family.] Under the tytle of chaucers countaye,[4] yo{u} seme to
make yt probable that Richarde Chaucer vinetener of Londone, was
Geffrye Chaucers father, But I holde that no moore the{n} that
Johne Chaucer of Londone, was father to Richarde; of whiche
Johne I fynde in the recordes in Dorso Rotulor. patent. 24 de
anno 30. Ed. 1. in the towre. that kinge Edwarde the firste had
herde the compleinte of Johne chaucer of London, who was beaten
and hurte, to the domage of one thousand pownde (that some
amountinge at this daye to thre thowsande pownde;) for whiche a
comiss{i}one went forthe to enquire thereof. wherbye yt semethe
that he was of some Reconynge. But as I cannott saye that Johne
was father to Richarde, or hee to Geffroye: So yet this muche I
will deliuer in settinge downe the antiquytye of the name of
chaucer, that his anncesters (as you well coniecture) were
strangers, as the etymon of his name (beinge frenche in Englishe
synyfyinge one who shueth or hooseth a manne) dothe prove,
[Sidenote: Chausier, one who hoseth or shueth a man.] for that
dothe the Etymon of this worde chausier presente unto us, of
whiche name I have founde (besides the former recyted Johne) on
Elias chauseryr lyvinge in the tyme of Henrye the thirde and of
Edwarde the firste, of whome the record of pellis exitus in the
receyte of the Exchequier in the firste yere of Edwarde ye
firste hathe thus noted: "Edwardus dei gra{tia} &c. Liberate de
thesauro Nostro Elie chauseryr decem solidos super arreragia
triu{m} obuloru{m} diurnoru{m} quos ad vita{m} sua{m} per
litteras domini. H. Regis patris nostri, percepit ad
scaccar{iu}m nostru{m}. datu{m} per manu{m} Walleri Merton
cancellarii nostri apud West {minsteriu}m 24 Julii anno regni
nostri primo." with whiche carractres ys Geffry Chausyer written
in the Recordes in the tyme of Edwarde the thirde and Richarde
the seconde. So that yt was a name of office or occupat{i}one,
whiche after came to be the surname of a famelye, as did Smythe,
Baker, Porter, Bruer, Skynner, Cooke, Butler, and suche lyke,
and that yt was a name of office apperethe in the recordes of
the towre, where yt is named Le Chaucer, beinge more annciente
then anye other of those recordes; for in Dorso clause of
10: H. 3 ys this: Reginaldus mirifir^s et alicia uxor eius
attornaveru{n}t Radulfu{m} le Chausier contra Joh{ann}em Le
furber et matildem uxorem eius de uno messuagio in London. This
chaucer lyvinge also in the time of kinge John. And thus this
muche for the Antiquytye and synificat{i}one of Chaucer,
w{hic}he I canne prove in the tyme of Edward the 4 to signyfye
also, in oure Englishe tonge, bootes or highe shoes to the calfe
of the legge: for thus hathe the Antique recordes of Domus Regni
Anglie, ca. 53 for the messengers of the kinges howse to doo the
kings comanndementes: that they shalbe allowed for their Chauses
yerely iiij^s viij^d: But what shall wee stande uppon the
Antiquyte and gentry of Chaucer, when the rolle of Battle Abbeye
affirmeth hym to come in with the Conquerer. [Sidenote: Chaucer
his arms injustly undervalued.] Under the title of Chaucers
countrye, yow sett downe that some Heraldes are of opyny-o{n}e
that he did not discende of any great howse; whiche they gather
by his armes. This ys a slender coniecture, for as honorable
howses and of as greate Antiquytye haue borne as meane armes as
Chaucer, and yet Chaucers armes are not so meane eyther for
coolo{r}, chardge or partic{i}one as some will make them.
