CHAPTER VI

THE COMING OF THE MASTERSINGERS

After the lofty house of Hohenstaufen had been overwhelmed with

destruction, the _interregnum_, the time of anarchy, "_the emperorless,

the terrible time_," in Schiller's words, (1250-1273), and the reign of

Rudolf of the house of Habsburg mark the beginning of the era of the

decline in German culture. Princes and nobles had long ago ceased to

sing, for between arms the Muses are silent. Tenderness and refinement

of feeling gradually drifted into the commonplace if not into downright

coarseness. We are obliged to record a cheerless period of mediocrity

and degradation lasting almost four centuries, though, of course,

interwoven here and there with illuminating stars that shoot up to the

heavens from this dreary waste, and continuing until about the middle of

the eighteenth century, when the second classical bloom came into

florescence and intensified strongly the classical era of the Middle

Ages.

The decline that found its perigee in the period of the Mastersingers

went on gradually. It was the result of various political and social

causes. The aesthetic ideals, because of which in the time of the

Hohenstaufens women were revered, vanished. With the decadence of

culture superstition asserted itself more strongly. Women were burned as

witches; and the general references to them in the literature of the

period of decline are usually vulgar, and not infrequently obscene.

Refined deportment toward women ceased. Saint Ruffian (_Sanct

Grobianus_) became the idol of the era of decadence, and the vulgarities

of _Till Eulenspiegel_ furnished amusement. "Shamelessness celebrated a

boisterous carnival." The classics alone, though diluted by pitiful

scholasticism until rescued and raised to a higher plane by the

Humanists of the Renaissance, became the only oasis in the dreary waste

of the decadence.

In most of the cities that were centres of intellectual life, the

plebeians arose and replaced the formerly highly cultured patricians.

The burghers began to tune the melodies of a new music: a banausic

artisan song. The comic anecdote and the dramatic farce pleased the

people best and, therefore, prevailed. There was a general delight in

comical, farcical roles, and such elements were even introduced into

religious plays. For example, Saint Mary complains that she has no

diapers to protect the Holy Child from frost. Saint Joseph gets into a

quarrel with two maids; there is a free fight; vulgar reproaches and

blows are exchanged. Darkness begins to spread over Germany. The devil,

stupid or otherwise, introduces his spook; sorceresses and hags

professing magic skill are everywhere. The defamation of the grand

institutions of the Papacy, owing to several unworthy successors of

Saint Peter, promotes contempt and ludicrous treatment. The ridiculous

fiction of the alleged "Papess" Joanna becomes a farcical subject, but

is, nevertheless, jokingly rescued from the claws of the devil. Her

story goes thus: a maiden elopes with a priest, her lover, to Rome, dons

man's dress, becomes a doctor, a cardinal, and at last a Pope. She is

finally ignominiously unmasked, received by the devils in hell, but

saved by the intercession of Saint Mary and Saint Nicholas. Dietrich

Schernberg treated this strange subject at Muhlhausen, in Thuringia, in

his play of _Frau Jutla_. All these morality plays, mysteries, farces,

sottises, sacred or profane, are scarcely ever edifying, and this

whether they treat of court sessions regarding love troubles, marriage

calamities, allegorical figures, fools of love, women, wicked monks, or

quacks. Here, a maiden leads her lovers by the nose; there, lovers

present themselves before Lady Venus. An immoderate coarseness and

indecency in manner and action is part of the game; even in the presence

of women the utmost vulgarity was permitted. Women joined in the most

obscene conversation, and it is astonishing to what depths of immodesty

their speech descended. Nuernberg was the centre of carnival plays. Hans

Rosenblut and Hans Folz, authors of incredibly obscene, though very

clever, farces, were the forerunners of the great and lovable Hans

Sachs,

"Who was a shoe-

maker and a poet, too."

But it is incumbent upon us to return to the beginning of the period of

decadence and consider the decline in its sequence. During the era of

chivalry the follies of the nobles were imitated by the peasants and

burghers. Inter-marriages between poor nobles and rich peasants occurred

now and then, liaisons and amours between them were much more frequent;

the caricature of the _bourgeois gentilhomme_, whom Moliere satirized in

his immortal comedy, was ever present. Neidhart's and Strieker's poems

and Werner's _Meier Helmbrecht_ furnish delightful figures and

caricatures of the upstart class which was so scorned, ridiculed, and

snubbed by the "smart set" of the time.

Yet, on the whole, it may be said that the boys and girls of the

peasants and bourgeois led natural lives, courting and dancing and

wooing, as long as they were kept from the influence of the chivalric

craze. Instead of knight-errantry there were among these young people

simple though not always platonic relations. The lords still exercised

their harmful influence upon the freedom of the peasantry, but it

gradually diminished. At springtide there was love and marriage, not

always voluntarily, but in deference to the right of lords and princes

to command their dependants to marry. In some localities a system of

pairing prevailed, and maids were assigned as companions by lot, and

mated couples danced together during an entire summer. Such play, very

naturally, and not infrequently, became earnest.

The nobles were mostly landed proprietors, but when the cities began to

grow, urban patricians, proud and self-satisfied, arose. The common

people, however, because of their number and increasing wealth, gained a

share in the government. They formed themselves, for strength and

self-defence, into "corporations and guilds." They won city rights. In

the course of time, instead of the rule of the "families," or

patricians, there came the rule of the guilds. The democracy gained

control, though not until after hard and frequently very bloody fights

of the factions at the polls for municipal supremacy. With the victory

of democracy begins the industrial, commercial, and political vigor of

the common people. This is manifested in the great and important city

leagues: especially the _Hansa_, but also the League of Rhenish and of

Suabian Cities unions that were at times more powerful than kings and

emperors.

Socially, nevertheless, the picture is reversed: the castes remain

separated even in the church, as they were separated in dancing halls

and other places of pleasure and drinking. Yet the free artisans, their

wives and daughters, led a joyful life at their weddings, dances, and

carnivals, though they dwelt in narrow lanes and alleys, in houses of

wood, straw-covered and with a few windows, and these frequently with

panes of paper or none at all. Goethe in Faust describes these abodes:

"Out of the hollow, gloomy gate,

The motley throngs came forth elate:

Each will the joy of the sunshine hoard,

To honor the day of the Risen Lord!

