Produced by Louise Hope, Taavi Kalju and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This
book was produced from scanned images of public domain
material from the Google Print project.)
[This text is intended for users whose text readers cannot use the
"real" (Unicode/UTF-8) version of the file. Characters that could
not be fully displayed have been "unpacked" and shown in brackets:
[-m] [-i] [letter with overline]
[oe] [oe ligature]
Curly quotes and apostrophes have been replaced with the simpler
"typewriter" form. Words in non-Roman scripts have been transliterated
and shown between #marks#.
The text is based on the 1865 EETS edition of Thynne's _Animadversions_.
Two purely typographic features have been adopted from the 1876 Chaucer
Society re-edition of the same MS. Passages printed in brackets in 1865
have been changed to 1876's parentheses; conversely, letters and whole
words supplied by the editor are shown in brackets, reserving italics
for expanded abbreviations. A few apparent errors were corrected from
the 1876 text. Some other differences between the two editions are
noted at the end of the e-text.
Italicized letters within a word are shown in {braces}. Other italics
are shown conventionally with _lines_. Superscripts are shown with
carets ^.
The Sidenotes have been duplicated at the beginning of the text to act
as a table of contents.]
Animaduersions
uppon
Chaucer's Workes.
[Sidenotes:
The author is vexed that Master Speight did not consult him on
his new edition of Chaucer.
Also vexed at a side blow at his father's edition, and justifies
him as editor.
His father's collection of MS. Chaucers and their curiosity.
The Pilgrime's Tale telling forth the evil lives of churchmen.
William Thynne in favour with Henry VIII., who promiseth to
countenance him.
The promise broken through the power of Wolsey.
The most part of Colin Clout written at William Thynne's house
at Erith.
Chaucer's works like to be destroyed by parliament.
Reasons why the Pilgrime's Tale should be Chaucer's.
How William Thynne's collection of Chaucer's MS. was dispersed
abroad.
He differeth from Master Speight on Chaucer's family.
Chausier, one who hoseth or shueth a man.
Chaucer his arms injustly undervalued.
Philippa of Henault came not over with Prince Edward.
Bartholomew de Burgersh sent for Philippa of Henault.
The conjecture that Chaucer's ancestors were merchants, of no
valydytye.
Master Speight misquoteth Gower.
Chaucer submitteth his works to Gower, not Gower to Chaucer.
Gower the poet was not of the Gowers (or Gores) of Stittenham.
Gower's chaplette for knighthood not for poetry.
The chaplette of roses a peculiar ornament of honour.
The knighting of Erle Mortone of Normandye.
Chaucer being a grave man unlikely to beat a Franciscan Fryer but?
The lawyers not in the temple till the latter part of Edward III.
Speight knoweth not the name of Chaucer's wife, nor doth Thynne.
The children of John of Gaunt born pre-nupt, and legytymated by
the Pope and the Parliament.
Chaucer's children and their advauncement and of the Burgershes.
Serlo de Burgo uncle and not brother to Eustace.
Jane of Navarre maryed to Henry IV., in the 5th year of his reign.
The de la Pools gained advancement by lending the King money, but
William was not the first that did so.
The clergy offended that the temporal men were found as wise as
themselves.
A merchant by Attorney is no true merchant.
Alice, the wife of Richard Neville, was daughter of Thomas
Montacute.
He correcteth Master Speight his dates and history of printing.
The Romante of the Rose began by Guill[-m] de Loris, and finished
by John de la Meune.
Why the dream of Chaucer cannot be the book of the Duchess.
John of Gaunt, his incontinency.
Doubteth master Speight's ability in the exposition of old words,
but commendeth his diligence and knowledge.
Aketon or Slevelesse jacket of plate for the war.
A besant is a besant, and not a duckett.
Fermentacione is fermentacione, and not dawbing even
metaphorically.
Orfrayes not Goldsmith's work, but frysed cloth of gold,
a manufacture peculiar to the English.
Oundye and Crispe meaneth wavy like water.
Resager is ratsbane or arsenic.
Begyns are nuns, though it cometh to mean superstitious and
hypocritical women from their nature.
Citrinatione or perfect digestion.
Forage is old and hard provision made for horses and cattle in
winter, or metaphorically, or to help out the ryme it may mean
grass.
Heroner is a long-winged hawk for the heron.
The Hyppe is the berye of the sweet bryer or eglantine.
Nowell meaneth more than Christmas.
Porpherye is a peculiar marble, not marble in common.
Sendale, a sylke stuffe.
The trepegett is not the battering-ram, but an engine to cast
stones.
Wiuer or Wyvern, a serpent like unto a dragon.
Autenticke meaneth a thing of auctoritye, not of antiquitye.
Abandone is not liberty though Hollyband sayeth so.
Of the Vernacle.
Master Thynne would read Campaneus for Capaneus, and giveth
reasons.
Liketh the reading of Eros, but preferreth that of Heros,
and giveth reasons.
Of florins and their name from the Florentines.
Sterling money taketh its name from the Esterlings.
King John of France, his ransom of three millions of florens.
Of the oken garland of Emelye.
Eyther for euerye, an overnice correction.
The intellect of Arcite had not wholly gone, or he would not have
known Emelye.
Straught, a better word than haughte.
Visage for vassalage, an impertinent correction.
Leefe for lothe, a nedeless correction.
It is more likely that Absolon knocked than that he coughed at
the window.
Surrye or Russye, indifferent which.