And where yo{u} saye, yt semethe lykelye, Chaucers skill in
Geometrye considered, that he tooke the groundes and reasons
of his armes oute of seuen twentye and eight and twentye
proposit{i}ones of Euclide's first booke, that ys no inference
that his armes were newe or fyrst assumed by hym oute of
Geometricall proportions, because he was skyllfull in Geometrye:
for so yo{u} maye saye of all the auncient armes of England
w{hic}he consyste not of anymalls or vegitalls. for all other
armes whiche are not Anymalls and vegitalls, as Cheuerons,
pales, Bendes, Checkes, and suche lyke, stande uppon
geometricall proport{i}one{s}. And therfore howe greate so euer
their skyll bee, which attribute that choyce of armes to Chaucer
[they] had no moore skyle in armes then they needed.
[Footnote 4: _Error for family?_]
[Sidenote: Philippa of Henault came not over with Prince
Edward.] In the same title also, yo{u} sett downe Quene
Isabell, &c. and her sonne prince Edwarde withe his newe maried
wyfe retourned oute of Henalte. In whiche are two
unperfect{i}ons. the first whereof ys, that his wyfe came oute
of Henalte w{it}h the prince, but that is not soo, for the
prince maryed her not before he came into England, since the
prince was onlye slenderly contracted and not maryed to her
before his arryvall in Englande, beinge two yeres and moore
after that contracte, (betwene the erle of henalt and his
mother,) about the latter ende of the seconde yere of his
reigne, thoughe others haue the firste, the solempnytye of that
mariage beinge donne at Yorke. besides she came not ouer with
Quene Isabell and the prince, but the prince sent for her
afterwardes, and so I suppose sayeth Hardinge in his cronicle,
yf I do not mysconceve yt, not havinge the historye now in my
handes. But whether he saye so or no, yt ys not materiall,
because the recordes be playne, that he sent for her into
Henalte in the seconde yere of his reigne in october, and she
came to the kinge the 23 of Januarye followinge, w{hic}he was
aboute one daye before he beganne the thirde yere of his reigne,
wherunto he entred the 25 of Januarye. and for prooffe of the
tyme when and whoome the Kinge sente, and what they were allowed
therefore, the pellis exitus of the Exchequier remayninge in
master warders office hathe thus sett downe to the forthe daye
of februarye [Sidenote: Bartholomew de Burgersh sent for
Philippa of Henault.] "Bartholomeo de Burgershe nuper misso ad
partes Douor ad obuiandu{m} filiæ comitis Hannoniæ consorti
ipsius Regis &c." but this recorde followinge is most pleyne,
shewing bothe who went for her, the day when they tooke their
yourneye towardes henalte, with the daye when and where they
presented her to the kinge after their retorne into Englande,
and the daye one whiche they wer payed their charges, beinge the
forthe of marche one w{hic}he daye yt is thus entred in the
records of pellis exitus, Michaell. 2. ed. 3. "Rogero couentry
&c Lichefeld episcopo nuper misso in nuntiu{m} domini Regis ad
partes Hannoniæ pro matrimonio inter dominu{m} Regem et filiam
comitis Hannoniæ contrahendo, ab octavo die octobris proxime
preterito, quo die reessit de Notingha{m} ipso domino Rege
ibidem existente, arripiendo iter suu{m} predictu{m}, versus
partes predictas, usqu{e} vicesimu{m} tertiu{m} diem Januarii
proxime sequente{m}, quo die rediit ad ipsu{m} Regem predictu{m}
apud Eboru{m} in comitatiua filiæ comitis Hannoniæ predictæ
utroqu{e} die computato pro cviij diebus percipiendo per diem
iij.^li vj.^s viij.^d pro expensis suis." Thus muche the
recorde, whiche confirmethe that w{hi}che I go aboute to prove,
that she came not into Englande with prince Edwarde, and that he
was not maryed at that tyme, no, not contracted, but only by
agremente betwene the erle and his mother. [Sidenote: The
conjecture that Chaucer's ancestors were merchants, of no
valydytye.] Next yo{u} seme to implye by a coniecturall
argumente, that Chaucers auncesters sholde be m{e}rcha{n}ts,
for that in place where they haue dwelled the armes of the
marchantes of the staple haue bin seene in the glasse windowes.