They feel themselves their resurrection:

From the low, dark rooms, scarce habitable;

From the bonds of Work, from Trade's restriction;

From the pressing weight of roof and gable;

From the narrow crushing streets and alleys;

From the churches' solemn and reverend night,

Ah come forth to the cheerful light."

On the other hand, especially later during the Renaissance period when

the wealth of the burghers excited the jealousy of the mighty country

nobility, the houses of the wealthy burghers were often genuine palaces,

with rich antique and Italian or French furnishings. Nuernberg, Augsburg,

Strassburg, etc., were real treasure cities with their mediaeval

architecture; so were Ulm, Frankfort, Mainz, Cologne, with their

mansions filled with fine tapestry, rich furniture, colored carpets,

precious art objects, painted windows, silver and gold trappings.

When the _interregnum_ was over, with its political anarchy, with its

plague (black death) that swept away hundreds of thousands, with its

flagellants and other crazy penitents, the natural concomitants of the

plague; when the gloomy religious fanaticism which vented its horrible

"hatred of races and classes and masses" on heretics, Jews, and infidels

in terrible Jew slaughters and witch burnings began to melt away under

the radiant sun of the incipient Renaissance, there arose in western and

southern Germany a wondrously rich and luxurious life among the city

aristocracy. A caricature of chivalrous customs sprang up. It is

characteristic that "a light miss" was the prize of a tournament in

Magdeburg in 1229.

In the cities, life was more refined than on the estates of the nobles

in the country. There were sleigh riding, dances, carnivals, and

serenades before the windows of the fair ones. Even the churches, as

stated before, offered for entertainment "mysteries and passion plays

that verged on blasphemy." We hear of practical jokes which the ladies

played with illustrious guests, like Emperor Sigismund and, later,

Maximilian I., which genial lord the ladies took from his bed half

naked, threw a wrapper over him, and danced with him through the streets

of the city, which pleased the debonnaire emperor immensely.

Many German patrician women were already given over to the pleasures of

society and became ladies of fashion rather than mothers, housekeepers,

and helpers to their husbands. The nouveau-riche artisans soon began to

imitate the luxuries of the patricians: we hear of gold bracelets, silk

garments, gold girdles studded with diamonds; of shoes with silver

buckles, garters embroidered with gold brocade. A chronicler relates the

immense amount of wealth squandered at the wedding of a rich baker, Veit

Gundlinger, in 1493. There were then consumed twenty oxen, thirty stags,

forty-six calves, ninety-five swine, twenty-five peacocks (turkeys?),

etc., etc.

Patricians were, however, more elegant: bridegroom and bride adorned

with rings and bracelets of gold, walked to the Cathedral surrounded by

bridesmaids, while fiddles, lutes, pipes, trumpets made music. At the

dancing hall, however spacious, not more than five couples could dance

at the same time on account of the ladies' long trains which, according

to a preacher of the time, "served the devil as a dancing place." With

torches the newly wed couple were at last led home to the bridal

chamber, where the maidens undressed the bride, the cavaliers took off

her shoes, and "when one cover covered the couple" as the technical term

ran the companions discreetly retired.

But the unfree peasants, alas! continued to live in debasement; as also

their wives and daughters. There is even documentary evidence from A. D.

1333 that women could be sold into slavery and at a very low price,

moreover, "with all their descendants." The free and rich peasants, on

the other hand, sometimes lived in an unbecoming state of luxury. We

glean the most interesting types of peasant life from the poets who

arose among the Bavarian-Austrian race. Neidhart von Reuenthal, who

lived till about 1240 at the Bavarian and Austrian courts, though a

noble himself, is a rugged, old German type who neutralizes the

sentimental minnesong. He contrasts strikingly the bizarre life of the

lower people with the unnaturalness of the "chivalric courtoisie." All

is depicted in strong relief, though it appears to our taste extremely

coarse. Yet if any poet ever understood the life and actions of the

lower classes, it was Von Reuenthal. He describes South German peasant

life as it is, their dances and carousals; he compares satirically the

breaking of lances at tournaments, as practised by knights, with the

peasants' festivals that are turned into bouts of gluttony and free

fights. His types of rustic women, however, are "courteously" dressed,

with wreaths in their prettily arranged hair, fashionable hand mirrors

in their girdles; they appear at the village linden tree on a Sunday,

courting and flirting with the rustics (_Toerper_) who carry swords and

spurs in truly knightly fashion. Nevertheless, the peasant girls prefer

their liaisons with the genuine article, and the poet reveals no idyls,

no abstinence, no innocent play, but downright immorality. As they could

not have the knights for husbands, they chose them for lovers.

Frivolity is general also among the lower strata of society. Drastic

pictures are drawn and overdrawn. There are dialogues in spring songs.

Sometimes two maidens converse and open their hearts. Then mother and

daughter commune; the mother desires to participate in the dance, the

daughter tries in vain to dissuade her; or the daughter wishes to go and

the mother dissuades; the daughter desires to join Neidhart, but the

mother has a peasant ready for her to whom she is, however, indifferent;

the mother keeps her clothing from her; the daughter takes it by force;

the mother whips her daughter with a rake or a spindle; the other

resists, and there are blows on both sides. In all these songs the girl

is longing and passionate; the knight is a successful lover.

In the winter songs the case is reversed. Here the knight is sighing,

complaining, rejected. The peasant girl for whom he pines makes him

languish. The peasants prove superior to the knight, who avenges himself

by mocking, satirizing, caricaturing the brutalities of the peasant

dances, their fights, their gluttony, tawdry luxury of dress, and

drunkenness.

However painful it may be to the historian of culture to record the

mournful facts of degeneracy and demoralization of entire periods in the

life of great and noble nations, yet he owes it to historical truth to

conceal nothing. It is unfortunately true that entire classes of the

German people, entire periods, entire regions, were sunk in the mire of

immorality due to outer and inner conditions over which neither the

nation nor its leaders had any control. Yet, such periods of moral

depression are perhaps as necessary for a vigorous convalescence as the

glorious periods of the moral purity, honor, and chastity of women.

