RESIGNATION AND VALEDICTORY OF MR. CLAY
In the month of March, of this year, Mr. Clay resigned his place
in the Senate, and delivered a valedictory address to the body,
in the course of which he disclosed his reasons. Neither age, nor
infirmities, nor disinclination for public service were alleged as
the reasons. Disgust, profound and inextinguishable, was the ruling
cause--more inferrible than alleged in his carefully considered
address. Supercession at the presidential convention of his party to
make room for an "available" in the person of General Harrison--the
defection of Mr. Tyler--the loss of his leading measures--the
criminal catastrophe of the national bank for which he had so often
pledged himself--and the insolent attacks of the petty adherents
of the administration in the two Houses, (too annoying for his
equanimity, and too contemptible for his reply): all these causes
of disgust, acting upon a proud and lofty spirit, induced this
withdrawal from a splendid theatre for which, it was evident, he
had not yet lost his taste. The address opened with a retrospect of
his early entrance into the Senate, and a grand encomium upon its
powers and dignity as he had found it, and left it. Memory went back
to that early year, 1806, when just arrived at senatorial age, he
entered the American Senate, and commenced his high career--a wide
and luminous horizon before him, and will and talent to fill it.
After some little exordium, he proceeded:
"And now, allow me, Mr. President, to announce, formally and
officially, my retirement from the Senate of the United States,
and to present the last motion which I shall ever make within
this body; but, before making that motion, I trust I shall be
pardoned for availing myself of this occasion to make a few
observations. At the time of my entry into this body, which took
place in December, 1806, I regarded it, and still regard it,
as a body which may be compared, without disadvantage, to any
of a similar character which has existed in ancient or modern
times; whether we look at it in reference to its dignity, its
powers, or the mode of its constitution; and I will also add,
whether it be regarded in reference to the amount of ability
which I shall leave behind me when I retire from this chamber.
In instituting a comparison between the Senate of the United
States and similar political institutions, of other countries,
of France and England, for example, he was sure the comparison
might be made without disadvantage to the American Senate. In
respect to the constitution of these bodies: in England, with
only the exception of the peers from Ireland and Scotland, and
in France with no exception, the component parts, the members
of these bodies, hold their places by virtue of no delegated
authority, but derive their powers from the crown, either by
ancient creation of nobility transmitted by force of hereditary
descent, or by new patents as occasion required an increase
of their numbers. But here, Mr. President, we have the proud
title of being the representatives of sovereign States or
commonwealths. If we look at the powers of these bodies in
France and England, and the powers of this Senate, we shall find
that the latter are far greater than the former. In both those
countries they have the legislative power, in both the judicial
with some modifications, and in both perhaps a more extensive
judicial power than is possessed by this Senate; but then the
last and undefined and undefinable power, the treaty-making
power, or at least a participation in the conclusions of
treaties with foreign powers, is possessed by this Senate, and
is possessed by neither of the others. Another power, too, and
one of infinite magnitude, that of distributing the patronage
of a great nation, which is shared by this Senate with the
executive magistrate. In both these respects we stand upon
ground different from that occupied by the Houses of Peers of
England and of France. And I repeat, that with respect to the
dignity which ordinarily prevails in this body, and with respect
to the ability of its members during the long period of my
acquaintance with it, without arrogance or presumption, we may
say, in proportion to its numbers, the comparison would not be
disadvantageous to us compared with any Senate either of ancient
or modern times."
He then gave the date of the period at which he had formed the
design to retire, and the motive for it--the date referring to the
late presidential election, and the motive to find repose in the
bosom of his family.
"Sir, I have long--full of attraction as public service in the
Senate of the United States is--a service which might fill the
aspirations of the most ambitious heart--I have nevertheless
long desired to seek that repose which is only to be found in
the bosom of one's family--in private life--in one's home.
It was my purpose to have terminated my senatorial career in
November, 1840, after the conclusion of the political struggle
which characterized that year."