Cambuscan is Caius canne.
"That may not saye naye," better than "there may no wighte say
naye."
Theophraste, not Paraphraste.
The wife of Bath's Prologue taken from the author of Policraticon.
Country, not Couentry.
Maketh, not waketh.
Hugh of Lincoln.
"Where the sunne is in his ascensione," a good reading.
Kenelm slain by Queen Drida.
Master Speight mistaketh his almanack.
The degrees of the signe are misreckoned, not the signe itself.
Mereturicke is a corruption of Merecenrycke, or the kingdom of
Mercia.
Pilloures of silver borne before Cardinalls.
Liketh best the old reading of "change of many manner of meates."
And also the old reading of "myters" more than one or two for
the sake of the meter.
The lordes sonne of Windsore is in the French Romant of the rose,
but is there spelled Guindesores.
Master Thynne knoweth not clearly why the Baron should be called
of Windsor.
The ordeal was not tryall by fier only, but also by water, nor
for chastity only, but for many other matters.
The fyery ordeal was by going on hote shares and cultors, not
going through the fyre. The mother of Edward confessor passed
over nine burnynge shares.
The ordeal taken away by the court of Rome, and after by Henry
III.
The stork bewrayeth not adultery but wreaketh the adultery of
his owne mate.
The plowman's tale is wrong placed.
Chaucer's proper works should be distinguished from those
adulterat and not his.
There were three editions of Chaucer before William Thynne
dedicated his to Henry VIII.
The first editions being very corrupt, William Thynne augmented
and corrected them.
Master Speight hath omytted many auctors vouched by Chaucer.
It should be Harlottes, and not Haroldes.
The king of Ribalds or Harlottes, an officer of great accompt
in times past.
Johannes Tyllius maketh mention of a Rex Ribaldorum.
Also Vincentius Luparius maketh him an honourable officer.
The Rex Ribaldorum was like unto our Marshall. The Marshalls
duties and his powers over Harlotts and lost men.
Master Thynne being a herold liketh not that false semblance
should be thought one.
Hate was a Moueresse or stirrer of debate, not a minoresse.
Molinet calleth Hate a Ducteress, or leader.]
+Chaucer.+
ANIMADUERSIONS
uppon the Annotacions and correct{i}ons of some
imperfect{i}ons of impress{i}ones
of Chaucer's workes (sett
downe before tyme and
nowe) reprinted in the
yere of our lorde
1598
Sett downe by
FRANCIS THYNNE.
"Sortee pur bien ou ne sortee rien."
Now Newly Edited from the MS. in the
Bridgewater Library
by
G. H. KINGSLEY, M.D., F.L.S.
LONDON:
Published for the Early English Text Society,
by N. Trübner & Co., 60, Paternoster Row.
MDCCCLXV.
John Childs and Son, Printers.
PREFACE.
Although only the grandson of the first of his name, the author of the
following interesting specimen of 16th-century criticism came of a
family of great antiquity, of so great an antiquity, indeed, as to
preclude our tracing it back to its origin. This family was originally
known as the "De Botfelds," but in the 15th century one branch adopted
the more humble name of "Thynne," or "of the Inne." Why the latter name
was first assumed has never been satisfactorily explained. It can hardly
be supposed that "John de la Inne de Botfelde," as he signed himself,
kept a veritable hostelry and sold ale and provender to the travellers
between Ludlow and Shrewsbury, and most probably the term Inn was used
in the sense which has given us "Lincoln's Inn," "Gray's Inn," or
"Furnivall's Inn," merely meaning a place of residence of the higher
class, though in this case inverted, the Inn giving its name to its
owner.
However obtained, the name has been borne by the most successful branch
of the De Botfelds down to the present Marquess of Bath, who now
represents it. Much interesting matter connected with the family was
collected by a late descendant of the older branch, Beriah Botfeld, and
published by him in his "Stemmata Botvilliana."
The first "John of the Inn" married one Jane Bowdler, by whom he had a
son Ralph, who married Anne Hygons, and their son William became clerk
of the kitchen, and according to some, master of the household to Henry
VIII. He married in the first place a lady who, however she may have
advanced her husband's prospects at court, behaved in a manner which
must have considerably marred his satisfaction at her success. Those who
wish to study the matrimonial sorrows of "Thynnus Aulicus," as he calls
him, may consult Erasmus in his Epistolæ, lib. xv. Epist. xiv.
His second marriage to Anne Bond, daughter of William Bond, clerk of
green cloth and master of the household to Henry VIII., was more
fortunate, and by her he had daughters and one son, our Francis Thynne.
Though his son gives him no higher position in the court of Henry VIII.
than the apparently humble one of clerk of the kitchen, he is careful to
let us know that the post was in reality no mean one, and that "there
were those of good worship both at court and country" who had at one
time been well pleased to be his father's clerks. That he was a man of
superior mind there is no question, and we have a pleasant hint in the
following tract of his intimacy with his king, and of their mutual
fondness for literature. To William Thynne, indeed, all who read the
English language are deeply indebted, for to his industry and love for
his author we owe much of what we now possess of Chaucer. Another
curious bit of literary gossip to be gleaned from this tract is that
William Thynne was a patron and supporter of John Skelton, who was an
inmate of his house at Erith, whilst composing that most masterly bit of
bitter truth, his "Colin Clout," a satire perhaps unsurpassed in our
language.