This ys a mere coniecture, and of no valydytye. For the
m{a}rchantes of the staple had not any armes granted to them
(as I haue bin enformed) vntill longe after the deathe of
Chaucers parentes, w{hi}che was aboute the 10 or 12 of Edwarde
the thirde; and those merchantes had no armes before the tyme of
Henrye the sixte, or muchewhat thereaboutes, as I dobt not but
wilbe well proued, yf I be not mysenformed. But admytte the
staplers had then armes, yt ys no argume{n}te that chaucers
auncesters were merchantes because those armes were in the
wyndowes, as you shall well p{er}ceave, yf yo{u} drawe yt into a
syllogisme, and therefore yo{u} did well to conclude, that yt
was not materiall whether they were merchants or noo.
[Sidenote: Master Speight misquoteth Gower.] In the title of
Chaucer's educat{i}one, yo{u} saye that Gower in his booke
entituled confessio amantis termethe Chaucer a worthye poet,
and maketh hym as yt were the iudge of his woorkes; in w{hi}che
Booke, to my knowledge, Gower dothe not terme hym a worthye
poet, (althoughe I confesse he well deserueth that name, and
that the same may be gathered oute of Gower comendynge hym,)
nether doth he after a sorte (for any thinge I canne yet see)
make hym iudge of his workes, (whereof I wolde be glad to be
enformed,) since these be Gowers woordes, vttered by Venus in
that booke of confessio Amantis:
And grete well Chaucer when ye mete,
As my disciple and my poet:
for in the flowere of his youthe,
In sondrye wise, as he well couthe,
of dytyes and of songes glade
the whiche for my sake he made,
the laude fulfilled is ouer all:
wherefore to hym in especiall
aboue all others I am most holde;
for thy nowe in his dayes olde,
thow shalt hym tell this message,
that he vppon his latter age
sett an ende of all his werke,
as he whiche is myne owne clerke
do make his _testament of Love_,
as thow hast done thy shrift ab[o]ue,
so that my Courte yt may recorde, &c.
[Sidenote: Chaucer submitteth his works to Gower, not Gower to
Chaucer.] These be all the verses w{hi}che I knowe or yet canne
fynde, in whiche Gower in that booke mentioneth Chaucer, where
he nether nameth hym worthye poet, nor after a sorte submyttethe
his workes to his iudgmente. But quite contrarye Chaucer doth
submytte the correctione of his woorks to Gower in these playne
woordes, in the latter ende of the fyfte booke of Troylus:
O Morall Gower, this booke I directe
To the, and the philosophicall stroode,
To vouchesafe where nede is to correcte
Of your benignityes and zeales good.
But this error had in you byn p{ar}doned, yf you had not sett yt
downe as your owne, but warranted with the auctorytye of Bale in
Scriptoribus Anglie, from whence yo{u} haue swallowed yt.
[Sidenote: Gower the poet was not of the Gowers (or Gores) of
Stittenham.] Then in a marginall note of this title yo{u} saye
agayne oute of Bale, that Gower was a Yorkshire manne; but you
are not to be touched therfore, because you discharge yo{ur}
selfe in vouching yo{ur} auctor. Wherfore Bale hath muche
mistaken yt, as he hath donne infynyte thinges in that Booke de
scriptoribus Anglie, beinge for the most parte the collect{i}ons
of Lelande. For in truth yo{u}r armes of this S^r Johne Gower
beinge argent one a cheuerone azure, three leopardes heddes or,
do prove that he came of a contrarye howse to the Gowers of
Stytenham in Yorkeshyre, who bare barrulye of argent and gules a
crosse patye florye sable. Whiche difference of armes semethe a
difference of famelyes, vnlesse yo{u} canne prove that, beinge
of one howse, they altered their armes vppone some iuste
occas{i}one, as that soome of the howse maryinge one heyre did
leave his owne armes and bare the armes of his moother; as was
accustoomed in tymes paste. But this differe{n}ce of Cootes for
this cause, or anye other, (that I colde yet euer lerne,) shall
you not fynde in this famelye of Gower: and therefore seuerall
howses from the fyrst originall. Then the marginall note goeth
further out of Bale, that Gower had one his hedde a garlande of
ivye and rooses, the one the ornamente of a knyghte, the other
of a poet. [Sidenote: Gower's chaplette for knighthood not for
poetry.] But Bale ys mystaken, for yt ys not a garlande, vnlest
you will metaphoricallye call euerye cyrcle of the hedde a
garlande as Crownes are sometymes called garlandes, from whence
they had their originall, nether ys yt of Ivye, as any manne
whiche seethe yt may well iudge, and therefore not there sett
for anye suche intente as an ensigne of his poetrye, but ys
symplye a chapplett of Roses, suche as the knyghtes in olde tyme
vsed ether of golde, or other embroderye, made after the
fasshone of Roses, one of the peculier ornamentes of a knighte,
as well as his coller of SSS, his guilte swoorde, and spurres.
