THE DIET OF AUGSBURG AND ITS INTERIM.
The Emperor Charles, proud of his victories, would not be satisfied
until he also succeeded in securing the second leader of the League of
Smalkald, the Landgrave Philip of Hesse. For this purpose he also
employed Duke Maurice, which was especially disgraceful, because he was
the son-in-law of the Landgrave. Maurice did not believe that the
Emperor would capture the Landgrave treacherously, in order to lead him
behind his victorious chariot, as he did with Duke John Frederick. The
Landgrave yielded to persuasion, and upon his knees asked the Emperor's
pardon; yet, notwithstanding all assurances to the contrary, he was
seized and made a close prisoner. Thus the League of Smalkald was
destroyed, and the Emperor found himself the mighty monarch of all he
surveyed.
In the meantime, the Council of Trent had published several articles of
religion, which were opposed to the acknowledged Evangelical truth; and
the Pope had now also removed it from Trent to Italian soil, to Bologna,
in order to have it completely in his power. This displeased the
Emperor, who did not like to see the Pope assuming too powerful and
prominent a position. On the 1st September, 1547, he had opened another
diet at Augsburg, towards which many looked with great anxiety. Not only
the Ecclesiastical Electors, but also the Protestant princes were
induced, by his influence, to declare that they would submit to the
Council, provided it should be removed back again to Trent, and the
articles of religion would be reconsidered. John Frederick alone opposed
this; while the Pope did the same on the other side, because he could
not bear to see the growing power of the Emperor. But Charles had for
years learned at least so much, that it would be utterly impossible to
introduce into Germany a reformation such as the Papacy desired; and
because he wished to hold all the reins, not only of the worldly, but
also of the spiritual government, in his own hands, he proposed to
undertake the Reformation of the German Church himself. He had
entertained this project for a long time, as he also manifested by the
Ratisbon book, and now he believed he could carry out his plans, almost
without any opposition, as the German States were prostrate at his feet.
He therefore proposed to these to appoint a number of able men to meet
and deliberate for the present, upon a form of doctrine and discipline
for the Church. In January, 1548, Duke Maurice had demanded the opinion
of the Theologians of Wittenberg, in regard to this matter. On the 26th
of January, they replied: "We see that it is intended to form an
interim, which many States, who are now one with us in doctrine, will
not receive, which will cause new and great wars. Therefore, we need the
Grace of God and good counsel in this matter, which we dread very much.
It would be burdensome besides, to afflict our Churches by new changes;
and it would be Christian and beneficial to suffer them to remain in
their present condition." As the Elector had summoned them to Augsburg,
they declared they would hold themselves in readiness. In regard to the
Council, which was to be continued in Trent, Melanchthon expressed
himself to the following purpose: "I believe, that if we agree to
holding it, we are also bound to obey its decrees. But as various
articles are false and opposed to divine truth, I cannot advise their
adoption, and thus burden my conscience. But if the Emperor should
insist upon a General Council, the other side should also be heard. The
Emperor should be urged to permit an accommodation in Germany, as had
been advised in Spire. And both sides should present written opinions."
It is highly gratifying that Melanchthon behaved so valiantly in this
matter. And this must be valued still more highly, when we remember that
the Emperor had twice already demanded his delivery. But the Emperor had
already formed his plans. It is very likely that the Elector JOACHIM
II., of Brandenburg, presented a writing to him, which, like the
notorious book of Ratisbon, endeavored to bring about an agreement
between the Catholics and Protestants. There is very little doubt of the
fact, that the Elector's Chaplain, John Agricola, had composed a
considerable portion of this book. When he entered his carriage in
Berlin, he is said to have remarked that he was now going to Augsburg as
the Reformer of Germany, and everywhere praised this performance
exceedingly. The Emperor placed this document in the hands of the two
Catholic Theologians, Julius von Pflug and Helding, that, in connection
with Agricola, they might revise it in such a manner that it might be
introduced into Germany as a temporary form of doctrine and discipline
of the Church. It is generally called the _Augsburg Interim_, that is to
say, the Augsburg "in the mean time." Agricola was so highly pleased
with it, that he could not praise and magnify its advantages too much.