William Thynne rests beside his second wife, in the church of
Allhallows, Barking, near the Tower of London, where there are two
handsome brasses to their memory. That of William Thynne represents him
in full armour with a tremendous dudgeon dagger and broadsword, most
warlike guize for a clerk of the kitchen and editor of Chaucer. The
dress of his wife is quite refreshing in its graceful comeliness in
these days of revived "farthingales and hoops." These brasses were
restored by the late Marquess of Bath. Would that the same good feeling
for things old had prevented the owners of the "church property" from
casing the old tower with a hideous warehouse.
The Sir John Thynne mentioned in the "Animadversions" was most probably
a cousin of Francis. He married the daughter of Sir Thomas Gresham, the
builder of the Royal Exchange, part of whose wealth was devoted by his
son-in-law to the building of the beautiful family seat of Long Leat,
in Wiltshire, in which work he was doubtless aided indirectly by the
Reformation, for, says the old couplet,
"Portman, Horner, Popham, and Thynne,
When the monks went out they came in."
Francis Thynne was born in Kent, probably at his father's house at
Erith, about 1550. He was educated at Tunbridge school under learned
Master Proctor, thence to Magdalen College, Oxford, and then, as the
manner was, to the Inns of Court, where he lay at Lincoln's Inn for a
while. Some men are born antiquarians as others are born poets, and we
may be pretty certain that it was at Thynne's own desire that his court
influence was used to procure him the post of "Blanch Lyon pursuivant,"
a position which would enable him to pursue studies, the results of
which, however valuable in themselves, but seldom prove capable of being
converted into the vulgar necessities of food and raiment. Poor John
Stowe, with his license to beg, as the reward of the labour of his life,
is a terrible proof of how utterly unmarketable a valuable commodity may
become.
Leading a calm and quiet life in the pleasant villages of Poplar and
Clerkenwell, in "sweet and studious idleness," as he himself calls it,
the old herald was enabled to accumulate rich stores of matter, much of
which has come down to us, principally in manuscript, scattered through
various great libraries, which prove him to have deserved Camden's
estimate of him as "an antiquary of great judgment and diligence." It
would seem that he had entertained the idea of following in his father's
footsteps, and of becoming an editor of Chaucer, and that he had even
made some collections towards that end. The appearance of Speight's
edition probably prevented this idea being carried out, and the evident
soreness exhibited in this little tract very probably arose from a
feeling that his friend had rather unfairly stolen a march upon him.
However the wound was not deep, and Speight made use of Thynne's
corrections, and Thynne assisted Speight, in new editions, with all
friendship and sympathy.[1] I suspect him of dabbling in alchemy and
the occult sciences. He shows himself well acquainted with the terms
peculiar to those mysteries, and hints that Chaucer only "enveyed"
against the "sophisticall abuse," not the honest use of the Arcana.
Moreover in the British Museum (MS. add. 11,388) there is a volume
containing much curious matter collected by him on these subjects, and
not only collected but illustrated by him with most gorgeous colours and
wondrous drawing, worthy of the blazonry of a Lancaster Herald. The
costumes however are carefully correct, and give us useful hints as to
the fashion of the raiment of our ancestors. From the peculiar piety and
earnestness (most important elements in the search for the philosopher's
stone), of the small "signs" and prayers appended to these papers, it
is, I think, clear, that he was working in all good faith and belief.
Possibly the following lines, which seem to have been his favourite
motto, may have been inspired by the disappointment and dyspepsia
produced by his smoky studies and their ill success,
"My strange and froward fate
Shall turn her whele anew
To better or to payre my fate,
Which envy dothe pursue."
[Footnote 1: "To the readers. After this booke was last printed,
I understand that M. Francis Thynn had a purpose, as indeed he
hath when the time shall serve, to set out Chaucer with a coment
in our tongue, as the Italians have Petrarke and others in their
language. Whereupon I purposed not to meddle any further in this
work, although some promise made to the contrarie, but to referre
all to him; being a gentleman for that purpose inferior to none,
both in regard to his own skill, as also of those helps left to
him by his father. Yet notwithstanding, Chaucer now being printed
againe I was willing not only to helpe some imperfections, but
also to add some things whereunto he did not only persuade me, but
most kindly lent me his helpe and direction. By this means most of
his old words are restored: proverbes and sentences marked: such
Notes as were collected, drawne into better order and the text by
olde copies corrected." Speight's Chaucer, 1602.]
On the 22nd of April, 1602, he was with great ceremony advanced to the
honour of Lancaster Herald. He never surrendered his patent, and as his
successor entered on that post in November, 1608, he is supposed to have
died about that date, though some postpone his death till 1611. He
married Elizabeth, daughter and co-heiress of Thomas de la Rivers of
Bransbe, but left no issue.
There are many points of interest to be picked out of the following
honest and straightforward bit of criticism, if we examine it closely:
and, firstly, as to its author? Is there not something very
characteristic in its general tone, something dimly sketching a shadowy
outline of a kindly, fussy, busy, querulous old man, much given to tiny
minutiæ, a careful copier with a clean pen, indefatiguable in collecting
"contributions" to minor history; one jealous of all appearance of
slight to his office, even to being moved to wrath with Master Speight
for printing "Harolds" instead of "Harlotts," and letting him know how
mightily a "Harold" like himself would be offended at being holden of
the condition of so base a thing as False Semblance? Perhaps the more so
from a half-consciousness that the glory of the office was declining,
and that if the smallest opening were given, a ribald wit might create
terrible havock amongst his darling idols. How delicately he snubs
Master Speight for not calling on him at Clerkenwell Green (How would
Speight have travelled the distance in 1598? It was a long uphill walk
for an antiquarian, and the fields by no means safe from long-staff
sixpenny strikers); and how modestly he hints that he would have derived
no "disparagement" from so doing; showing all the devotion to little
matters of etiquette of an amiable but irritable old gentleman of our
own day.
But mark this old gentleman's description of his father's collection of
Chaucer's MS.! Had ever a Bibliophile a more delightful commission than
that one of William Thynne's, empowering him to rout and to rummage
amongst all the monasteries and libraries of England in search of the
precious fragments? And had ever a Bibliophile a greater reward for his
pleasant toils? "Fully furnished with a multitude of books, emongst
which one coppye of some part of his works subscribed in various places
'Examinatur Chaucer'!" Where is this invaluable MS. now? It is worth the
tracing, if it be possible, even to its intermediate history. Was it one
of those stolen from Francis Thynne's house at Poplar by that
bibliomaniacal burglar? or was it one of those which in a fit of
generosity, worthy of those heroic times, he gave to Stephen Batemann,
that most fortunate parson of Newington? Is this commission to be
regarded as some slight proof that the spoliation of the monasteries was
not carried on with the reckless Vandalism usually attributed to the
reformers?
We learn from this tract that William Thynne left no less than
twenty-five copies of Chaucerian MS. to his son, doubtless but a small
tything of the entire number extant, showing that there were men amongst
the monks who could enjoy wit and humour even when directed against
themselves, and that there must have been some considerable liberality
if not laxness of rule amongst the orders of the day. It would, I fancy,
be difficult to find amongst the monkeries of our own time (except
possibly those belonging to that very cheery order the Capuchines) an
abbot inclined to permit his monks to read, much less to copy, so
heretical a work as the Canterbury Tales, however freely he winked at
the introduction of French nouvellettes.
But though some may have enjoyed Chaucer in all good faith, there were
others who saw how trenchant were the blows he dealt against the
churchmen of his time, and what deadly mischief to their pre-eminence
lurked under his seeming _bonhommie_. Wolsey thought it worth his while
to exert his influence against him so strongly as to oblige William
Thynne to alter his plan of publication, though backed by the promised
protection of Henry VIII. And the curious action of the Parliament
noticed in the tract (p. 7) was doubtless owing to the same
influence:[2] an assumption of the right of censure by the Parliament
which seems to have gone near to deprive us of Chaucer altogether. The
Parliament men were right in regarding the works of Chaucer as mere
fables, but they forgot that fables have "morals," and that these morals
were directed to the decision of the great question of whether the
"spiritual" or the "temporal" man was to rule the world, a question
unhappily not quite settled even in our own time.
[Footnote 2: Urry, in his Ed. of Chaucer, says that the Canterbury
Tales were exempt from the prohibition of the Act of 34 Henry
VIII. "For the advancement of true religion." I find no notice of
this in the Act in the "Statutes at large," 1763. He also refers
to Foxe's Acts and Monuments, which is also merely negative on the
subject.]
The notice of that other sturdy reformer, John Skelton (p. 7) is also
very interesting, and gives us a hint of the existence of a "protesting"
feeling in the Court of Henry VIII. before there was any reason for
attributing it to mere private or political motives. From the way in
which it is mentioned here, I suspect that the more general satire
"Colin Clout" preceded the more directly personal one of "Why come ye
nat to court?" which lashes Wolsey himself with a heartily outspoken
virulence which would hardly have been tolerated by him when in the
zenith of his power. It was not improbably written whilst its author was
safe in sanctuary under Bishop Islip. William Thynne, court favourite
though he was, could never have kept Skelton's head on his shoulders
after so terrible a provocation.
Wherever he may be placed, John Skelton stands alone amongst satirists,
there is no one like him: possibly from a feeling that he was writing on
the winning side, and sure of sympathy and protection, he scorns to hide
his pearls under a dunghill like Rabelais, and utters fearlessly and
openly what he has to say. Even in our own time,
"Though his rime be ragged
Tattered and iagged
Rudely rain-beaten
Rusty and moth-eaten
_If ye talke well therewyth
Yt hath in it some pith_."
Thynne's note on the family of Gower (p. 14) is of value as agreeing
with later theories, which deny that Gower the poet was of the Gowers of
Stittenham, the ancestors of the present houses of Sutherland and
Ellesmere. The question is not, however, finally decided, and we have
reason to believe that all the Gowers of Great Britain are descended
from the same family of Guers still flourishing in Brittany. Early
coat-armours are not much to be depended on, and Thynne as a Herald may
lean a little too much towards them. The question is, however, in good
hands, and I hope that before long some fresh light may be thrown
upon it.
The old story of Chaucer's having been fined for beating a Franciscan
friar in Fleet Street is doubted by Thynne, though hardly, I think, on
sufficient grounds. Tradition (when it agrees with our own views) is not
lightly to be disturbed, and remembering with what more than feminine
powers of invective "spiritual" men seem to be not unfrequently endowed,
and also how atrociously insolent a Franciscan friar would be likely to
be (of course from the best motives) to a man like Chaucer, who had
burnt into the very soul of monasticism with the caustic of his wit,
I shall continue to believe the legend for the present. If the mediæval
Italians are to be believed, the cudgelling of a friar was occasionally
thought necessary even by the most faithful, and I see no reason why
hale Dan Chaucer should not have lost his temper on sufficient
provocation. Old men have hot blood sometimes, and Dickens does not
outrage probability when he makes Martin Chuzzelwit the elder, fell Mr
Pecksniff to the ground.
Much of the tract is taken up by corrections of etymologies, and the
explanation of obscure and obsolete words. It is a little curious that
the word "orfrayes," which had gone so far out of date as to be
unintelligible to Master Speight, should, thanks to the new rage for
church and clergy decoration, have become reasonably common again. The
note on the "Vernacle" is another bit of close and accurate antiquarian
knowledge worth noting. It is most tantalizing that after all he says
about that mysterious question of "The Lords son of Windsor," a question
as mysterious as that demanding why Falstalf likened Prince Henry's
father to a "singing man" of the same place, we should be left as wise
as we were before. We have here and there, too, hints as to what we have
lost from Thynne's great storehouse of information; how valuable would
have been "that long and no common discourse" which he tells us he might
have composed on that most curious form of judicial knavery, the ordeal;
and possibly much more so is that of his "collections" for his edition
of Chaucer! This last may, however, be still recovered by some fortunate
literary mole.
The notice, by no means clear, but certainly not complimentary, of "the
second editione to one inferior personne, than my father's editione
was," may refer to any of the editions of Chaucer which, according to
Lowndes, were printed more or less from William Thynne's edition in
1542, 1546, and 1555; but from another passage hinting that Speight
followed "a late English corrector whom I forbear to name," I suspect
that the "inferior personne" was poor John Stowe, and the edition to
have been that edited by him in 1561, the nearest in point of date to
that of Speight.
The manuscript from which this tract is reprinted is, like most of the
treasures of the Bridgewater Library, wonderfully clean and in good
order. It is entirely in the Autograph of Francis Thynne, and was
evidently written purposely for the great Lord Chancellor Egerton,
and bears his arms emblazoned on the title-page. Master Speight most
probably got _his_ copy of Animadversions in a more humble form.
In conclusion may I remark that, as usual, the green silk ribands,
originally attached to the vellum and gold cover, are closely cut away,
probably for the purpose of being converted into shoe-ties, which Robert
Green informs us was the usual destination of those appended to
presentation copies, hinting at the same time that they were generally
the only solid advantage gained by the dedicatee from the honour done
him.
LIST OF THYNNE'S WORKS
1. The perfect Ambassador, treating of the Antiquity, Privileges, and
Behaviour of men belonging to that Function. 12mo, 1651 & 1652.
(This was first published in 1651 under the title "The application of
certain histories concerning Ambassadors and their functions." The
title-page only is new. MS. note by Bliss. British Museum, 8005--a.)
2. Annals of Scotland, in some part continued from the time in which Ra.
Holinshead left, being an. 1571 unto the year 1586. London, 1586. fol.
3. "There are also the catalogues of the Protectors, Governors, or
Regents of Scotland during the King's minority, or the minority of
several kings, or their insufficiency of government. There are also the
catalogues of all Dukes of Scotland by creation or descent, of the
Chancellors of Scotland; Archbishops of St Andrews and divers writers of
Scotland." _A. a' Wood._
4. Catalogue of English Cardinals set down in R. Holinshed's Chronicle
at the end of Q. Mary.
5. "A Discourse of Arms," dated "Clerkenwell Grene, 5th of Jan., 1593."
MS. in the College of Arms.
6. "Catalogue of the Chancellors of England." MS. in the Bridgewater
Library.
7. "Collections for the History of England." MS. in Bridgewater Library.
8. Animadversions on Speight's Chaucer, MS. in Bridgewater Library.
9. Several Collections of Antiquities. Notes concerning Arms, monumental
Antiquities, &c. MS. Cotton's Lib. Cleopatra, C. 3. p. 62.
10. A discourse of the duty and office of a Herald of Arms, ad. 1605.
MS. Bib. Ashmol. n. 835.
11. Missellanies of the Treasury. MS. 1599.
12. Matters concerning Heralds, and Tryal of Armes and the Court
Military. MS. Bib. Ashmol. 12 (printed in Hearne's Collection of Curious
Discourses).
13. Names of the Earls Marshall of England, A.D. 1601. MS. Bib. Ashmol.
1374.
14. Epitaphia. Sive monumenta Sepulchrorum Anglici et Latini quam
gallice. MS.
"In the castrations to Hollingshed's Chronicles are the four following
discourses by this Author, which were suppressed from political motives,
they have been added to the late quarto Edition."
15. The Collection of the Earls of Leicester, compiled in 1585.
16. The lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, written in 1586.
17. Treatise of the Lord Cobham. (Is this the "Lives of the Lords Cobham
of Cobham, Randale and Harborough," British Mus. MS. add. 12,514.
f. 56?)
18. The catalogue of the Lord Wardens of the Cinque Ports, and
constables of Dover Castle, as well in the time of King Edward surnamed
the Confessor, as since the reign of the conqueror. MS. 1585 (Was in the
library of More, Bishop of Eley, and now in the British Museum. MS. add.
12,514).
19. Of Stirling Money.
20. Of what antiquity shires were in England.
21. Of the antiquity and etymology of terms and fines for administration
of justice in England.
22. Of the antiquity of the houses of Law.
23. Of Epitaphs.
24. On the antiquity, &c., of the high Steward of England.
25. The antiquity and office of Earl Marshall. (These last seven are
printed in "Hearne's Curious Discourses." 8vo, 1775.)