[Sidenote: The chaplette of roses a peculiar ornament of
honour.] W{hi}che chaplett or cyrcle of Rooses was as well
attributed to knights, the lowest degree of honor, as to the
hygher degrees of Duke, Erle, &c. beinge knyghtes, for so I haue
seene Johne of Gaunte pictured in his chaplett of Rooses; and
kinge Edwarde the thirde gaue his chaplett to Eustace Rybamonte,
only the difference was, that as they were of lower degree, so
had the[y] fewer Rooses placed on their chaplett or cyrcle of
golde, one ornament deduced frome the Dukes crowne whiche had
thee rooses vppon the toppe of the cyrcle, when the knighte had
them onlye vppon the cyrcle or garlande ytselfe. of whiche dukes
crowne to be adorned with little rooses, [Sidenote: The
knighting of Erle Mortone of Normandye.] Mathewe Paris,
speakinge of the creatinge of Johne erle Mortone, duke of
Normandye, in the yere of Christe 1199, dothe saye, Interim
comes Johannes Rothomagu{m} veniens in octavis pasche gladio
ducatus Normaniæ cinctus est, in matrice ecclesia, per
ministeriu{m} Waltheri Rothomage{n}sis Archie{pisco}pi, vbi
Archiepiscopus memoratus ante maius altare in capite eius posuit
circulu{m} aureu{m} habente{m} in su{m}mitate per gyru{m}
rosulas aureas artificialiter fabricatas, whiche chaplett of
Rooses came in the ende to be a bande aboute oure cappes, sette
with golde Buttons, as may be supposed.--In the same title yo{u}
saye, yt semethe that these lerned menne were of the Inner
Temple; [Sidenote: Chaucer being a grave man unlikely to beat a
Franciscan Fryer but?] for that, manye yeres since, master
Buckley did see a recorde in the same howse, where Geffrye
Chaucer was fined two shillinges for beatinge a Franciscane
Fryer in flete-streate. This is a hard collect[i]one to prove
Gower of the Inner Temple, althoughe he studyed the lawe. for
thus yo{u} frame yo{ur} argumente. Mr Buckley founde a recorde
in the Temple, that Chaucer was fyned for beatinge the fryer;
ergo, Gower and Chaucer were of the Temple. But for myne owne
parte, yf I wolde stande vppon termes for matter of Antiquytye
and ransacke the originall of the lawiers fyrst settlinge in the
Temple, I dobte whether Chaucer were of the temple or noe,
vnless yt were towardes his latter tyme, for he was an olde
manne, as appereth by Gower in Confessione Amantis in the xvi
yere of R. 2: when Gower wroote that Booke. [Sidenote: The
lawyers not in the temple till the latter part of Edward III.]
And yt is most certeyne to be gathered by cyrcumstances of
Recordes, that the lawyers were not in the temple vntill
towardes the latter parte of the reygne of kinge Edwarde the
thirde; at w{hi}che tyme Chaucer was a grave manne, holden in
greate credyt, and employed in embassye, so that me thinkethe he
sholde not be of that howse; and yet, yf he then were, I sholde
iudge yt strange that he sholde violate the rules of peace and
gravytye yn those yeares. But I will passe over all those
matters scito pede, and leave euerye manne to his owne
iudgemente therein for this tyme.