It granted the cup, marriage of the priests, and the possession of
confiscated church property to the Protestants; and while it
approximated their doctrine of the Church, the mass, and justification,
it demanded that the rights of the Bishops, the seven Sacraments,
transubstantiation, the invocation of saints, fasting, and ceremonies,
should be retained. When Duke Maurice had received the book, he sent it
to Melanchthon, who, from Altenburg, gave his opinion as follows: "It
resembles the Ratisbon book, some articles being more stringent, others
more moderate. What it says of the power of the Bishops needs
limitation. It speaks in a very weak manner of faith and grace, although
much better than the Council of Trent." Of the Pope and the Bishops, he
says: "If the Pope has the true doctrine, we ought to obey him; but if
he has not the true doctrine, our obedience must end." He expresses
himself in a very decided manner against some points in the articles on
the Sacraments, auricular confession, marriage, the mass, and invocation
of saints, and says: "Finally, I am not willing to burden my conscience
with this book, for the following reason: If the rulers would insist
that the Pastors should adhere to this to the very letter, it would
cause great persecution, sorrow, and offences, which would have such an
injurious influence upon many persons, that they would not believe in
any form of religion after it."
After a more thorough examination of the Interim, he published a still
more decided and definite opinion from Klosterzelle, whither he had
gone, because the Emperor had again demanded his delivery or exile. He
pronounces a severer judgment in regard to the "deceitful article of
faith and love." "In reality, this is its true meaning: faith is a mere
preparation for justification, then cometh love, by which man is
justified. That is as much as to say: man is just because of his own
works and virtues, so that this light is taken away; man is just and
accepted by God, for the sake of the Lord Jesus Christ, through faith."
"Thus man is led away from Christ to depend upon himself, and thus loses
the comfort he should find in the Son of God." He adds: "I pray that
these things may be well considered, for they concern the glory of God
and the harmony of all the Churches." And again: "If they wish to make a
tolerable, Christian Interim, they ought doubtless to make a difference
between those matters which are right and needful, and those which are
unnecessary, wrong, and, besides this, impossible. Why do they wish to
desolate the Churches on account of the needless and false masses for
souls, invocations of the saints, &c.?" For although the Interim
admitted that the mass is no sacrifice for sin, and does not purchase
forgiveness of sins, yet it still retained these four errors: the
_first_, that the priest offers the Son of God as a sacrifice in the
mass; the _second_, that by this the people obtain the merits of Christ;
the _third_, that departed saints are to be invoked; and the _fourth_,
that this sacrifice is beneficial to the dead. "These are all terrible
lies, and therefore these articles should not be agreed to."
Thus did Melanchthon express himself, and the other Theologians,
Cruciger, Maior, and Pfeffinger, agreed with him. The Elector Maurice
had not been pleased with the Interim from the beginning, and declared
that he would not undertake anything of the kind without consulting his
people. When he had, therefore, read Melanchthon's views, he demanded a
full and dispassionate opinion from the Theologians. They went to Celle,
and prepared one. On the 14th of April they sent it to the Elector,
accompanied by a modest, yet determined letter. They again rejected the
articles of justification, private masses, masses for souls, and the
canons, while they agreed to confirmation, extreme unction, the power of
the Bishops, private absolution without auricular confession, and
several festivals and ceremonies, provided that work-holiness and the
invocation of saints be abolished. Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius on
the following day: "As long as I live I shall act as I did yesterday,
and speak the same things, no matter where I shall be." "I have this
consolation, that whatsoever cometh from God shall not perish. And I
would not wish that our opinions should pass down to posterity if they
are not of God."