26. Discourse of bastards. Brit. Mus. MS. add. 4176, fol. 139.
27. The Plea between the advocate and the anti-advocate concerning the
Bath and Batchelor Knights. Brit. Mus. MS. add. 12,530.
28. Annals of England. Mus. Brit. MS. add. 926, 1017, 12,514.
29. The kinges book of all the border Knyghtes, Squiers, and gentlemen
of this realm of England, by Francis Thynne, 1601, MS. Mus. Brit. MSS.
add. 11,388.
(The same volume contains much curious matter collected and illustrated
by Thynne--principally bearing on the philosopher's stone. The principal
paper is a rhyming Latin poem, "De Phenicæ sive de Lapide Philosophico,"
referred to in the tract.)
Collections out of Domus Regni Angliæ. Nomina Episcoporum in Somerset.
Nomina Saxonica de Donatoribus a Regibus Eadfrido, Eadgare et Edwardo,
Catalogus Episcoporum, Barton and Wells. A book of collections and
commentaries de historia et Rebus Britannicis.
Collections out of manuscript, Historians Registers of Abbies, Leger
books, and other antient manuscripts.
ANIMADVERSIONS.
+To the righte Honorable his singular goode Lorde Sir Thomas
Egertone knighte lorde keper of the greate seale and Master of
the Rooles of the Chancerye.+
It was (Ryghte honorable and my verye good lorde) one annciente
and gretlye estemed custome emongste the Romans in the heigh[t]e
of their glorye, that eche one, accordinge to their abylytye or
the desarte of his frende, did in the begynnynge of the monthe
of Januarye (consecrated to the dooble faced godd Janus one the
fyrste daye whereof they made electione of their cheife officers
and magystrates) presente somme gyfte unto his frende as the
noote and pledge of the contynued and encresed amytye betwene
them, a pollicye gretlye to be regarded, for the manye good
effectes whiche issue from so woorthye cause. This custome not
restinge in the lymyttes of Italye, but spredinge with the
Romans (as did their language and many other their usages and
lawes) into euerye perticuler Countrye where theyr powre and
gouermente stretched. passed also ouer the Oceane into the litle
worlde of Brytannye, being neuer exiled from thence, nor frome
those, whome eyther honor, amytye, or dutye doth combyne. ffor
whiche cause lest I myghte offende in the breche of that moste
excellente and yet embraced Custome, I thynke yt my parte to
presente unto yo{u}r Lo{rdship} suche poore neweyeres gyfte as
my weake estate and the barrennesse of my feble skyll will
permytte: Wherefore, and because Cicero affirmethe, that he
whiche hathe once ouer passed the frontiers of modestye must for
euer after be impudente, (a grounde w{hi}che I fynde fully
veryfyed in my selfe, havinge once before outgonne the boundes
of shamefastnesse in presentinge to yo{u}r Lordshippe my
confused collect{i}ons and disordered discourse of the
Chauncelors)[3] I ame nowe become utterlye impudente in not
blusshinge to salute you agayne (in the begynnynge of this newe
yere) with my petye animadvers{i}ons, uppon the annotac{i}ons
and corrections delivered by Master Thomas Speghte uppon the
last edit{i}one of Chaucer's workes in the yere of oure
redempt{i}one 1598; thinges (I confesse) not so answerable to
yo{u}r Lordshippes iudgmente, and my desyre, as boothe your
desarte and my dutye doo challenge. But althoughe they doo not
in all respectes satisfye youre Lordshippes expectac{i}one and
my goode will, (accordinge as I wyshe they sholde), yet I dobt
not but yo{u}r lordshippe (not degeneratinge from youre former
curtesye wontinge to accompanye all youre act{i}ons) will
accepte these trifles from yo{u}r lovinge well-willer, in suche
sorte, as I shall acknowledge my selfe beholdinge and endebted
to yo{u}r Lordshippe for the same. whiche I hoope yo{u}r
Lordshippe will the rather doo (with pardonynge my presumptione)
because you haue, by the former good acceptance of my laste
booke, emboldened me to make tryall of the lyke acceptance of
this pamfelette. Wherefore yf yo{u}r Lordshippe shall receve yt
curteouslye (and so not to dischorage mee in my sweete and
studiouse idlenesse) I will hereafter consecrate to yo{u}r
lykinge some better labor of moore momente and higher subiecte,
answerable to the excellencye of yo{u}r iudgemente, and mete to
declare the fulnesse of the dutyfull mynde and service I beare
and owe unto your Lordshippe, to whome in all reuerence I
commytte this simple treatyce. Thus (withe hartye prayer
comendinge youre estate to the Almightye (who send to yo{u}r
Lordshippe manye happye
and helthfull yeres
and to me the
enlarged
contynuance of
youre honorable fauo{r})
I humblye take my leave.
Clerkenwell grene
the xx of
December
1599.
Yo{u}r Lordshippes wholye to
dyspose,
Francis Thynne.
[Footnote 3: "_The names and Armes of the Chancellors
collected into one Catologue by ffrancis Thynn declaring the
yeres of the reignes of the kinges and the yere of our Lorde in
whiche they possessed that office._" --_Folio MS. Bridgewater
Library._]
TO MASTER THOMAS SPEIGHTE ffrancis Thynn sendeth greeting.