As there can be no life without death, no joy without pain, no good

without evil, as no religion was ever conceived in which the principle

of God, of immortality, and of infinite goodness remained unassailed by

the evil forces, be it devil, demon, Loki, or Ormuz, so the history of

the German nation is filled with evil forces, against which generation

after generation, so far as our records go, struggled, yet finally

conquered _per aspera ad astral_.

Every German historian of culture, especially Scherr, who sought the

truth and stated it fearlessly, has been attacked, reviled by captious

critics, but strong is the truth and it will prevail! _veritas

prevalebit_!

In this period of German decadence the moral sense seems indeed

frequently to have entirely vanished. In a mutual confession by a

peasant and his wife of their moral shortcomings, which are treated

jestingly, the demoralization appears plainly, without any apparent

conception of its impropriety. At a peasant wedding, we hear of brutish

drinking and gluttony, coarse speeches and actions, consummation of

marriage before church consecration, brutal and deadly fights.

The character of the peasantry of the time appears most distinctly from

Werner's _Meier Helmbrecht_, a Bavarian village story, which depicts the

ambitions, sorrows, and joys, and the dissatisfaction of that class.

Young Helmbrecht, an ambitious peasant boy, who had been spoiled by

mother and sister, proud as a peacock in knightly raiment, desires to

play a role at the court. In spite of his father's warnings, he joins a

robber knight. After one year of debauch and degradation, he returns

home as a braggart, and the old and the new generation of peasants are

contrasted. The father, who in his youth had known court life, when he

went to the castle to sell his products, tells of knightly noble games,

chaste dances with beautiful song and music, and the reading of the

ancient heroic lays. The son reports heavy drinking, impure speeches,

lies, quarrels, frauds. He replies to the exhortations of his father

with vile threats. He induces his sister to follow him secretly, to be

married to his comrade Lamsling; but the crisis comes at the wedding.

The judge and sheriffs come and capture the robbers. Helmbrecht is

blinded, driven away from home, and hanged by the peasants.

In the cities the state of affairs is even worse. Pandering is a common

and thriving business, though the laws against it are of barbaric

severity. In Brunswick, those convicted of the heinous crime of

fostering prostitution were buried alive. But when did laws and police

measures ever do away with crime when moral putrefaction once

impregnated a social structure? The clerics and monks play a prominent

role in the literature of the sexual excesses of that time, although, or

perhaps because, celibacy as such has now become an enforced

institution. It is true, however, that the literature of a decaying

time, catering to corrupt tastes, furnishes to us sensational and

extraordinary cases of impurity, while it fails to record the numerous

instances of virtue, self-abnegation, and nobility.

An authority of first rank, AEnea Silvio Piccolomoni, later Pope Pius

II., transmits to us a glaring picture, with little light and much lurid

shadow, of Vienna as he saw it. We find there society of all ranks sadly

demoralized. The burghers invite to their houses vile carousers and

"light misses;" the common people are represented as steeped in

immorality and drink. Wives are rarely satisfied with one husband, and

the husbands knowing their shame are not specially pained by it. Gallant

nobles call on married burgher women, their husbands offer wine and then

leave them to themselves. Widows do not wait, even for decency's sake,

the expiration of the year of mourning before they remarry; rich old men

marry young girls, who then carry on adultery with their husband's

valets as they did before marriage. It happens not infrequently that

fathers or husbands who dare to disturb their daughters or wives in

their iniquities with the nobles are killed or poisoned. Such is AEneas

Silvio's account of Viennese society.

Similar stupefying pictures of social life in many other cities may be

gleaned from chronicles, history, and sermons. Debauch is constant and

appalling. In the thriving Hanseatic city of Luebeck we hear of

illustrious ladies masked by thick veils holding bestial orgies with

common sailors in the vilest drinking resorts. Again we read of the

great severity of the penal laws, and again we note their practical

inefficiency. The punishment for the crime of rape was death, usually by

decapitation, but in Suabia and Hessen the criminal was buried alive or

transfixed. The injured woman, however, to give legal force to her

accusation was required to announce her disgrace immediately by loud

screams and by the exhibition of dishevelled hair and torn garments. The

statutes vary, but all are harsh. Adulterers belonging to the lower

classes,--in the upper classes adultery was too common to be

punished,--when seized _in flagranti delicto_, were liable to be

decapitated or to be buried alive together. Incest was punishable by

confiscation of property; bigamy, by death. The penalty for infanticide

also was death, either by decapitation or by drowning; sometimes a

snake, a cat, or a dog was put into the sack with the victim to render

her punishment more terrible. Shrews and evil-tongued women were

sometimes punished by being placed backward on asses and driven through

the streets in disgrace.

Even the pleasures considered legitimate during the late Middle Ages and

the beginning of the modern era, were decidedly equivocal or immoral.

Public bathing which was so general that even in the country every

well-arranged house had its own bathroom, might be considered rather a

redeeming feature of the unclean life recorded. But excesses soon make

it doubtful whether public baths should not be regarded as baudy houses

of the worst kind. The city of Basle in the thirteenth century had not

fewer than fifteen bathhouses. As in ancient Rome, the bathhouses were

public places of amusement somewhat like the clubs of to-day. There men

were shaved and had their toilette perfected and the ladies had their

hair dressed. Massage was in fashion. Amusements of all kinds, gambling,

drinking, flirting, and love intrigues made public bathing a rather

costly pastime. At most places there was common bathing of men and

women. The most famous water resorts were the Wildbad in the Black

Forest, Baden in the Breisgau, and Baden in Aargau. There is gathered

all the wealth of the surrounding country. Princes and knights, highborn

ladies, rich merchants, prelates, and abbesses bathed, jested, and led a

gay life.

We have an intensely interesting account from the pen of the scholarly

Francis Poggio of Florence (1380-1459) of the bathing customs of Baden.

He had accompanied Pope John XXIII. to the Council of Constance, and had

then gone to Baden to cure the "chiragra" from which he suffered. From a

Latin letter written to his friend Niccolo Niccoli, in the summer of

1417, and translated by Gustav Freytag, in his famous Pictures from

German Life, we glean the following facts:

"Baden itself affords for the mind little or no diversion; but has in

all other respects such extraordinary charm that Venus seems to have

come from Cyprus, for whatever the world contains of beauty has

assembled here, and so much do they uphold the customs of this goddess,

so fully do you find again her manners and dissoluteness, that, though

they may not have read the speech of Heliogabalus, they appear to be

perfectly instructed by Nature herself....