He wrote a letter of justification to Minister VON CARLOWITZ on the 28th
of April, which gained him the ill-will of many of Luther's friends. We
shall communicate some portion of it: "When the prince has formed his
resolutions, I shall not make any disturbance, although I may not
approve of many things in them, but will either remain silent or go
away, or bear whatever arises. I have also formerly borne an almost
unbecoming servitude when Luther suffered himself to be led more by his
nature, which was inclined to fight, than by his dignity, and the
general welfare. And I know that we must silently and modestly bear and
cover many defects in the affairs of State, even as we must bear the
evil effects of a storm. But you tell me that I am not merely required
to be _silent_, but to approve of the Interim." He proceeds to show the
minister that he is by no means quarrelsome, but had always been
moderate and advising peace, so that the very persons who now appear in
Augsburg as peacemakers, had calumniated him at court on account of his
moderation. "And afterwards others, for almost twenty years, called me
frost and ice; others again, that I agreed with the enemy. I recollect
even, that one accused me of striving after a Cardinal's hat." But that
notwithstanding all this, he had adhered to essentials in doctrine,
cutting off all useless questions. He did not wish a change of doctrine,
or the expulsion of worthy men, and that he could only think of it with
the greatest sorrow. He now discusses the separate articles of the
Augsburg book, how much he would yield, and what he would adhere to.
But, if he should be regarded an obstinate fool, because he did not
agree to all the articles, he would bear it, and imitate those who had
preferred the truth to life in far less important things than these." We
can easily discover his love of peace in all this, but also that he was
determined not to yield in important points. While many of the more
decided Protestants misinterpreted his constant yielding, he drew upon
himself the highest displeasure of the Emperor, who again wished his
expulsion, but without gaining his purpose. Melanchthon about this time
wrote to JEROME WELLER: "In the consciousness of having desired what is
right, we shall bear all that may fall upon us. For, in obedience to the
divine commandment, we have sought the truth, which was indeed buried in
thick darkness, and we have brought many good things to the light of
day. Therefore let us also hope that God will hear our groans. We have
experienced the uncertainty of the help of man."
But the Interim did not only displease the Protestants, but the Catholic
Electors and Bishops declared in Augsburg that they would adhere to the
old state of things, but would not object to it if his Imperial Majesty
would bring back the apostates to the right way.
When Melanchthon had returned to Wittenberg, he, by request, prepared an
opinion concerning the demand of the Bishops, that their jurisdiction
should be restored to them; in which he plainly declares, that it was
impossible to enter into an agreement with the persecutors; "and even if
we would patch at it, it would be a peace like that between wolves and
sheep." "But as for myself, I declare that we have just and needful
reasons for avoiding their false doctrine and abuses. For this is God's
eternal and unchangeable commandment: Flee Idolatry."... That the
Bishops say of the Augsburg Confession, that it was never lived up to, I
do not understand whom or what they mean. But it is certain that in the
Churches of Saxony, and as far as Denmark, nothing more or different has
been adopted than the doctrine contained in said "Augsburg Confession."
The Interim was finally read to the States in the middle of May. The
Catholics were not pressed to adopt it, but the Protestants were
required to adhere to it until the Council should have published its
decrees. Thus the Emperor succeeded in carrying out his own wishes; the
Elector of Brandenburg signed it unconditionally, but Maurice only under
certain conditions. The Margraves WOLFGANG, and JOHN VON CUSTRIN, and
the prisoner JOHN FREDERICK, refused to sign, as faithful witnesses of
the truth, who would not permit it to be tampered with. The Protestant
cities raised a general opposition to it; the cities of southern Germany
alone yielded to force, as threats and abuse were employed against them.
About 400 ministers of the Gospel in these cities remained faithful to
the truth, and were banished. The cities of northern and eastern Germany
greatly distinguished themselves by their resistance, especially
Magdeburg, which now called itself the chancery of God. The Protestants
could with great justice say of the Interim:
"Blest is the man, who can put trust in God,
And does not consent to the Interim,
For it is but a rogue in disguise."[23]