[Sidenote: The author is vexed that Master Speight did not
consult him on his new edition of Chaucer.] THE INDUSTRYE AND
LOVE (MASTER SPEIGHT) whiche you haue used, and beare, uppon and
to oure famous poete Geffrye Chaucer, deseruethe bothe
comendat{i}one and furtherance: the one to recompense yo{u}r
trauayle, the other to accomplyshe the duetye, whiche we all
beare (or at the least yf we reuerence lernynge or regarde the
honor of oure Countrye, sholde beare) to suche a singuler
ornamente of oure tonge, as the woorkes of Chaucer are: Yet
since there is nothinge so fullye perfected, by anye one,
whereine some imp{er}fect{i}one maye not bee founde, (for as the
prouerbe is Bernardus, or as others have Alanus, non videt
omnia,) you must be contented to gyve me leave in discharge of
the duetye and love whiche I beare to Chaucer, (whome I suppose
I have as great intereste to adorne withe my smale skyll as anye
other hath, in regarde that the laborious care of my father made
hym most acceptable to the worlde in correctinge and augmentinge
his woorkes,) to enter into the examinat{i}one of this newe
edit{i}one, and that the rather, because you with _Horace_ his
verse "si quid novisti rectius istis, candidus imperti," have
willed all others to further the same, and to accepte yo{u}r
labors in good p{ar}te, whiche as I most willingly doo, so
meaninge but well to the worke, I ame to lett yo{u} understande
my conceyte thereof, whiche before this, yf yo{u} wolde have
vouchesafed my howse, or have thoughte me worthy to have byn
acqueynted with these matters, (whiche yo{u} might well have
donne without anye whatsoeuer dispargement to yo{ur}selfe,) you
sholde haue understoode before the impressione, althoughe this
whiche I here write ys not nowe uppon selfe will or fonnd
conceyte to wrangle for one asses shadowe, or to seke a knott in
a rushe, but in frendlye sorte to bringe truthe to lighte,
a thinge whiche I wolde desire others to use towardes mee in
whatsoeuer shall fall oute of my penne. Wherefore I will here
shewe such thinges as, in mye opynione, may seme to be touched,
not medlinge withe the seconde editione to one inferior personne
then my fathers editione was.
[Sidenote: Also vexed at a side blow at his father's edition,
and justifies him as editor.] Ffyrste in yo{ur} forespeche to
the reader, yo{u} saye "secondly the texte by written copies
corrected" by whiche worde corrected, I maye seme to gather,
that yo{u} imagine greate imperfect{i}one in my fathers
editione, whiche peraduenture maye move others to saye (as some
unadvisedlye have sayed) that my father had wronged Chaucer:
wherefore to stoppe that gappe, I will answere, that Chaucers
woorkes haue byn sithens printed twyce, yf not thrice, and
therfore by oure carelesse (and for the most p{ar}te unlerned)
printers of Englande, not so well performed as yt ought to bee:
so that of necessytye bothe in matter, myter and meaninge, yt
must needes gather corrupt{i}one, passinge throughe so manye
handes, as the water dothe the further yt run{n}ethe from the
pure founteyne. To enduce me and all others to iudge his
edit{i}one (whiche I thinke yo{u} neuer sawe wholye together,
beinge fyrst printed but in one coolume in a page, whereof I
will speake hereafter) was the p{er}fectest: ys the ernest
desire and love my father hadde to have Chaucers woorkes
rightlye to be publy{s}hed. for the performance whereof, my
father not onlye used the helpe of that lerned and eloquent
kn[i]ghte and antiquarye Sir Briane Tuke, but had also made
greate serche for copies to p{er}fecte his woorkes, as apperethe
in the ende of the squiers tale, in his edit{i}one printed in
the yere 1542; [Sidenote: His father's collection of MS.
Chaucers and their curiosity.] but further had comiss{i}one to
serche all the liberaries of Englande for Chaucers works, so
that oute of all the Abbies of this Realme (whiche reserved anye
monumentes thereof) he was fully furnished w{i}th multitude of
Bookes. emongst w{hic}he one coppye of some p{ar}te of his
woorkes came to his handes subscribed in diuers places withe
"examinatur Chaucer." By this Booke, and conferringe manye of
the other written copies together, he deliuered his edit{i}one,
fullye corrected, as the amendementes under his hande, in the
fyrst printed booke that euer was of his woorkes (beinge stamped
by the fyrste impress{i}one that was in Englande) will well
declare, at what tyme he added manye thinges w{hi}che were not
before printed, as you nowe haue donne soome, of whiche I ame
p{er}swaded (and that not w{i}thoute reasone) the originall came
from mee. [Sidenote: The Pilgrime's Tale telling forth the evil
lives of churchmen.] In w{hi}che his edit{i}one, beinge printed
but w{i}th one coolume in a syde, there was the pilgrymes tale,
a thinge moore odious to the Clergye, then the speche of the
plowmanne; that pilgrimes tale begynnynge in this sorte;
"In Lincolneshyre fast by a fenne,
Standes a relligious howse who doth yt kenne," &c.
In this tale did Chaucer most bitterlye enveye against the
pride, state, couetoussness, and extorc{i}one of the Bysshoppes,
their officialls, archdeacons, vicars generalls, comissaryes,
and other officers of the spirituall courte. The invent{i}one
and order whereof (as I have herde yt related by some nowe of
good worshippe bothe in courte and countrye but then my fathers
clerkes,) was, that one comynge into this relligious howse,
walked upp and down the churche, beholdinge goodlye pictures of
Bysshoppes in the windowes, at lengthe the manne contynuynge in
that contemplatione, not knowinge what Byshoppes they were,
a grave olde manne withe a longe white hedde and berde, in a
large blacke garment girded unto hym, came forthe and asked hym,
what he iudged of those pictures in the windowes, who sayed he
knewe not what to make of them, but that they looked lyke unto
our mitred Byshoppes; to whome the olde father replied, yt is
true, they are like, but not the same, for oure byshoppes are
farr degenerate from them, and withe that, made a large
discourse of the Byshoppes and of their courtes.