[Sidenote: Speight knoweth not the name of Chaucer's wife, nor
doth Thynne.] IN THE TITLE OF Chawcer's mariage yo{u} saye,
yo{u} cannotte fynde the name of the Gentlewomanne whome he
maryed. Trulye, yf I did followe the conceyte of others,
I sholde suppose her name was Elizabethe, a waytinge womanne of
Quene philippe, wyfe to Edwarde the thirde & daughter to
Willi{a}m erle of Henalte. but I favor not their oppynyone, for,
althoughe I fynde a recorde of the pellis exitus, in the tyme of
Edwarde the thirde, of a yerely stypende to Elizabethe Chawcer,
domicellæ reginæ Philippæ, wh{ic}he domicella dothe signyfye one
of her waytinge gentlewomen: yet I cannott for this tyme thinke
this was his wyfe, but rather his sister or kinswomanne, who
after the deathe of her mystresse Quene philippe did forsake the
worlde, and became a nonne at Seinte Heleins in london,
accordinge as yo{u} haue touched one of that profess{i}one in
primo of kinge Richarde the seconde.
[Sidenote: The children of John of Gaunt born pre-nupt, and
legytymated by the Pope and the Parliament.] In the Latyne
stemme of Chawcer you saye, speakinge of Katherine Swyneforde,
Que postea nupta Johanni Gandauensi tertij Edwardi Regis filio,
Lancastriæ duci, illi procreavit filios tres et vnica{m}
filia{m}. Wherbye we may inferre that Johne of Gaunte had these
childrene by her after the mariage. Whiche is not soo for he had
all his children by her longe before that mariage, so that they
beinge all illegitimate were enforced afterwarde vppon that
maryage to be legytymated by the poope; & also by acte of
Parliamente, aboute the two & twentythe of kinge Richarde the
seconde; so that yo{u} cannott saye, que postea nupta procreavit
Lancastriæ duci tres filios, etc.
[Sidenote: Chaucer's children and their advauncement and of the
Burgershes.] In the title of Chawcers children and their
advauncemente, in a marginall noote yo{u} vouche master Campdene
that Barthelmewe Burgershe, knyghte of the Garter, was he from
whome the Burgershes, whose daughter & heyre was maryed to
Thomas Chawcer, did descende. But that is also one error. for
this Barthelmewe was of a collaterall lyne to that S^r Johne
Burgershe the father of Mawde wyfe to Thomas Chawcer; and
therefore coulde not that S^r Johne Burghershe be descended of
this Barthelmewe Burgershe, though hee were of that howse.
[Sidenote: Serlo de Burgo uncle and not brother to Eustace.]
Then, in that title, yo{u} vouche oute of Mr. Campdene that
Serlo de Burgo brother to Eustachius de Vescye builte
Knaresborowe Castle. but that ys not right for this Serlo beinge
called Serlo de Burgo siue de Pembroke was brother to Johne
father to Eustace Vescye, as haue the recordes of the towre, and
so vncle and not brother to Eustace. [Sidenote: Jane of Navarre
maryed to Henry IV., in the 5th year of his reign.] for one
other marginall noote in that tytle, yo{u} saye, that Jane of
Navarre was maryed to Henrye the forthe in the fourthe yere of
his reygne, wherein you followe a late englishe cronicler whome
I forbeare to name.[5] But Walsingha{m} bothe in his historye of
Henry the fourthe, & in his ypodigma, sayethe that she was
maryed the 26 of Januarye in the yere of Christe 1403, whiche
was in the fyfte yere of the kinge, yf you begynne the yere of
oure lorde at the annu{n}tiat{i}one of the Virgine, as we nowe
doo; but this is no matter of great momente. [Sidenote: The de
la Pools gained advancement by lending the King money, but
William was not the first that did so.] ffourthlye in that title
yo{u} seme to attribute the advancemente of the Pooles to
Williame de la poole, merchante of Hull, that lente the kinge a
greate masse of moneye. But this Williame was not the fyrste
advancer of that howse because his father Richarde at Poole
beinge a cheife gouernor in hull, and serving the kings
necessytye with money, was made pincerna Regis, one office of
great accompte; by the same gyvinge the fyrste advancemente to
the succedynge famelye. Whereof the Record to prove Ric. de la
Poole pincerna Regis is founde in the pryvye seales of the
eleventhe yere of kinge Edwarde the thirde, in master wardoures
office, the lorde treasurers clerke. Where yt is in this manner:
Edwardus dei gratia rex Angliæ et dux Acquitaniæ, &c.