"Two special baths, open on all sides, are prepared for the lowest

classes of the people; and the common crowd, men, women, boys, and

unmarried maidens, and the dregs of all that collect together here, make

use of them. In these baths there is a partition wall, dividing the two

sexes, but this is only put up for the sake of peace; and it is amusing

to see how, at the same time, decrepit old beldames and young maidens

descend into it naked, before all eyes, and expose their charms to the

gaze of the men. More than once I have laughed at this splendid

spectacle; it has brought to my mind the games of Flora at Rome, and I

have much admired their simplicity who do not in the least see or think

anything wrong in it....

"The special baths at the inns are beautifully adorned, and common to

both sexes. It is true they are divided by a wainscot, but divers open

windows have been introduced, through which they can drink with, speak

to, see, and touch each other, as frequently happens. Besides this,

there are galleries above, where the men meet and chatter together, for

every one is free to enter the bath of another, and to tarry there, in

order to look about, and joke and enliven his spirits, by seeing

beautiful women nude when they go in and come out. In many baths both

sexes have access to the bath by the same entrance, and it not

unfrequently comes to pass that a man meets a naked woman, and the

reverse. Nevertheless, the men bind a cloth around their loins, and the

women have a linen dress on, but this is open either in the middle or on

the side, so that neither neck, nor breast, nor shoulders are

covered....

"It is wonderful to see in what innocence they live, and with what frank

confidence they regard the men; the liberties which foreigners presume

to take with their ladies do not attract their attention; they interpret

everything well. In Plato's Republic, according to whose rules

everything was to be in common, they would have behaved themselves

excellently, as they already, without knowing his teaching, are so

inclined to belong to his sect....

"There can be nothing more charming than to see budding maidens, or

those in full bloom, with pretty, kindly faces, in figure and deportment

like goddesses, strike the lute; then they throw their flowing dress a

little back in the water, and each appears like a Venus. It is the

custom of the women to beg for alms jestingly from the men who view them

from above; one throws to them, especially to the pretty ones, small

coins, which they catch with their hands or with the outspread dresses,

whilst one pushes away the other, and in this game their charms were

frequently unveiled....

"But the most striking thing is the countless multitude of nobles and

plebeians, who gather here from the most distant parts, not so much for

health as for pleasure. All lovers and spendthrifts, all pleasure

seekers, stream together here, for the satisfaction of their desires.

Many women feign bodily ailments, whilst it is really their hearts that

are affected; therefore, one sees numberless pretty women, without

husbands or relations, with two maidservants and a man, or with some old

beldame of the family who is more easily deceived than bribed.... There

are here also virgins of Vesta, or rather of Flora; besides, abbots,

monks, lay-brothers, and ecclesiastics, and these live more dissolutely

than the others; some of them also live with the women, adorn their hair

with wreaths, and forget all religion.... And it is remarkable that

among the great number, almost thousands of men of different manners and

such a drunken set, no discord arises, no tumults, no partisanship, no

conspiracies, and no swearing. The men allow their wives to be toyed

with, and see them pairing off with entire strangers, but it does not

discompose or surprise them; they think it is all in an honest and

housewifely way." Poggio, with truly Rabelaisian irony, adds: "No baths

in the world are more apt for the fecundity of women."

But whether the Italian classicist is willing to excuse the luxury and

debauch, refined or otherwise, which he found at Baden, or which he

might have found anywhere in the social circles of the rich German

cities, the truth is that the intercourse between the sexes had become

loose, and that the prelates and their ladies, the cavaliers and their

mistresses, the rich burghers and the "light misses," the monks and

roving women were swarming everywhere; and that those abuses became one

of the foremost grievances which helped to swell the ranks of those

German patriots so that a reform in head and limbs of the social

structure became a necessity.

Indeed, "the good old time of pious memory" had reduced prostitution to

the standard of a science; there is an ostentatious freedom in the

treatment of the question which is quite offensive to modern ears. The

fantastic romanticism described in the preceding chapter had really

contributed very little to genuine morality: the theory of the

veneration of women and the practice of unrestrained lust were

absolutely opposed. The history of prostitution during this period is

divided into two chapters: one treats of the women who remain stationary

in their cities; the other of the migratory women who travel to fairs,

church councils, tournaments, imperial diets, coronations. Scherr gives

some statistics of the high prices paid for lust; he mentions the gain

by one woman of eight hundred gilders on such an excursion, a sum which

at that time represented a fortune. The armies, too, were accompanied by

hosts of women who, with the other baggage, were under the control of

the general provost (_Hurenweibel_). This stage of corruption, however,

belongs more immediately to the abominations of the Thirty Years' War.

The settled prostitutes lived in public houses (_Frauenhduser_) of

which, in large cities, there were several, usually under communal

administration. We read that entertainment in these houses was then part

of the hospitality offered to honored guests, just as at present the

privileges of our clubs are extended as a courtesy. The houses were

built and maintained avowedly for "a better protection of womanly and

virgin honor" of the burgher wives and daughters. Emperor Sigismund and

his suite were entertained without expense in the bawdy houses of Bern

and Ulm, in 1413 and 1434 respectively, as is proved by historical

evidence. Such houses, under the directorship of a landlord, called

"ruffian," were the property of the communities, nay, they sometimes

belonged to the "regalia" of secular or spiritual princes. The inmates

must be strangers and unmarried. Married men, clerics, and Jews were to

be excluded, but this was only a paper law. According to the spirit of

accurate definition prevalent at the time, everything was strictly

regulated: payment, food for the inmates, etc. The houses were closed on

Sundays and holidays and on the eves before these festivals. The inmates

were treated harshly in some cities, were under the surveillance of the

hangman, and when dead they were buried in the potter's field; in other

cities they were privileged; in Leipzig they had even the freedom of the

city to pass yearly in solemn procession at the beginning of the fasting

period. A certain professional or guild pride existed among them; they

rigidly persecuted the unlicensed, unprivileged prostitutes. Some cities

gave them citizenship for "their sacrifice for the common good"; in some

places donations were given to those who married, a generous way indeed

to rescue many unfortunates from shame. To make them noticeable, their

garments, usually green in color, were prescribed for them. Augsburg

ordered the hood of their veil to be green and two inches wide; Leipzig

prescribed a short yellow mantle; Bern and Zurich a red cap. Sometimes

luxurious fashions adopted by distinguished ladies were permitted to

prostitutes in order to bring luxury into disrepute.

At the end of the fifteenth century, prostitution had assumed enormous

proportions and carried in its train the terrible, loathsome, venereal

disease. The Renaissance and the Reformation, it is true, had at first

beneficent effects; disreputable houses were closed; a higher spirit

swept over the land, but everything soon returned to its former

condition, as we read in Erasmus's dialogues or Luther's writings. The

brave and patriotic knight and humanist Ulrich von Hutton himself died,

young and abandoned, of the loathsome disease; it is unknown whether he

contracted it through his own fault, or by contagion.

Catholicism performed a noble work by opening many cloisters and asylums

to penitent fallen women, and thus saved many victims. The church

certainly strove, on the whole, to improve the moral conditions of the

country. The monasteries were in most cases resorts for the daughters of

the poorer nobility, and for the pious maidens, whether highborn or

lowly, when marriage was impossible or other motives urged them to

retire from the world. This statement must be made and emphasized for

the honor of the millions of pure and noble women, who lived and worked

and suffered and sacrificed themselves for humanity in the Church and in

the cloisters which were the female academies of the time. Women lived

there a happy and quiet life with intellectual and spiritual

occupations. Reading, writing, religion, sewing, weaving, and embroidery

were taught.

But it is only natural that among the thousands of women in religious

life many failed in their mission, having mistaken their vocation. They

became unhappy in their solitude without love, especially such as had

been forced into the nunnery against their will and inclination. In such

cases their conduct sometimes stands in glaring contrast with their vows

of chastity.

The centuries leading up to the Reformation are full of complaints of

priestly debauchery, which naturally reflected also upon the nuns. The

cloister of Gnadenzell is reported to have been a pleasure resort for

the neighboring nobility, who there celebrated nightly orgies and

infamous dances; Count Hans von Lupfen, A. D. 1428, chided the prioress,

in a document of historical interest, for having failed to remove in

time the nuns who had become pregnant, and for having thus given cause

to the neighbors to complain that "the cloister walls were resounding

with the cries of babies." Bishop Gaimbus, of Castell, reports to the

Pope (June 20, 1484) of the nunnery of Loflingen, near Ulm, that, at an

investigation for reforms, the majority of the nuns were found "in an

advanced state of motherhood" (_in gesegneten Leibesumstanderi_).

Sebastian Brant's _Ship of Fools_ (1494) gives a terrible picture of the

sins and follies of the era; never has there been such a heavy freight

of perverse and wicked fools from all ranks and walks of life.

Thomas Murner's _Conjuration of Fools_ (Narrenbeschworung), fourteen

years later, shows the mediaeval ideals in the caricature to which they

had degenerated. The old conditions that had produced lofty and genuine

ideals had died away, nothing remained but the shell, the mere form and

outline. The satire against the dissolute world, the chastisement of it

by stinging words and sarcastic writings, proves simply the righteous

anger which the good and patriotic men of the time felt regarding the

national degradation; a total reform became a dire necessity. This was a

Titanic task indeed, for during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries

intellectual barrenness, spiritual corruption, and luxuriant debauchery

prevailed. The worst feature was the chain of vice which, through apish

imitation, was transmitted from the debased women of the upper classes

to the women of the bourgeoisie, and from the latter to the peasants.

The new fashions were not only hideous, but became even obscene: "What

nature wants to be concealed, that do they expose and prostitute. Shame

upon the German nation!" are Brant's harsh words. The famous preacher

Geiler von Kaisersberg thunders from the pulpit words hardly expressible

in modern language: "Women's dresses are so short that they conceal

nothing in front or behind, the upper garments are so cut down that the

bosom is visible. Then again the trains are as long as tails. Women

imitate man's foolish garb: the ridiculous high pointed shoes and

tinkling bells on their garments." The pictures of the time and the

attempts of cities and princes to regulate these monstrosities prove to

us that the portraits of the satirists and the preachers are not

overdrawn.

In order to illuminate a cultural epoch in the history of any nation it

is, however, always safest to recur to the sources themselves, for they

spring, knowingly or unknowingly, from the social soil upon which they

thrive.

One of the most characteristic, though not edifying, "human documents"

is the collection of contemporary poetry by a female author, Klara

Hatzlerin, who was, according to her editor, Karl Haltaus, undoubtedly a

nun from Augsburg, and who filled her leisure hours as was customary in

the nunneries of her time in copying songs and poems. Evidently, though

a cultured woman, she was not a pietist. This is apparent from the

erotic and obscene matter found in her work, which even recalls Roswitha

of Gandersheim's plays written more than five hundred years earlier. The

work is undoubtedly genuine. It is signed: "_A. 0.1471. Augsburg. Clara

Hatzlerin._" The manuscript contains two hundred and nineteen poems,

besides ditties and sententious sayings. It marks the transition from

the Middle Ages to modern times, and is therefore of very great cultural

value. The poems do not yet bear the scholastic, not to say pedantic,

character of the best mastersingers; their type is, on the contrary,

strictly popular, and frequently vulgar. The subjects of Klara

Hatzlerin's collection of lyric poetry coincide with those of the minne:

there are night songs and watch songs, songs of the love of the fair

one, songs describing her virtues and her beauty, songs telling of fears

of the light and the spies, rhythmical entreaties for slight favors of

love, a glance, an embrace to appease the lover's sorrow or to give him

strength to be constant.

Very characteristic of the time, especially as selections by a nun,

betraying her interests and occupations, are the rustic caricatures and

exaggerations of the coarseness of the peasant classes.