[Sidenote: William Thynne in favour with Henry VIII., who
promiseth to countenance him.] This tale when kinge henrye the
eighte had redde, he called my father unto hym saying Williame
Thynne I dobte this will not be allowed, for I suspecte the
Byshoppes will call the in questione for yt, to whome my father,
beinge in great fauore with his prince, (as manye yet lyvinge
canne testyfye,) sayed yf yo{ur} grace be not offended, I hoope
to be protected by yo{u}, whereuppon the kinge bydd hym goo his
waye and feare not. All whiche not withstandinge, [Sidenote:
The promise broken through the power of Wolsey.] my father was
called in quest{i}one by the Bysshoppes and heaved at by
cardinall Wolseye his olde enymye, for manye causes, but mostly
for that my father had furthered Skelton to publishe his Collen
Cloute againste the Cardinall, [Sidenote: The most part of Colin
Clout written at William Thynne's house at Erith.] the moste
p{ar}te of whiche Booke was compiled in my fathers howse at
Erithe in Kente. But for all my fathers frendes, the Cardinalls
p{er}swadinge auctorytye was so greate withe the kinge, that
thoughe by the kinges favor my father escaped bodelye daunger,
yet the Cardinall caused the kinge so muche to myslyke of that
tale, that chaucer must be newe printed and that discourse of
the pilgrymes tale lefte oute, and so beinge printed agayne,
some thynges were forsed to be omitted, and the plowmans tale
(supposed, but untrulye, to be made by olde Sir Thomas Wyat,
father to hym which was executed in the firste yere of Quene
Marye, and not by Chaucer,) with muche ado p{er}mitted to passe
with the reste, [Sidenote: Chaucer's works like to be destroyed
by parliament.] in suche sorte that in one open parliamente
(as I have herde St. Johne Thynne reporte, beinge then a member
of the howse,) when talke was had of Bookes to be forbidden,
chaucer had there for euer byn condempned, had yt not byn that
his woorkes had byn counted but fables. [Sidenote: Reasons why
the Pilgrime's Tale should be Chaucer's.] Whereunto yf yo{u}
will replye, that their colde not be any suche pilgrymes tale,
because Chaucer in his prologues makethe not mentione of anye
suche persoune, whiche he wolde haue doune yf yt had byn so: for
after that he had recyted the knighte, the squyer, the squiers
yeomane, the prioresse, her noone, and her thre prests, the
monke, the fryer, the marchant, the clerke of Oxenforde,
seriante at the lawe, franckleyne, haberdassher, goldsmythe,
webbe, dyer and tapyster, cooke, shypmane, Doctor of physecke,
wyfe of Bathe, p{ar}soune and plowmane, he sayeth at the end of
the plowmans prologue,
There was also a Reue, and a Millere
A sumpneure, and a Pardoner
A manciple and my selfe there was no mo.
All whiche make xxx persons with Chaucer: wherefore yf there had
byn anye moore, he wolde also haue recyted them in those verses,
whereunto I answere, that in the prologes he lefte oute some of
those w{hic}he tolde their tales; as the chanons yomane, because
he came after that they were passed out of theyre Inne, and did
overtake them, as in lyke sorte this pilgrime did or mighte doo,
and so afterwardes be one of their companye, as was that chanons
yeomane, althoughe Chaucer talke no moore of this pilgrime in
his prologe then he doothe of the chanons yeomane; whiche I
dobte not wolde fullye appere, yf the pilgrimes prologe and tale
mighte be restored to his former light they being nowe looste,
as manye other of Chaucers tales were before that, as I am
induced to thinke by manye reasons.
[Sidenote: How William Thynne's collection of Chaucer's MS. was
dispersed abroad.] But to leave this, I must saye that in those
many written Bookes of Chaucer, w{hic}he came to my fathers
hands, there were manye false copyes, whiche Chaucer shewethe in
writinge of Adam Scriuener, (as yo{u} have noted) of whiche
written copies there came to me after my fathers deathe some
fyve and twentye; whereof some had moore and some fewer tales,
and some but two and some three. w{hic}he bookes beinge by me
(as one nothinge dobting of this whiche is nowe donne for
Chaucer) partly dispersed aboute xxvj years agoo, and partlye
stoolen out of my howse at Popler: I gave divers of them to
Stephen Batemanne person of Newington, and to div{er}s other,
whiche beinge copies unp{er}fecte and some of them corrected by
my fathers hande yt maye happen soome of them to coome to some
of yo{ur} frendes handes, whiche I knowe yf I see agayne: and yf
by anye suche written copies yo{u} have corrected Chaucer, yo{u}
maye as well offende as seme to do good. But I judge the beste,
for in dobtes I will not resolve with a settled judgement,
althoughe yo{u} may iudge this tediouse discourse of my father a
needlesse thinge in setting forthe his diligence in breaking the
yce, and givinge lighte to others, who may moore easely
p{er}fecte then begyne any thinge, for facilius est addere
qua{m} Invenire, and so to other matters.