DISPUTES ABOUT THE LEIPZIG INTERIM.
The more decided and strict adherents of Luther, who had before found so
much fault with Melanchthon, now exhibited particular enmity towards
him. He was bitterly reproached on account of his compliance. But we now
enter upon a part of the history of his life, and of the evangelical
Church, which is not of a very refreshing character. But this too should
not be wanting, and will exhibit Melanchthon to us in such a light that
we cannot refuse our sympathy, and even acknowledgment to the goodness
of his heart, although we may regret the want of an energy like
Luther's. These disputes mainly arose from the Interim. In the month of
January, the Theologians of Berlin made inquiries of those at Wittenberg
concerning the Interim. Agricola had boasted very much of it in the
pulpit, and said that now the door of all Europe was opened to the
Gospel. They wished to know now whether they comprehended among these
"indifferent things," all that had been customary in the Papacy, such as
holy water, salt, herbs, palms, consecration of unleavened bread,
processions with flags and torches, unction at baptisms and sick-beds,
the laying of the cross in passion-week, &c. They therefore asked for a
copy of the agreement of Jueterbock, and, on the whole, a fuller
explanation of these indifferent things, or _Adiaphora_, as they are
called. They also asked for further explanations in regard to extreme
unction. They replied by Bugenhagen and Melanchthon, on the 11th of
January. They were not able to send the articles of Jueterbock, because
they had not been present at the secret conference, and did not possess
a copy of them. They did not enumerate the consecration of oil and salt
among indifferent things, and had always rejected this and other
matters. They exhorted those of Berlin to adhere to the Church
discipline formerly given by the Elector. They also added this
much-disputed sentence: "As such great devastations are occurring in
other places, we believe that it is better to endure a hard servitude,
if it can only be done without impiety, than to separate ourselves from
the Churches." Questions and answers, however, did not everywhere pass
off as well as in this instance. The excitement increased among the more
determined friends of truth, when the Interim was about to be
introduced; and the prince of Anhalt had considerably revised and
altered the Liturgy, which had been introduced by Duke Henry. Several
conferences were held, and Melanchthon was again actively engaged. On
the 13th of April he was present at a meeting of the Chambers at Torgau,
where the Interim was to be read. He here communicated the fact, that an
adherent of Flacius, most likely Deacon Schultz of Torgau, had accused
the Theologians of an intention to lead the people back again to Popery.
He at the same time presented a defence to the Chambers, in which he
showed that it would be necessary to yield somewhat in indifferent
matters, if the main things in doctrine and the Sacrament were
sustained. But that they had also yielded somewhat, because they had
been seeking to bring about uniformity in doctrine and ceremonies. But
this could not be looked upon as strengthening the Papacy. Their
opponents declared, indeed, that fear had driven them to compliance,
but to this they would reply: "We ought not to be condemned for being so
fearful as to yield indifferent to needful things, and that we are thus
fearful, not for our sakes, but the good of the people, children, and
the entire government." Luther himself had frequently advised
compromises in indifferent matters. That they had not introduced any new
ceremonies. He defends himself most powerfully against the objection,
that they were introducing idolatry, and thus concludes: "This is indeed
a new form of Popery, that these violent persons wish to force every one
to hold the same opinions as themselves, and fearfully condemn every one
who does not at once agree with them."
The ministers of Hamburg also addressed a long epistle to the
Wittenbergers, in which they condemn the principle expressed by them in
their reply to those of Berlin, that it would be better to endure a hard
servitude in indifferent things, than to leave the churches on their
account. They thought that too many things were comprehended under this
term, and wished the Theologians of Wittenberg to explain what they
meant by indifferent things. Melanchthon replied in a very friendly
manner, on the 16th of April. He begins thus: "We are pleased if you
admonish and correct us in the spirit of love; for this is a very
necessary duty in friendship, and much more in affairs of the church.