It must not be forgotten that as to material wealth the burghers and the

peasant classes were never better off in Germany than during the two

centuries preceding the Thirty Years' War, while the nobility had sunk

into poverty, ruffianism, brigandage. What shall be said of a time when

a prince of the highest rank, Duke Ernst of Bavaria, A. D. 1436,

brutally murdered fair Agnes Bernauerin, the lawful wife of his son. To

this very day the martyred woman is sung in German romance and poetry.

She was the daughter of a barber and surgeon of Augsburg, where prince

Albert, son of Duke Ernst, learned to know and to love her because of

her almost unearthly beauty and charm. He made her in due form his

lawful wife; but the old duke would not recognize the marriage. In the

absence of her husband, Agnes was seized in the castle of Straubing,

dragged upon the bridge of the Danube, and hurled into the stream. She

drifted toward the bank, where one of the hangmen seized her with his

hooked pole by her gold-colored hair, plunged her into deep water, and

held her beneath its surface until she was drowned.

But let us return to Klara Hatzlerin, the nun, who so frequently chooses

scenes from the most licentious poets. _The Song of the Seven Greatest

Pleasures_ is original, but extremely coarse. Eating, drinking, minne

play of the most bestial kind, the natural functions of stomach and

kidneys, sleeping, bathing (as described by Poggio), are the ideals of

fifteenth century materialism.

The most loathsome poem, however, in the collection so foul with obscene

pictures, is the one in which a mother teaches her daughter in

undisguised terms the arduous, though lucrative, art of prostitution. It

is scarcely possible that any other literature should contain a poem so

degraded.

Again, a poem by Hans Rosenpliit is given entirely in the manner of

Boccaccio. The servant of a rich man seeks the favor of his mistress and

finds acceptance. She takes him to her chamber and hides him under the

bed. When the husband retires to his couch, she tells him that the

servant sought her love and that she had invited him for the night to

the garden to have him chastised. She advises her husband to put on her

clothing, to go into the garden, and to chastise the scoundrel with a

heavy club. The husband does as he is bidden. Meanwhile, the wife

bestows her favors upon the man-servant. Thereupon she gives him a stick

with which he belabors his master unmercifully, saying he only wished to

test the fidelity of his mistress toward his beloved master. The latter

barely escapes from the heavy volley of blows, tells his wife the

adventure, and finally thanks God for such a faithful servant. The poet,

Hans Rosenpliit, composed many carnival plays which are filled with

obscene jests, and deal mostly with the lowest peasant elements.

In the same collection, Klara Hatzlerin presents rather barren encomiums

on Saint Mary, all of which were composed by Muscatbluet. Feebly, the

Maria-cult arose once more with a narrow and superstitious treatment,

painfully different from the beautiful conceptions of the older periods.

Here everything is Philistine. The statutes of the Rosenkrantz order and

the brotherhood of Saint Ursula decree eleven thousand prayers in honor

of the eleven thousand virgins who are still adored as saints, with

their seat at Cologne. Spiritual songs exalt Saint Mary as equal in

strength to Christ, nay, in the estimation of the lowly masses, superior

to Him. There is a bombastic praise of all her material and spiritual

perfections. The songs are scholastic in their exaggeration, artificial

in form, and barbarous in language; in pompous terms church

controversies are treated there: the Trinity, original sin, the last

judgment, and other orthodox and mystic broodings, similes, allegories,

etc. A type of the treatment is the description Muscatbluet gives of the

Blessed Virgin when he calls her "a chest in which God himself dwells,

the rod of Aaron, a well illuminated torch, a chaste Arc of Noah, a deep

pond, a cask of myrrh, a reed of grace in God's field, her body a coffin

or a castle the decadence is marked everywhere. We look back with

longing eyes to the pure, the beautiful, the lofty, all-merciful Mother

of God of the rich, uncontaminated past, the Holy Virgin who has

enriched, ennobled, purified the German nation, German literature,

German music, and, above all, the German arts of painting, sculpture,

and architecture."

Next to those bombastic, pseudo-pious songs we find hideous drinking

songs, poems of gluttony and licentiousness, all of which are,

nevertheless, highly valuable to the historian of culture. There are

authentic documents revealing the tremendous downfall of national ideals

from the pedestal of the glorious past, and the immense recuperative

power of the nation in struggling upward again after two centuries and a

half to the Second Period of Bloom, crowned by Lessing, Schiller,

Goethe!

A poem in the compilation of Klara Hatzlerin, _On the Nature of the

Child_, is intensely interesting, first, as regards the popular

physiological knowledge of the time on the mystery of gestation;

secondly, as a cultural document on the character of Klara, the nun's,

occupation during her leisure hours. She appeals first to her patroness:

"Virgin Mary, I call to thee at all times for thy grace. May thy help

point out to me thy way that I may walk on thy path, and may also begin

anon to consider how the nature of man's strength mingles in the female

womb," etc., and then by an extraordinary medley of truth, error, and

fiction she describes the entire process of gestation.

There are stories of shrews and of scolding, nagging women, concluding

with: "Whoever has a nagging wife, shall rid himself of her as soon as

possible, buy a good rope, hang her on a bough, take three big wolves

and hang them beside her. Whoever saw gallows with worse skins? There

the song has an end, God evil women to Hades send!"

We cheerfully leave the foul atmosphere of a poetry which could not have

sunk lower in form and spirit, and which, nevertheless, could not have

existed but for its direct connection with the social sphere of which it

treated and in which its roots were imbedded. And indeed we know also

from incontestable historical evidence that while the privileges of the

other three estates grew, a heavy slavery lay upon the fourth, the

peasantry. When oppression lays its leaden hand too heavily upon a race

or a class, it crushes out, gradually but surely, the divine instincts

of the human soul. Munster, in his _Kosmography_, which appeared in

1545, speaks of "the low and wretched life of the peasants." Their

houses are miserable hovels of dirt and wood, placed directly on the

ground, and thatched with straw. Their food is black rye bread, oats or

boiled lentils and peas. A coarse upper coat, two wooden shoes, and a

cheap felt hat are their only clothing. These people have never peace or

rest. Their masters they must serve through the whole year; there is

nothing that the poor people must not do. The picture is completed by

another author, who says: "The toilsome people of the peasantry are

everybody's footrag, heavily laden and burdened with tasks of slavery,

hard labor, interests, taxes, duties, etc." We will not unroll here the

endless lists of personal and property dues which were imposed upon the

unfortunate peasants of that period. The saddest aspect of that physical

oppression is that the unfortunate people were not even conscious of

their frightful moral subjugation. We have already mentioned that even

the marriage of the serfs of both sexes depended upon the consent of

their masters, the landed proprietor or, in most cases, of his steward,

that the marital tax (_maritagium_) had to be paid for this consent, and

that the body of the unfortunate peasant girl belonged to her oppressor,

at least for the first night (_jus primce noctis_). The existence of

this infamous right has been contested by German historians, but as

proofs Scherr adduces two authentic documents of the years 1538 and

1543. All these facts are sufficient proof that the above literary

remnants do not greatly exaggerate the moral and intellectual condition

of that class, which is the basic element of every civilization.