Supplicavit nobis dilectus noster Richardus de la Poole Pincerna
noster, vt quum ipse de expensis officii Pincernariæ ac omnibus
aliis officiu{m} illud tangentibus, ad dictu{m} Scaccariu{m} a
festo sancti michaelis anno regni nostri decimo, vsque ad ide{m}
festu{m} proxime sequens plenarie computaverit, et 2090^li:
13^s: et 11^d et vnus obulus sibi per computu{m} illud de claro
debeatur: volumus ei solutione{m} inde, seu aliàs
satisfactione{m} sibi fieri competentem: Nos eius supplicationi
in hac parte, prout iustu{m} est, an{n}uentes, vobis mandamus,
etc. Datu{m} apud Westmonasteriu{m} 14 Decembris, anno regni
nostri vndecimo. To whose sonne this Williame de la Poole the
older, and to his sonne Michaell de la Poole (who was after
Chauncelor) and to his heyres, the kinge graunted fowre hundred
markes by yere out of the custome of Hull, as apperethe in the
record of pellis exitus of 46 Ed. 3. the same Michaell de la
Poole recevinge the arrerages of that Annuytye. for thus yt is
entred in Michaelmas terme one the first of December of that
yere: Michaeli de la poole filio et heredi Will{iel}mi de la
poole senioris per Tallia{m} levata{m} isto die continentem
iij^c lxx^li xviij^s 1^d ob. eidem michaeli liberat per compotum
suum factum ad Scaccariu{m} computator virtute cuiusdam brevis
de magno sigillo, Thesaurario et Baronibus Scaccarii directum
pro huius compoto faciendo, de quoda{m} annuo certo iiij^c marc.
per annu{m} quas dominus rex Willielmo de la Poole seniori
defuncto, et michaeli filio suo et heredibus suis de corpore suo
exeuntibus, de Custumia in portis ville de kingeston super Hull
per litteras suas patentes concess: percipendu{m} qua{m}diu
vij^c xxxv^li xviij^s i^d ob. eidem Michaeli per compotu{m}
predictu{m} sic debitu{m}, etc. D{omi}n{u}s Rex mandat vt ei
satisfactionem vel assignationem competentem (in locis vbi ei
celeriter satisfieri poterit) fieret et haberet, per breve de
magno sigillo inter mandata de termino Paschæ anno quadragesimo
tercio, etc. So that Richarde, Michaell de la Pooles
grandfather, (a magistrate of greate welthe in Hull,) was the
fyrste that gaue advancemente to that howse: although Williame,
father to this michaell, were of lyke estate and a knyghte.