But yet, we entreat you that you would judge us leniently, according to
your wisdom, reputation, and benevolence; and that you would not condemn
old friends who have labored much for more than twenty years, and have
endured, and do still endure, the greatest conflicts, as we are
furiously persecuted by certain other persons, with many false
accusations. We therefore do not reply to them, lest hatred and discord
might be still more inflamed, in these sorrowful times." He declares
that, by the grace of God, the same Gospel is still preached in
Wittenberg, as in Hamburg. They would never permit any alterations in
doctrine, and in the Lord's Supper, because these were the eternal
counsels of God. They had far more to contend with than those who abused
them. They did not consent to anything in customs and ceremonies which
contradict the word of God. He further declares that by indifferent
things, or Adiaphora, they did not understand magical consecrations,
adoration of images, nor carrying about of the consecrated bread and the
like, which they rejected by their words and writings, yea, not even the
ridiculous stuff which occurs at funerals. Among the Adiaphora, they
counted those things which the ancient Church already possessed, such as
festivals, public readings, confession and absolution before the Lord's
Supper, examination at confirmation, ordination to the ministerial
office, and the like. He also defends the principle that it would be
better to endure a servitude not opposed to the word of God, than to
leave the Church; and he also thinks they should rather have been
comforted than condemned, inasmuch as they still adhered to the true
foundation. In conclusion, he urges unity. But the Wittenbergers, and
Melanchthon, who was looked upon as their leader, were to endure still
severer conflicts. We, in passing, will merely refer to the two pastors,
ZWILLING and SCHULTZ, in Torgau, who preferred to be deposed from their
ministry, rather than wear the white surplice, and called those who wore
it, traitors and idolators. Melanchthon regarded these manifestations
with great regret, and in his sorrow wrote to the Prince of Anhalt: "I
would rather go into exile, than contend continually with such obstinate
men."
But Melanchthon's principal opponent at this time, and also afterwards,
was MATTHIAS FLACIUS, who indeed embittered his life in an indescribable
manner. He was born of respectable parents in Albona, in Illyria, in the
year 1520; and after the death of his father, went to Milan and Venice,
to prosecute his studies. When a youth, he already loved the Bible, and
intended to enter a cloister, to serve God better. But a pious monk, who
afterwards suffered martyrdom for the Gospel's sake, dissuaded him from
this step, and revealed to him how the Gospel, which had been darkened
by the Papacy, had again been brought to light by Luther. This at once
kindled a fire in the heart of the inflammable young man. Against the
wishes of his relatives, and supplied with a very slender purse, he set
out for Germany, and in the year 1539 arrived at Basle. He here found a
really paternal friend in the well-known reformer, SIMON GRYNAEUS. He
made rapid progress in the study of divinity, both at this place, and
also in Tuebingen, whither he went the following year. However, he felt
himself drawn to Wittenberg, the mother-city of the Reformation. Here he
enjoyed the good fortune, so often longed for, to hear Luther and
Melanchthon; and he also enjoyed many benefits, especially at the hands
of the latter. In Wittenberg, he for three years passed through severe
inward conflicts, for he could not believe divine grace, and deeply felt
the wrath of God abiding upon him. Bugenhagen brought the
greatly-distressed young man to Dr. Luther, who, as is well known, had
been made a powerful comforter by his own deep experience; and it seems
that from that time, light began to arise in his troubled heart. In the
year 1544, he was already professor of the Hebrew language in
Wittenberg, and taught with great success. At his marriage in the year
following, he rejoiced to see Dr. Luther present at the wedding. He was
greatly attached to the reformer, and with him hated everything that
savored of Popery. However, he evidently proceeded much further in this
respect than Luther, who was willing to suffer wholesome customs to
remain, even though they came from the Catholic Church. On this account,
Flacius regarded the Interim with the greatest displeasure; and spoke
with Eber, Maior, Pomeranus, and particularly Melanchthon, that they
should zealously oppose it by word and deed. But when he saw that they
would not consent, but rather, as we know already, accepted the Interim
of Leipzig, he published various severe writings against the Interim and
its defenders, yet without mentioning his name. And as the Interim
succeeded notwithstanding all this, and was about to be introduced into
Wittenberg, he resolved rather to leave Wittenberg than see this change.
He removed to Magdeburg, where various persons, among them Amsdorf, who
had been expelled from his bishopric, who were all highly incensed at
the compliance of the Wittenbergers, had taken up their residence.
The most violent publications were sent forth from this Chancery of God,
as Magdeburg was called. They gave various insulting names to their
opponents at Wittenberg, such as knaves, Samaritans, and Baalites; but
Melanchthon was the principal mark of their attacks, because they blamed
him especially for the introduction of the Interim. In a letter to
MOLLER, he thus temperately expresses his sentiments in regard to the
Interim: "I often advised that no innovations should be made now, for
the people would at once cry out that we were destroying the Gospel, or
at least beginning to do so. But the courts exclaimed that it would be
necessary to yield somewhat to the Emperor, so that he would not send
his armies into these parts, and suppress the Church, as he did in
Swabia. But although I am not able to say whether we shall appease the
Emperor by the re-introduction of a few indifferent ceremonies, yet the
courtiers declare that such will be the case, and exhort us not to
expose the fatherland and the Church to devastation, on account of these
non-essential matters. We therefore contend for essential matters, for
purity of doctrine, and the form of the Lord's Supper, so that the Papal
mass may not be introduced again, as it was done amid the groans of all
the godly, in Swabia. But I have never contended about holidays, the
order of hymns, and similar matters; and I do not believe that such
contention could be reconciled with the moderation needful in the
present troubled state of the Church. But when some are opposed to all
order, and all laws, it really seems far too uncivilized to me. I have
many years ago wished that our churches might introduce a few
ceremonies. A similarity in such matters, conduces to unity. Of course,
there must be moderation in all such things. We do not make the least
alterations in doctrine or essentials. But transubstantiation is the
fountain of all the misery in which we find ourselves at the present
time, and which awaits the Church in future. This has added strength to
the Papal mass, concerning which we shall again hear the most severe
commands of the Emperor at the next diet. You know that I have treated
all other questions of dispute in a manner calculated to remove all
doubts from the mind of every pious man, who judges leniently; but in
regard to the question of transubstantiation, I have always been very
short, owing to the slanderous judgments of some of our own side."
The men at Magdeburg, and Flacius particularly, would not be silent; but
Melanchthon did not reply. He speaks of this in a letter to
BAUMGARTNER: "I have not yet answered our neighbors in the city of
Parthenope, (Magdeburg,) because the facts themselves refute them; and
what a conflagration would be caused, if we should reply!" He was
induced to remain silent by his love of peace, and perhaps he also hoped
that Flacius, owing to his extravagant views, would not secure many
adherents. But in this he was mistaken; and he says himself, in a letter
written September 20th, to Pastor LAUTERBACH of Pirna: "If they do not
stop challenging us, I shall answer them. In the meantime I will refute
this outcry by other useful writings. We see how the devil is spurring
on unruly spirits, to create greater confusion. We will therefore call
upon the Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ, to direct us." At last,
October 1st, 1549, he replied to the attacks of Flacius. In answer to
his reproach that doctrines were changed, and abolished ceremonies were
being reintroduced, Melanchthon gives the unequivocal reply, that he
confessed all that he had recorded in his book, _Loci Communes_, in
which was found the doctrine of the Augsburg Confession of the year
1530. As far as the _change of customs_ was concerned, he was free to
confess that he had advised the Franconians and others not to leave the
churches on account of this servitude, provided it could be borne
without impiety. "But when Flacius maintains that I have said the church
ought by no means to be left, even if all the old abuses were to be
introduced again, I pronounce this to be a palpable lie." He also
particularly complains of this, that his opponent made use of
expressions which had been uttered in private conversations and in jest.
He concludes in a conciliatory manner, by saying that he had not taken
up the pen on his own account, but for the sake of those who were
injured by the writings of Flacius. "They should satisfy themselves
that they adhered to the true foundation faithfully in these churches,
namely, the pure Gospel, all the articles of faith, and the use of the
Sacraments without any perversion. And it is certain that the Son of God
is present in such services, and hears the prayers of such an assembly."
In November he was summoned to Dresden on account of this affair. The
Court of the Elector seems to have been at this time disturbed by the
publications of Magdeburg. But let us hear what Melanchthon says of it,
in a letter to the Prince of Anhalt: "They were deliberating at Court
about a modest reply and refutation of the slanderous accusations of our
neighbors. However, I advised them not to publish it; for it is very
evident that such publications do not cure and pacify slanderous
persons, but rather tend to irritate them more. And Pythagoras has said,
we ought not to extinguish a fire by the sword. The newest publication
of Magdeburg, in which they show very plainly that they thirst after my
blood, was not yet known at court. I often think of departing: may God
direct me! The end will show what kind of spirit rules those who are
troubling our already sufficiently troubled churches still more."
These disputes still went on, and Flacius published Melanchthon's
letters which had been written with great timidity during the Diet of
Augsburg. These were accompanied by biting original notes from the hand
of Flacius. Melanchthon said of him, in a letter written in January,
1550: "I believe that honorable men detest his poison. For he does not
contend for a principal point of doctrine, but publishes books filled
with slanders and lies, by which he wishes to gain these two points: to
render me detested by the people, and even to rouse those against me who
still regard me with friendly eyes. But God, the searcher of hearts,
will protect me against this slanderer."