We now proceed with more satisfaction to an estimate of the bourgeoisie.

They became more and more cultured, and took upon themselves the task of

raising the standards of education and morality, of upholding the sacred

flame of German spiritual and intellectual life. They began to spin

again the thread of poetry that had broken in the brutalized hands of a

degraded nobility. This thread was now the "_Mastersong_." Mastersong,

though of a prosaic, mechanical style, was nevertheless an ennobling,

purifying element of culture in the frivolous and impure life of late

mediaeval German cities. Mastersong formed the bridge between the world

of everyday realism and the world of ideals. Mastersong alone prevented

an entire break of the continuity of German civilization between the two

great periods of bloom, the thirteenth and the eighteenth centuries. As

the bourgeoisie acquired a social position and a personal worth of their

own, as the German peasantry, in the extreme North at the mouth of the

Elbe between marshes and sea, the Ditmarschen and Stedingers, and again

in the South between the Alpine passes, the Swiss, heroically defended

their manhood and liberties, there began among those lowly born, but

high-minded, vigorous, and comparatively pure classes an intellectual

and a moral life of a higher order. The folk song of love, of warlike

honor, of victory over the brutal squirearchy, of invigorating

patriotism, of a national union embracing all classes, begins to ring

through the German "poetic forest," as Uhland calls it. The loving maid

speaks of the falcen, and means the lover; the rose garden signifies

love's favor; flowers are maidens, like the rose on the heath that is

plucked by the boy in spite of its thorns; the forget-me-not designates

modesty, humility, chastity. There are little love songs describing the

sorrow of parting, the joy of the dance, the dream of love under the

tree from which a rain of blossoms bedews the sleeping beauty.

Emperor Maximilian (1493-1519), "the last knight," the best-beloved son

of the house of Habsburg, reigns now in Germany. It is a time of

transition, of universal change. The world has doubled its size by the

discovery of America, and the horizon has been enlarged accordingly. The

printing press has revolutionized the arts. Yet poetry is dry,

allegorical, wooden. Maximilian, aided by his secretaries, relates in a

rimed allegorical romance, Teuerdank, his wooing of Mary of Burgundy,

or, as he calls her in his poem, the beautiful and illustrious virgin

Ehrenreich, only daughter of the powerful king "Glorious" (_Ruhmreich_).

He recounts the mighty deeds which he must accomplish before he can

possess her.

The barrenness of the time, in spite of a great and varied literary

activity which, however, bears the stamp of mediocrity, appears also in

the translations made by several highborn ladies: Elizabeth of Lorraine,

and Eleanor of Scotland, consort of Duke Sigmund of Austria. Princess

Mathilda, of the illustrious Wittelsbach-Palatine house, the "Lady of

Austria," as she is called in the folk song, fostered the first advent

of humanism into Suabia and Bavaria, and entertained sympathetic

relations with all those who worked in the direction of humanism and

literary reform. Niclas von Wyle, an early Humanist, had already in

1474, in opposition to the popular farces which contained offensive,

coarse, and frequently obscene treatment of woman, composed an encomium

or eulogy in her honor, in which he enumerated the manifold blessings

which woman had brought to the world. Yet the ribald farces still

abound, and are even stimulated by the incipient religious reform.

_Joseph in Egypt_ is the typical subject for poems expressing the

criminal and passionate love of woman; the monologue of Potiphar's wife

expressing her sinful feelings for Joseph is nothing less than edifying.

The play of _Fair Susanna_ presented wicked passion in aged men, and

innocence persecuted, but finally saved; _Judith and Holofernes_

characterized the clash between conflicting religions.

In South Germany, Nuernberg, Luther's "eye and ear of Germany," is the

centre of the culture of the transition period, and is the mirror in

which the life of the time is reflected. The aesthetic culture and the

lack of it, the status of woman in society, appear nowhere more plainly

than in the plays of Hans Sachs, the greatest exponent of the life of

his time. He is not stimulated by the passions of a Hutten, of a Luther,

or of the latter's bitter foe, Thomas Murner. His soul overflows with

peace and equanimity even where he censures and chides. His censure is

always amiable and gentle. He even describes passions meekly. He

touchingly represents the driving from Paradise of Adam and Eve, who

become more closely attached to each other in misfortune; he delicately

depicts Eve's naive anxiety concerning God, whose visit she apparently

fears. He writes decorously of the priest and his fair housekeeper who

has not yet attained the canonic age of safety: of the old hag who acts

as a procuress and panderer, who is quarrelsome and hideous, and of whom

even the devil is afraid; the faithless, cunning, amorous wife who makes

sport of her deceived, foolish husband; the jealous and the credulous

husband, etc.

In formulating a theory of love, Hans Sachs, who, in his own long life,

had felt love's grief and unrest, decided to employ the examples which

he gathered from his own experience as well as from history and poetry,

especially the Italians Petrarca, Boccaccio, and others. In his carnival

plays, however, he avoids, from the very first, the coarseness and

obscenity of Rosenplut and Hans Folz; but though he no doubt considered

that he had excluded all indecency from his works, they still are, here

and there, grievous to our modern ears.

In his carnival play Vom Venusberg, the goddess speaks: "I am Venus,

protectress of love, many a realm was destroyed through me; I have great

power on earth over rich, poor, young, and old; whom I wound with the

arrow mine, he must forever my servant be. I now draw my bow; he who

will flee shall flee at once." Too late: the knight is struck, so are

all the others, maids and gentlewomen.

In 1518 Sachs wrote the _Complaint of the Exiled Lady Chastity_, a very

bold allegory: Virgin Chastity, daughter of Lady Honor, dwelt with many

virgins in the realm of Virginitas. In the neighborhood lived the

frivolous Queen Venus, who frequently invaded the former's kingdom and

tried to conquer it. In the repeated wars, Queen Venus succeeded in

capturing almost all the virgins, and took them over to the kingdom of

Lady Shame. Only Chastity herself, with her royal retinue, the

allegorized twelve womanly virtues, had been saved from capture; they

fled and wandered long from one country to the other without finding a

hospitable reception. At last they arrived at a distant wilderness,

where Chastity was again suddenly attacked by Queen Venus and her allied

princesses: Pride, Frivolity, Intemperance, Idleness, Faithlessness,

etc. The poet then warns maidens of the dangers threatening them on the

part of Venus and her suite. After explaining the twelve virtues which

aid Chastity, he concludes: "Beware of love, be steady, spare your love

until you come to marriage." Sachs himself had at an early age married,

in 1519, Kunigunde Kreuzer, an orphan of good family.

The biographer of Hans Sachs described the marriage of Dr. Christoph

Scheuerl, a famous jurist of Nuernberg, "the oracle of the Republic." The

description of this marriage is interesting as a picture of the life of

the high patrician families and their ceremonies and festivities. All

the families (Geschlechter) of the city were present. The festivities

lasted a whole week, and the ceremonies were elaborate and splendid.

Marriage feasts of the city aristocracy took place either in the house

of the parents of the bridal couple, or in the city hall, or even in the

cloister. This last practice was, however, forbidden in Nuernberg in

1485, "because the carousals and dances had become unbefitting the holy

place." The patrician bridegroom gave the bride a ring with precious

stones, the latter presented the bridegroom with an embroidered silken

kerchief. There was a great display of precious garments and silk

damask. The servants wore the colors of the family to which they

belonged. The headgear of the patrician lady was a high diadem, while

the bridegroom wore a silver wreath adorned with artificial flowers. The

bride's maids and the table maidens wore the same kind of wreath and

their hair was arranged in loose waves. The first marriage day was

followed by an "early morning dance at the city-hall, a night-dance, and

a wedding-assembly only for the ladies."

The artisan marriages are recorded to have been similar in character,

only the jests of the official "speaker" (_Sprucksprecher_) were

probably somewhat rude, and the display was not so elaborate as that

used in patrician weddings.

Hans Sachs's married life was very happy. His manifold jests regarding

quarrelsome women and their qualities, and regarding the hardships of

married life were merely products of his humor. "My wife is my Paradise

dear, and also my daily hellfire sheer;" and the climax:

"She is my virtue, and my vice;

She is my wound, and yet my balm.

She is my heart's constant abode,

Yet makes me gray and makes me old."

While happily married himself, he knew enough of bad wives. Albrecht

Durer's unhappy married life could furnish him sufficient material for

his _Ninefold Skin of a Scold_, and _The Twelve Properties of a Bad

Woman_, against which all the arts employed in the "_taming of the

shrew_" came to naught.

In 1560 his beloved wife died, and one year later he married Barbara

Harscher, a charming girl of seventeen years, whose beauty he sang in

his _Artistic Woman's Praise_, and with whom he lived happily till 1576.

He was buried in Saint John's Cemetery at Nuernberg. The grateful city

erected in 1874 a beautiful monument in his honor. But the highest

monument, "more abiding than steel," the prince of poets, Goethe,

erected to him in his _Hans Sachs's Poetic Mission:_

"An oak wreath hovers yonder in the clouds,

With ever green fair foliage adorned;

With this the grateful nation crowns his brow."

Hans Sachs is the typical, the universal, the noblest, and the purest

Mastersinger; but he is only the first among hundreds of others who

helped to preserve in Germany the sacred fire of poetry.

The bourgeoisie womanhood of the school of humanism, of the circle where

virtue was the ideal of life, ably seconded the efforts of men like

Sachs. But no one lofty specimen of superior womanhood arose from the

atmosphere of feud, brigandage, and drunken intemperance among the

so-called higher classes. Banqueting, hunting, fighting, gambling,

carousing, and sexual excesses are recorded in plenty. _The diary of the

Silesian knight Hans Von Schweinichen_ introduces us, in the middle of

the sixteenth century, into a "noble" society full of poverty,

brutality, and ignorance. He relates the slight acquirements of his

education, interrupted by the occupation of tending the geese, his

service as a page at the court of the Duke of Liegnitz, his early

interest in women, his presence at weddings, "where he ate and drank his

fill for day and night just as they wanted to have it." Of his friendly

expedition with the Duke of Liegnitz to Mecklenburg, he says: "I have

made for myself a great reputation with drinking, as I could never get

enough to drink myself full." Anna of Saxony, daughter of Elector

Moritz, wife of William of Orange, who died of _delirium tremens_,

proves, by the way, that drunkenness was by no means uncommon with

princely ladies. Scherr also adduces many other such princely examples.

A festival at the Mecklenburg court is thus described in naive fashion

by Schweinichen in his diary: "The native squires as well as the noble

young ladies lost themselves little by little, until finally there

remained with me but two ladies and one knight, who began a dance. I

followed with the other lady. It did not last long; my good friend

slipped with his dancer to the next chamber; I followed him. As we came

to the chamber, two squires and ladies rested in a bed; the one who

danced before me fell also with his lady in one bed. I asked my lady

what we should do. She said in her Mecklenburg language: I should lie by

her. I did not have her ask me a long time, but lay down with mantle and

garments, so did the lady, and thus we chatted till the dawn of morning;

however, in all honor. This they call there 'to lie by a maiden on truth

and faith,' but I do not trust such a 'lying by' for such truth and

faith might easily become roguish." Evidently, so far as the nobility

were concerned, delicacy and propriety were quite unknown in sixteenth

century society.

Women of the Teutonic Nations · 第 6 / 13 章