Those who have read Defoe’s “Colonel Jack” will remember the wonderful

picture which he presents of the London street boy. That boy has never

ceased to live in and about the streets. Sometimes he sleeps in the

single room rented by his father, but the livelong day he spends in the

streets; he picks up, literally, his food; he picks it up from the

coster’s barrow, from the baker’s counter, from the fishmonger’s stall,

when nobody is looking. For such boys as these there are Barnardo’s

Homes, where waifs and strays to any number are admitted, brought up,

trained to a trade, and then sent out to the colonies. Five thousand

children are in these homes. The history is very simple. Dr. Barnardo, a

young Irish medical student, came to London with the intention of giving

up his own profession and becoming a preacher. He began by preaching in

the streets; he picked up a child, wandering, homeless and destitute,

and took it home to his lodgings; he found another and another, and took

them home too. So it began; the children became too many for his own

resources; they still kept dropping in; he took a house for them, and

let it be known that he wanted support. The rest was easy. He has always

received as much support as he wanted, and he has already trained and

sent out to the colonies nearly ten thousand children. There are also

many less important homes and associations for indigent children, homes

for homeless boys, homes, refuges, and societies for girls; industrial

homes, female protection societies, orphanages, in long array. Most of

these societies are, however, limited as to income; a great part of

their funds goes in management expenses. If they would be persuaded to

unite, a great deal more might be done, while each society, with its

honorary officers, could be carried on in accordance with the intentions

and ideas of its founders and supporters.

Homes and schools for the boys and girls, hospitals for the adult, there

remain the aged. Dotted about all over London there are about a hundred

and fifty almshouses; of these about half are situated in and about East

London. Not that the people of East London have been more philanthropic

in their endowments than those of the west, but, before there was any

city of East London, almshouses were planted here on account of the

salubrity and freshness of the air and the cheapness of the ground. Some

of these have been moved farther afield, their original sites being

built over. The People’s Palace, for instance, is built upon the site of

the Bancroft almshouses, founded in 1728 for the maintenance and

education of one hundred poor. Their original house has gone, but the

charity is still maintained.

I have always been astonished to think that this most excellent form of

charity, one least of all liable to be abused, has gone out of fashion.

If I were rich I should rejoice in creating and founding an almshouse

for the admission and maintenance of as many old men and old women as I

could afford, or as the college which I should build would admit. There

are still some delightful almshouses left in London, although so many

have been removed; those that remain stand beside the crowded

thoroughfares, each one a lesson in charity and pity; there is the

stately Trinity Almshouse in the Whitechapel road, with its two courts

and its chapel and its statue of the founder and the good old men, the

master mariners, who live there; and close beside, unless it has been

lately removed, an almshouse of the humbler kind, but quite homely and

venerable. My almshouse, if I were privileged to build and endow one,

should have its refectory, as well as its chapel; my old people should

have their dinner together, and their common hall for society in the

winter evenings; they should have, as well, their gardens and their

quadrangle and the sense of belonging to a foundation beautiful in its

buildings, as well as charitable in its objects.

The existing almshouses by themselves go very little way toward keeping

the aged out of the workhouse; but there are other aids which carry us

on a little farther, societies which give annuities and pensions to

various persons. On the list more than a hundred different trades are

represented. Among them is one for flower girls and water-cress venders.

This, however, despite its unpretending title, has grown into a very

large and important society. Under this title are conducted industrial

and servants’ training homes, a cottage hospital, a home for waif girls,

an orphanage, a shelter and clubroom for street flower-sellers, and a

seaside holiday home for blind and helpless and crippled girls,

ineligible for ordinary homes—the whole with an income of over £7000,

and giving assistance to 12,000 girls a year. This, like the association

for befriending young servants, has grown gradually out of small

beginnings, and in a space of thirty years has attained to its present

dimensions.