nether canne I fynde (nor ys yt lyke) that michaell de la poole
was a marchante, (havinge two such welthy marchantes to his
ancestors before hym,) notwithstandinge that Walsingha{m}
[Sidenote: The clergy offended that the temporal men were found
as wise as themselves.] (moore offended than reasone, as all the
Clergye were against temporall menne who were nowe become chief
officers of the realme; and the spyrituall menne, till then
possessinge those offices, displaced, w{hic}he bredd greate
Sorseye in the Church menne againste them); sayethe that
michaell de la poole fuerit à pueritia magis mercimoniis (vtpote
Mercator Mercatoris filius) quam militia occupatus. [Sidenote:
A merchant by Attorney is no true merchant.] And yet yt may bee
that he mighte have some factors in merchandise, and deale by
his attorneyes as many noble menne and great persons have donne,
whereuppon Walsingham (who wroote longe after) might seme to
call hym merchante by reasone of others mens dealinge for hym,
althoughe in troothe he was neuer merchante in respecte of his
owne persone, (for whiche they are properly called merchantes,)
as may be supposed. [Sidenote: Alice, the wife of Richard
Neville, was daughter of Thomas Montacute.] ffyftlye in the same
title yo{u} saye, that Alice, wyfe of Williame de la poole duke
of Suffolke, had a daughter, by her seconde husbande thomas
montague erle of Sarisberye, named, after her mother, Alice,
maryed to Richarde Neville sonne to Raphe Neuill erle of
Westmerlande, by whome he had issue Richarde, Johne, and George.
But this is nothinge so. for this Alice, the wyfe of Richarde
Neville, (erle of Sarisbery in the righte of the same Alice,)
was daughter of Thomas Montacute erle of Salisburye and of Alice
his wyfe, daughter of Thomas Hollande erle of Kente; and not of
Alice daughter to Thomas Chawcer and widdowe to William de la
Poole duke of Suffolke.
[Footnote 5: Stowe.]
[Sidenote: He correcteth Master Speight his dates and history of
printing.] IN THE LATTER END of the title of Chawcers deathe
yo{u} saye, that printinge was brought oute of Germanye in the
yere 1471 being the 37. H. 6. into Englande, beinge fyrst founde
at Magunce by one Johne Cuthembergus, and broughte to Roome by
Conradus one Almayne. But the yere of Christe 1471 was not the
37. H. 6. but the eleuenthe of kinge Edward the fourthe; and, as
some have yt, was not fyrste founde at Magonce or mentz but at
Strasborowe, and perfected at Mago{n}ce. David Chytreus in his
historye sayethe, yt was fyrst founde in anno 1440, and brought
to Rome by Henricus Han[6] a Germane in the yere 1470; whereof
Antonius Campanus framed this excellente epigrame:
Anser Tarpeii custos Jovis, vnde, quòd alis
Constreperis, Gallus decidit; vltor adest
Vlricus Gallus, ne quem poscantur in vsum,
Edocuit pennis, nil opus esse tuis.
[Footnote 6: "Hahn,"--German, a cock. "Cognomine Latino
_Gallus_," Maittaire _Ann. Typ._ i. 52.]
But others do suppose that yt was invented at Argenterote,
as dothe Mathewe Parker in the lyfe of Thomas Bourchier
Archbyshoppe of Canterburye; whiche for the incertentye thereof
I leave at this tyme to farther examinat{i}one, not havinge nowe
presente leysure therefore.
[Sidenote: The Romante of the Rose began by Guill[-m] de Loris,
and finished by John de la Meune.] IN THE TITLE OF THE augmente
to euerye tale and booke you write, that the Romante of the
Roose was made in frenche by Johne Clopinell alias Johne Moone;
when in truthe the booke was not made by hym alone: for yt was
begonne by Guillame de Loris, and fynished fourtye yeres after
the death of Loris, by Johne de Meune alias Johne Clopinell, as
apperethe by Molinet, the frenche author of the moralytye vppon
the Romante of the Roose, ca. 50. fo. 57. and may further appere
also in the frenche Romante of the Roose in verse, w{hic}h
Chaucer w{i}th muche of that matter omytted, not havinge
translated halfe the frenche Romante, but ended aboute the
middle thereof. Againste whiche Booke Gersone compiled one
other, intituled La reprobat{i}o{ne} de la Romante del Roose; as
affirmethe the sayed Molinett, in the 107 chapter of the sayed
moralizatione, where he excusethe Clopinell and reprouethe
Gersone for that Booke, because Gersone soughte no further
meanynge than what was conteyned in the outewarde letter, this
Clopinell begynnynge the Romante of the Rose, in these verses of
Chaucer: