of the West. Under the

farce of obtaining these lands by treaty it saved itself from the

charge of wresting them by force from the Indian. It was a distinction

without a difference, and in its effort to save its honor in one

direction, it hopelessly sacrificed it in another.

[Sidenote: TREATY OF FORT LARAMIE.]

[Sidenote: A SUCCESSFUL COUNCIL.]

The first general treaty with the tribes of the upper Missouri was

held at Fort Laramie in September, 1851. It included nearly every

tribe in the valley from the Omahas up, except the Blackfeet. The

Indians came from far and near and pitched their separate camps on

the council ground. Tribes that had never met before here made each

other’s acquaintance. Others, who had met only on the battlefield,

encamped side by side in peace. The government was represented by

men of experience and dignity. In particular, Superintendent D. D.

Mitchell and Father P. J. De Smet were men in whom the Indians felt

the most implicit trust. The council was convened for the purpose of

coming to some understanding among the tribes themselves and between

them and the whites as to their immediate future relations. It was

hoped to put an end to inter-tribal wars and to outrages upon the

emigrants, and to secure the right of way for roads and railroads

across the Indian lands. The several tribes showed the greatest

interest in the work of the council. The deliberations were conducted

with solemnity and evident sincerity on both sides. The presents from

the government were munificent and well chosen, and were received with

deep satisfaction. When the work of the council was completed, the

tribes bade each other farewell, and departed for their several homes

with every appearance of mutual trust and friendship. To all outward

appearances the council had been a complete success. Treaties were

made with all the tribes present. The gifts received were to be in

full compensation for all previous losses caused by the white man, and

the Indians were to receive goods annually to the aggregate amount of

fifty thousand dollars. The treaties, as amended in Washington, were to

remain in force for fifteen years. Four years later a similar treaty

was made near Fort Benton with the several bands of the Blackfeet by a

commission consisting of Governor I. I. Stevens and Alfred Cummings,

Superintendent of Indian Affairs.

[Sidenote: A MIXING OF GOODS.]

It was thus that the annuity system came into extensive vogue among the

tribes of the upper Missouri. It probably gave rise to more abuses than

any other one thing in the conduct of Indian affairs. The temptations

for fraud were as great as the opportunities for its commission were

numerous and excellent, and it required more than average public

virtue to resist them. The Indian could not go to the market and

help select his goods; he had no hand in awarding the contracts for

their transportation to his country; nor any means of seeing that he

received what he was entitled to. His only function was to accept

what the agent saw fit to give him. During the Civil War, when the

currency depreciated to such an enormous extent, the annuities shrank

in quantity as prices went up, and the Indian was a heavy loser from

causes that he could not comprehend. The annuities were always sent

up the river in the boats of the traders, generally in those of the

American Fur Company. The agents were given no escort and no separate

residence or warehouse, and were compelled to throw themselves upon

the hospitality of the traders. In this way the annuity goods became

mixed with those of the traders, and the Indian paid in furs for what

he was entitled to as a free gift. This abuse was a grave one and very

difficult to correct, for all that the Department required in evidence

of the delivery was the signature of the chiefs, witnessed in the usual

manner. It is easy to see how wide open the door was in this business

for the commission of almost unlimited fraud.[67]

[Sidenote: ANNUITY SYSTEM.]

It is doubtful if, during the period from 1850 to 1870, the Indian

tribes along the Missouri River received more than half the bounty

which was promised them by the government.

[Sidenote: A CORRUPT ATMOSPHERE.]

In the early days of the Republic the conduct of Indian affairs was in

the hands of the military authorities, and it has always been a mooted

question whether it ought not to have remained there. The verdict of

history will undoubtedly be that it should. The spoils system came

into absolute control of the agencies, and fitness and experience

received scant consideration. There was more or less friction between

the agents and the military, for the latter always had to be called

in when the former could no longer control their flocks. But the

greatest defect of the system was the total absence of anything like

a fixed and recognized procedure. The annual reports of the agents

show how utterly lacking in all the elements of practical business was

their haphazard management. Every new agent felt called upon, as a

necessary preliminary to his own work, to criticise the conduct of his

predecessor. He put forth new schemes and tried new experiments, until

finally he himself made way for a successor who in turn deplored the

failures of those who had gone before him.

Probably the majority of the agents were men of average integrity, but

there were many who sought the business solely for “what there was in

it.” The whole atmosphere of the Indian trade was so against an honest

conduct of the business that an agent who should undertake to enforce

strict integrity in his official work was regarded as a fit subject

for an asylum of the feeble-minded. At one time the experiment was

tried of appointing only clergymen to the agencies. But the scheme was

a visionary one. What these agents made up in honesty they lacked in

experience, and were pliant tools in the hands of the shrewd trader.

Their saintly character, moreover, was not always a sure panoply

against the attacks of worldly temptation. To more than one of them,

in the words of Captain La Barge, “a dollar looked bigger than a

cart wheel,” and they, like the rest, learned how to connive at the

crookedness of the traders. But whatever their virtues or intentions,

they were powerless to accomplish any good work. The fault was in

the system, which was inherently vicious, and mere honesty in the

individual could not eliminate its defects.

[Sidenote: THE SYSTEM AT FAULT.]

The actual results of the treaty-annuity-agency system in the conduct

of Indian affairs are now matters of history. No treaty that it

was possible to devise could stand. The encroachment of settlement

continually increased. It led to resistance on the part of the

Indians, and resistance to chastisement and to new treaties, and these

invariably to loss of territory and abridgment of rights. At last it

led to war, and the final transition of nearly all the tribes to their

present situation was accompanied by scenes of blood.

It is not possible to follow here the intricate pathway of the treaty

system through the quarter century after 1850, for it is a long story.

There were treaty after treaty, commission after commission, and a

constant exercise of its best offices on the part of the government

to reach some satisfactory result; but in vain. The life of a people,

like that of an individual, cannot be extinguished without a struggle.

Whether in this case the inevitable struggle was intensified by the

procrastinating policy of the government may be an open question.

It probably was, for it was preceded by years of bad faith, broken

pledges, and cruel wrongs, until the hearts of this unhappy people were

embittered, and they drew the sword in a spirit of hatred and revenge.

[Sidenote: THE INDIAN AND THE STEAMBOAT.]

Throughout the painful annals of the river tribes during the past

century there was no more attractive feature of their relations with

the whites than the means of transportation by which the paleface came

to their country. The keelboat and the steamboat are a part of their

life history. The steamboat in particular came to be what the buffalo

had been--their principal resource for the necessities of life. It was

a difficult rôle that it had to fill. To the Indian it was friend and

foe, truth and falsehood, honor and shame, alike. It brought the early

traders with their welcome merchandise, and alas! with their liquor and

the smallpox. It brought the Commissioners to make treaties, and the

annuities which those treaties guaranteed. It brought the Indian agent

and the evils that followed in his train, and finally it brought the

sword. When the Indian at last gave up the fight he and the steamboat

abandoned the river together, and both are now strangers where once

they made the entire valley teem with life.

History of Early Steamboat Navigation on the Missouri River, Volume 2 (of 2) Life and Adventures of Joseph La Barge · 第 10 / 18 章