So numerous are the societies and the charities of every kind that one

thinks there ought not to be any distress, any destitution, any vice in

this City of London. Alas! It is a city of five millions, and out of

this multitude there are many who will not work, many who deliberately

desire the life of vice and crime, and still more who, if the Helping

Hand offers relief without question or condition, will swell the numbers

of those who are wilfully helpless and deliberately destitute. The power

of working is easily lost, and with difficulty regained. The

administration of charitable funds is a most difficult task.

Fourteen years ago, in a time of exceptional distress, the Lord Mayor,

in the kindness of his unreflecting heart, opened a subscription for the

relief of the unemployed. A very large sum was collected in a few days.

Of course this became known not only over all London, but over the whole

country. Then there began a mighty migration; wave after wave of hungry

applicants arrived by every train; the glorious prospect of obtaining a

gift of money without doing anything for it attracted thousands; they

gave up work in order to be eligible; they magnified the amount of the

gift, in anticipation; when the day of distribution arrived they fought

for admission, they threatened to brain the distributors, they took

tickets which entitled them to food and sold them at the public house;

in the end that act of charity developed and strengthened the pauper

spirit in hundreds of thousands; those who had been working for the

better exercise of charity were in despair; to this day the memory of

that day of free gifts, without question and without conditions, lies in

the mind of the working-man who will not work, and nerves him for

another spell of idleness and starvation.

In this attempt to stay the hand that grants the unthinking dole the

Charity Organization Society stands in the forefront. It has offices and

branches everywhere; it intervenes between the rich man and the poor; it

says to the former, “Never give him money, you will only keep him poor;

make him understand that money means conditions of work and effort; do

not turn the unemployed into a pauper.” To the workhouses the Charity

Organization Society says, “Do not give outdoor relief; do not accustom

the sturdy poor to look for doles of bread and orders on the butcher.

Make them go into the house if they want help.” It is better to be cruel

when kindness means weakness, and doles mean pauperizing. The temptation

to give is like the temptation to take opiates. To give relieves the

discomfort of knowing how others are suffering. To give brings food to

the children, fire to the hearth; it also enables the breadwinner to

spend in drink what he should take home to his wife, and it makes the

wives and children accustomed to receive alms, and to look to alms for

the supplies which are only deficient through their own improvidence and

vice. The Charity Organization Society is known and detested by every

thriftless loafer, every beggar, every impostor, every begging-letter

writer in the country; it is also known and detested by that large class

of sentimentalists who give money wherever there is none, who bribe the

women by doles to come to church, and who interpret certain words of our

Lord, as they were interpreted by the monastic houses, into an

injunction to give without question and to relieve without condition.

I come next to a form of philanthropic endeavor concerning which it is

difficult to speak unless in terms of extravagant admiration.

I mean the Settlement, which is spreading and taking root in all great

cities both in America and in Great Britain.

The Settlement very properly began in East London, as the place which

stood most in need of it. There are now some thirteen or fourteen

Settlements in London, of which six, I believe, belong to East London.

There are Settlements in Glasgow, Bristol, Manchester, and Edinburgh.

There are, I believe, speaking under correction, more than twenty in the

greater cities of the United States.

It is now fifteen years since the first creation of the Settlement. What

is it? What was at first proposed? What has it done? We may answer these

questions by the help of Canon Barnett, its real founder. (See

“University and Social Settlements,” chapter ii.)

The Settlement sprang out of a profound distrust of the machinery by

which the Helping Hand could reach the people. It seemed to many that

this machinery hindered rather than helped. The Charity Organization

Society was proving with pitiless statistics and cruel logic that the

widespread system of doles was crushing the spirit of independence in

the poor; the experience of the present, as well as that of the past

taught them that laws cannot touch the restless and the improvident;

they saw that refuges might receive the unhappy, but could not touch or

remove the cause of unhappiness; they discovered that societies for

relieving the poor were too often machines which blindly acted by a

hard-and-fast rule, maintained many officials, and made no attempt at

prevention or improvement. Also they saw that with all the machinery of

the parish and despite the self-denying work of the clergy there had

been little less than a complete failure in inspiring among the people

the faith and hope of religion and its self-restraining powers.

There was also, thanks to certain influences which it would take us long

to discuss, a growing recognition of certain evils, such as the

separation of the rich from the poor, the withholding from the poor of

so many things enjoyed by the rich, the condescension of rich to poor,

an exclusive spirit on the one side and a natural resentment on the

other, and a conviction that something should be done to resist these

evils. In other words, the feeling was gradually growing, especially

among certain groups of young men of Oxford and Cambridge, that

civilization should belong not to one class but to all classes; that the

things which we believe to be the most important—knowledge, art,

manners, beauty, purity, unselfishness—should be made possible for the

working-man, if he will accept them, as well as for the rich. The root

idea, therefore, of a Settlement is the example, the teaching and the

maintenance of what we call the life of culture among the

working-classes.

By example—for the members of the Settlement live among them, go about

with them, live in the sight of all The working-man dines with them,

spends the evening with them, talks with them. He finds that their mode

of life is simple; that the luxury he has been taught to believe as the

common rule among the easy class does not exist among these members of

that class; that cleanliness, using the word to cover everything—the

home, the meals, the person, the daily habit—is the first thing

necessary; that knowledge may be pursued for its own sake, and not

because it has a commercial value and is saleable; and that these men

and women have come to live in his quarter without the least intention

of giving him any money or of taking off his shoulders any one of his

own responsibilities.

Next, by teaching. The Settlement has its library, its class-rooms, its

lecture-room, and its fifteen hundred students—yet it is not a college.

The residents do not all teach. The visitor thinks perhaps that if they

are not come to teach, their object is to preach temperance and to get a

hold over the criminal classes. Nothing of the kind; the Settlement is

not a mission. Nor, again, is it a Polytechnic, despite the manifold

studies that are carried on. The lads of the Polytechnic learn a trade

by which to live; the students at the Settlement make a study of some

science. Nor is it in the narrow sense a charitable institution. In a

Settlement every resident carries on his own life in his own way; he

does not stoop to the ways of the people around; he is not their

benefactor; he is not a superior person; he is just one man among the

men all round him into whose interests he enters and whose ideas he

endeavors to understand.

In all countries governed by our institutions or by those which have our

institutions as their basis the duty of the individual citizen to his

town and to his state is assumed as essential for the government of the

people by the people. A man who deliberately abstains from exercising

the right to vote, who leaves to any who please to snatch it the

government of his own city, is little less than a traitor to the cause

of freedom; he enjoys rights which have been won for him by his fathers,

but refuses to watch over and to defend those rights. It is the work of

the Settlement to teach this duty and to set the example. The

constitution of a municipality assumes that citizens will give, freely

and without pay, such time as is wanted for the conduct of the municipal

affairs. In local government the Settlement carries on a quiet work

which is perhaps more effective than its classes and its lectures. The

members become guardians and vestrymen; they sit on school boards, they

are school visitors, they inspire every branch of local government with

the sense of duty and of principle. For the members themselves the

Settlement teaches and requires, as Canon Barnett points out, “the

surrender of self-will and of will worship.”

[Illustration: Mile End Almshouses.]

For those who come under the influence of the Settlement it destroys

class suspicion, it removes prejudices; the working-men discover that

those whom they call, in a lump, the rich are not what their radical

orators of Whitechapel Waste believe and teach; they make friends where

they thought to find only enemies; they learn the things in which the

rich are happier than themselves—the cleanly life, the power of

acquiring knowledge, the possession of, or the access to, art of all

kinds, more gentle manners, greater self-restraint, and in the cases

before their eyes unselfishness and the power of working without pay,

without praise, without apparent reward of any kind. Above all, there is

no hidden motive; Canon Barnett’s church stands beside the Settlement of

Toynbee Hall, but there is no invitation, no condition, no pressure put

upon the people to step out of the Settlement into the church. There is

no teaching of politics; there is no attempt to introduce shibboleths;

there are no bribes, unless it is the pressure of the friendly hand and

the pulse of the sympathetic heart; the evenings spent with gentlewomen

and gentlemen, the patient teaching, the lecture by a man whose name is

known over the whole world—unless these things be considered bribes,

then the Settlement offers none.

In education, then, the Settlement has classes which learn all kinds of

sciences, but not for trade purposes; it has lectures by great, or at

least by distinguished, men; it offers exhibitions of pictures the same

as those presented to West End people; it encourages the formation of

clubs and associations of all kinds; it opens the library to everyone;

it leads the way in local government; it offers recreation that shall be

really _recreative_; it enrolls the boys in athletic clubs, and gives

them something to aim at and to think about; it gathers in the girls and

keeps them from the dangers of long evenings with nothing to do; it is a

center for the study of the labor problems and difficulties of all

kinds. In one word, the Settlements of East London, where I know most of

their workings, are set up as lamps in a dark place; they are not like

an ordinary lamp which at a distance becomes a mere glimmer; the lamp of

the Settlement, the more widely its light penetrates, the farther the

darkness recedes; the deeper is the gloom, the more brightly shines the

light of this lamp so set and so illuminated and so maintained.

Should the workhouse be considered as any part of the work of the

Helping Hand? It should be, but it cannot be. Whatever the state touches

in the way of charity or philanthropy it corrupts and destroys, whether

it is the workhouse or the prison or the casual ward. As for the London

workhouse, it is simply a terrible place. It is a huge barrack; it

contains over a thousand inmates; they are all alike herded and huddled

together, the respectable and the disreputable; there is no distinction

between misfortune and the natural consequence of a wasted life. The

system is a barbarous survival of a time when the system was not so

barbarous because the respectable poor were much rougher, coarser,

ruder, and nearer to the disreputable poor. It must be reformed

altogether. There ought not, to begin with, to be this kind of barrack

life for the respectable poor; there should be municipal almshouses.

Meantime the poor folk themselves hate the workhouse; they loathe the

thought of it; they are wretched in the shelter of it; you may see the

old men and the old women sitting in gloomy silence, brooding over their

own wreck; they have nothing else to do; they are prisoners; they cannot

go in and out as they please; they are under strict rule, a rule as

rigid as that of any prison; they have no individuality; they all try to

cheat the officers by smuggling in forbidden food; they are at the mercy

of Bumble, who may be a very dreadful person, not comic in the least.

The most unhappy are those who should be the objects of the greatest

pity, the brokendown, able-bodied man, too often bent with

rheumatism—the English agony—or some other incurable disease. Such an

one enters into this place, where all hope must be abandoned; we use the

phrase so often that we hardly understand what it means. No hope at

forty but to lead the rest of life without work, without change, without

comforts; to be deprived of tobacco, beer, meat, society, mental

occupation; to live on among the other wrecks of humanity, with so much

bread every day, so much suet pudding, so much cocoa, so much pea soup,

so much tea. Can the workhouse be truly called part and parcel of the

work of the Helping Hand?

Let us end, as we began, with the lower levels. Very far, indeed, below

the working-men who attend the lectures and the drawing-room of Toynbee

Hall are the submerged and the casuals, the dockers, the wanderers, and

the criminals at large. What is done for them? They are, of course,

looked after with the utmost zeal and attention by the police, by the

officers of the vestry, and by the magistrates. But these agencies are

not exactly reformatory in their character.

I have spoken of the Settlement as one of two forces now acting upon the

mass of the people which seem to promise the most powerful influence

upon the future. The second of these two forces I believe to be the

social work of the Salvation Army. I am not speaking of their religious

efforts; they do not appeal, as a rule, to the educated; on the other

hand, I would not speak a word in disrespect of efforts which I know to

be genuine and which I know to have been attended with signal success in

the reclaiming of thousands from evil ways.

The first step in the social work of the Salvation Army is the opening

of a lodging-house of the cheapest kind. So far, against great

opposition, they have, I believe, succeeded in keeping it free from the

ordinary law as regards common lodging-houses—viz., the visit of the

policeman whenever he chooses either to see that there is no disorder or

because he “wants” somebody, and so in the middle of the night tramps

round the dormitories, turning his bull’s eye upon the faces of the

sleepers. It is most important that the poor creatures in the place

should feel that in that shelter at least they will not be hunted down.

The men have to pay for their lodging—the price of a bed varies from

twopence to fourpence; the beds are laid in bunks; they are covered with

American cloth; they are provided each with a thick blanket; foot-baths

and complete baths are ready for them; a cup of cocoa and a large piece

of bread cost a trifle; they are received in a light, warm, and spacious

hall; they are invited every evening to join in a short service, with

singing and an address. In the morning those of them who choose lay

their cares before the superintendent, who sends them on to the Labor

Bureau, where in most cases, if the man is willing to work, something is

found for him.

They have, next, workshops where all kinds of work are undertaken and

turned out; homeless and friendless lads are received in these workshops

and taught trades. Whatever may be the previous record of a case, the

man received is treated as a friend; his past is regarded as already

finished and done with, perhaps already atoned. He is made to understand

that if he would return to the world he must work for every step; by

work alone he is to get food, shelter, and clothes; beside him at every

step stands the officer in whose charge he has been placed. He is

constantly watched, without being allowed to entertain any suspicion

that his conduct is under careful supervision.

If you visit one of these workshops you will be astonished at the show

of cheerful industry. Everyone seems doing his very best. Some of this

apparent zeal is genuine; some of it is inspired by passing emotion and

evanescent passion or repentance; out of the whole number so many per

cent. give up the work and go back to the old life. But some persevere.

I have already spoken of the English prison. The cry of the wretched

prisoner goes up continually, but in vain. The long agony and torture,

especially to the young, of the solitary cell, the enforced silence, the

harsh punishments, the insufficient food, the general orders which will

allow of no relaxation in any case, the system which turns the most

humane of warders into a machine for depriving his prisoner of

everything that makes a man—these things crush the unhappy victim. After

a long sentence—say of two years—this poor wretch comes out broken; he

has no longer any will, any resource, any courage; he is like a cur

whipped and kicked into a thing that follows when it is bidden.

Let me again recall the appearance of these unhappy creatures on the

morning of their deliverance. They sit spiritless, obedient, not

speaking to each other or to their new friends, waiting for some fresh

order. It is pitiful to look at the semblance of manhood and to think

that this—this is the method adopted by the nation in its wisdom in

order to punish the crime and to reform the criminal. When the sentence

is over they escort him to the gates of the prison; they throw the doors

open wide and say, “Go, and sin no more.” What is the wretched man to

do, but to go and sin again? No one will employ him. He has lost his

skill and sleight of hand. He has lost his old pride in his work; he

cares for nothing now. It is a hard world for many; it is a black,

hopeless, despairing world for the man who once enters or comes out of

an English prison. There is a poem, written the other day, by one who

endured this awful sentence—a scholar and a man of culture:

“With midnight always in one’s heart,

And twilight in one’s cell,

We turn the crank, we tear the rope,

Each in his separate hell.

And the silence is more awful far,

Than the sound of a brazen bell.”

“And never a human voice comes near,

To speak a gentle word.

And the eye that watches through the door

Is pitiless and hard;

And by all forgot, we rot and rot,

With soul and body marred.”

The officers of the Salvation Army’s Home welcome their guests with warm

hand grasps and friendly words. What, however, is to be done to find

them work to go on with? Not far from the home there is a disused

chapel; in this place some thirty or forty of the discharged prisoners

are engaged in sorting waste paper. Others go out and collect it; there

is paper of all sorts—fine note-paper, coarse paper, packing paper,

newspaper, everything. The men sort this in crates, and so earn a few

pence a day. It is a rude beginning for the new life; many of them lose

heart; the uphill fight, the long strain of patience until work of a

better kind is found is too much for them; they relapse, they disappear

in the streets, they are seen no more for a time, until one day they are

met again at the prison gates and are led back to the home they

deserted, where they meet with the same welcome and where they are

encouraged to make another attempt.

East London · 第 19 / 20 段