The termination of the presidential election in November, was the
period at which Mr. Clay intended to retire: the determination
was formed before that time--formed from the moment that he found
himself superseded at the head of his party by a process of
intricate and trackless filtration of public opinion which left
himself a dreg where he had been for so many years the head. It was
a mistake, the effect of calculation, which ended more disastrously
for the party than for himself. Mr. Clay could have been elected at
that time. The same power which elected General Harrison could have
elected him. The banks enabled the party to do it. In a state of
suspension, they could furnish, without detriment to themselves, the
funds for the campaign. Affecting to be ruined by the government,
they could create distress: and thus act upon the community with the
double battery of terror and seduction. Lending all their energies
and resources to a political party, they elected General Harrison
in a hurrah! and could have done the same by Mr. Clay. With him the
election would have been a reality--a victory bearing fruit: with
General Harrison and Mr. Tyler--through Providence with one, and
defection in the other--the triumph, achieved at so great expense,
became ashes in the mouths of the victors. He then gave his reasons
for not resigning, as he had intended, at the termination of the
election: it was the hope of carrying his measures at the extra
session, which he foresaw was to take place.
"But I learned very soon, what my own reflections indeed
prompted me to suppose would take place, that there would be an
extra session; and being desirous, prior to my retirement, to
co-operate with my friends in the Senate in restoring, by the
adoption of measures best calculated to accomplish that purpose,
that degree of prosperity to the country, which had been, for a
time, destroyed, I determined upon attending the extra session,
which was called, as was well known, by the lamented Harrison.
His death, and the succession which took place in consequence
of it, produced a new aspect in the affairs of the country. Had
he lived, I do not entertain a particle of doubt that those
measures which, it was hoped, might be accomplished at that
session, would have been consummated by a candid co-operation
between the executive branch of the government and Congress;
and, sir, allow me to say (and it is only with respect to the
extra session), that I believe if there be any one free from
party feelings, and free from bias and from prejudice, who will
look at its transactions in a spirit of candor and of justice,
but must come to the conclusion to which, I think, the country
generally will come, that if there be any thing to complain of
in connection with that session, it is not as to what was done
and concluded, but as to that which was left unfinished and
unaccomplished."
Disappointed in his expectations from the extra session, by means
which he did not feel it necessary to recapitulate, Mr. Clay
proceeds to give the reasons why he still deferred his proposed
resignation, and appeared in the Senate again at its ensuing regular
session.
"After the termination of that session, had Harrison lived,
and had the measures which it appeared to me it was desirable
to have accomplished, been carried, it was my intention to
have retired; but I reconsidered that determination, with
the vain hope that, at the regular session of Congress, what
had been unaccomplished at the extra session, might then be
effected, either upon the terms proposed or in some manner
which would be equivalent. But events were announced after the
extra session--events resulting, I believe, in the failure
to accomplish certain objects at the extra session--events
which seemed to throw upon our friends every where present
defeat--this hope, and the occurrence of these events, induced
me to attend the regular session, and whether in adversity or
in prosperity, to share in the fortunes of my friends. But I
came here with the purpose, which I am now about to effectuate,
of retiring as soon as I thought I could retire with propriety
and decency, from the public councils."
Events after the extra session, as well as the events of the
session, determined him to return to the regular one. He does
not say what those subsequent events were. They were principally
two--the formation of a new cabinet wholly hostile to him, and the
attempt of Messrs. Tyler, Webster and Cushing to take the whig
party from him. The hostility of the cabinet was nothing to him
personally; but it indicated a fixed design to thwart him on the
part of the President, and augured an indisposition to promote any
of his measures. This augury was fulfilled as soon as Congress met.
The administration came forward with a plan of a government bank,
to issue a national currency of government paper--a thing which
he despised as much as the democracy did; and which, howsoever
impossible to succeed itself, was quite sufficient, by the diversion
it created, to mar the success of any plan for a national bank.
Instead of carrying new measures, it became clear that he was to
lose many already adopted. The bankrupt act, though forced upon
him, had become one of his measures; and that was visibly doomed
to repeal. The distribution of the land revenue had become a
political monstrosity in the midst of loans, taxes and treasury
notes resorted to to supply its loss: and the public mind was in
revolt against it. The compromise act of 1833, for which he was so
much lauded at the time, and the paternity of which he had so much
contested at the time, had run its career of folly and delusion--had
left the Treasury without revenue, and the manufacturers without
protection; and, crippled at the extra session, it was bound to die
at this regular one--and that in defiance of the mutual assurance
for continued existence put into the land bill; and which, so far
from being able to assure the life of another bill, was becoming
unable to save its own. Losing his own measures, he saw those
becoming established which he had most labored to oppose. The
specie circular was taking effect of itself, from the abundance of
gold and the baseness of paper. The divorce of Bank and State was
becoming absolute, from the delinquency of the banks. There was no
prospect ahead either to carry new measures, or to save old ones,
or to oppose the hated ones. All was gloomy ahead. The only drop
of consolation which sweetened the cup of so much bitterness was
the failure of his enemies to take the whig party from him. That
parricidal design (for these enemies owed their elevation to him)
exploded in its formation--aborted in its conception; and left those
to abjure whiggism, and fly from its touch, who had lately combined
to consolidate Congress, President and people into one solid whig
mass. With this comfort he determined to carry into effect his
determination to resign, although it was not yet the middle of the
session, and that all-important business was still on the anvil of
legislation--to say nothing of the general diplomatic settlement, to
embrace questions from the peace of 1783, which it was then known
Great Britain was sending out a special mission to effect. But, to
proceed with the valedictory. Having got to the point at which he
was to retire, the veteran orator naturally threw a look back upon
his past public course.
"From the year 1806, the period of my entering upon this noble
theatre of my public service, with but short intervals, down
to the present time, I have been engaged in the service of my
country. Of the nature and value of those services which I may
have rendered during my long career of public life, it does not
become me to speak. History, if she deigns to notice me, and
posterity--if a recollection of any humble service which I may
have rendered shall be transmitted to posterity--will be the
best, truest, and most impartial judges; and to them I defer
for a decision upon their value. But, upon one subject, I may
be allowed to speak. As to my public acts and public conduct,
they are subjects for the judgment of my fellow-citizens; but
my private motives of action--that which prompted me to take
the part which I may have done, upon great measures during
their progress in the national councils, can be known only to
the Great Searcher of the human heart and myself; and I trust I
shall be pardoned for repeating again a declaration which I made
thirty years ago: that whatever error I may have committed--and
doubtless I have committed many during my public service--I may
appeal to the Divine Searcher of hearts for the truth of the
declaration which I now make, with pride and confidence, that I
have been actuated by no personal motives--that I have sought no
personal aggrandizement--no promotion from the advocacy of those
various measures on which I have been called to act--that I have
had an eye, a single eye, a heart, a single heart, ever devoted
to what appeared to be the best interests of the country."
With this retrospection of his own course was readily associated the
recollection of the friends who had supported him in his long and
eventful, and sometimes, stormy career.
"But I have not been unsustained during this long course of
public service. Every where on this widespread continent
have I enjoyed the benefit of possessing warm-hearted, and
enthusiastic, and devoted friends--friends who knew me, and
appreciated justly the motives by which I have been actuated.
To them, if I had language to make suitable acknowledgments, I
would now take leave to present them, as being all the offering
that I can make for their long continued, persevering and
devoted friendship."
These were general thanks to the whole body of his friends, and to
the whole extent of his country; but there were special thanks due
to nearer friends, and the home State, which had then stood by him
for forty-five years (and which still stood by him ten years more,
and until death), and fervidly and impressively he acknowledged this
domestic debt of gratitude and affection.
"But, sir, if I have a difficulty in giving utterance to an
expression of the feelings of gratitude which fill my heart
towards my friends, dispersed throughout this continent, what
shall I say--what can I say--at all commensurate with my
feelings of gratitude towards that State whose humble servitor
I am? I migrated to the State of Kentucky nearly forty-five
years ago. I went there as an orphan, who had not yet attained
his majority--who had never recognized a father's smile--poor,
penniless, without the favor of the great--with an imperfect
and inadequate education, limited to the means applicable to
such a boy;--but scarcely had I set foot upon that generous
soil, before I was caressed with parental fondness--patronized
with bountiful munificence--and I may add to this, that her
choicest honors, often unsolicited, have been freely showered
upon me; and when I stood, as it were, in the darkest moments
of human existence--abandoned by the world, calumniated by a
large portion of my own countrymen, she threw around me her
impenetrable shield, and bore me aloft, and repelled the attacks
of malignity and calumny, by which I was assailed. Sir, it is to
me an unspeakable pleasure that I am shortly to return to her
friendly limits; and that I shall finally deposit (and it will
not be long before that day arrives) my last remains under her
generous soil, with the remains of her gallant and patriotic
sons who have preceded me."
After this grateful overflow of feelings to faithful friends and
country, came some notice of foes, whom he might forgive, but not
forget.
"Yet, sir, during this long period, I have not escaped the
fate of other public men, in this and other countries. I have
been often, Mr. President, the object of bitter and unmeasured
detraction and calumny. I have borne it, I will not say
always with composure, but I have borne it without creating
any disturbance. I have borne it, waiting in unshaken and
undoubting confidence, that the triumphs of truth and justice
would ultimately prevail; and that time would settle all things
as they ought to be settled. I have borne them under the
conviction, of which no injustice, no wrong, no injury could
deprive me, that I did not deserve them, and that He to whom we
are all to be finally and ultimately responsible, would acquit
me, whatever injustice I might experience at the hands of my
fellow-men."
This was a general reference to the attacks and misrepresentations
with which, in common with all eminent public men of decided
character, he had been assailed; but there was a recent and
offensive imputation upon him which galled him exceedingly--as much
so for the source from which it came as for the offence itself: it
was the imputation of the dictatorship, lavished upon him during the
extra session; and having its origin with Mr. Tyler and his friends.
This stung him, coming from that source--Mr. Tyler having attained
his highest honors through his friendship: elected senator by his
friends over Mr. Randolph, and taken up for Vice-President in the
whig convention (whereby he became both the second and the first
magistrate of the republic) on account of the excessive affection
which he displayed for Mr. Clay. To this recent, and most offensive
imputation, he replied specially:
"Mr. President, a recent epithet (I do not know whether for the
purpose of honor or of degradation) has been applied to me; and
I have been held up to the country as a dictator! Dictator!
The idea of dictatorship is drawn from Roman institutions; and
there, when it was created, the person who was invested with
this tremendous authority, concentrated in his own person the
whole power of the state. He exercised unlimited control over
the property and lives of the citizens of the commonwealth.
He had the power of raising armies, and of raising revenue by
taxing the people. If I have been a dictator, what have been
the powers with which I have been clothed? Have I possessed
an army, a navy, revenue? Have I had the distribution of the
patronage of the government? Have I, in short, possessed any
power whatever? Sir, if I have been a dictator, I think those
who apply the epithet to me must at least admit two things: in
the first place, that my dictatorship has been distinguished
by no cruel executions, stained by no deeds of blood, soiled by
no act of dishonor. And they must no less acknowledge, in the
second place (though I do not know when its commencement bears
date, but I suppose, however, that it is intended to be averred,
from the commencement of the extra session), that if I have been
invested with, or have usurped the dictatorship, I have at least
voluntarily surrendered the power within a shorter period than
was assigned by the Roman laws for its continuance."
Mr. Clay led a great party, and for a long time, whether he dictated
to it or not, and kept it well bound together, without the usual
means of forming and leading parties. It was a marvel that, without
power and patronage (for the greater part of his career was passed
in opposition as a mere member of Congress), he was able so long and
so undividedly to keep so great a party together, and lead it so
unresistingly. The marvel was solved on a close inspection of his
character. He had great talents, but not equal to some whom he led.
He had eloquence--superior in popular effect, but not equal in high
oratory to that of some others. But his temperament was fervid, his
will strong, and his courage daring; and these qualities, added to
his talents, gave him the lead and supremacy in his party--where
he was always dominant, but twice set aside by the politicians. It
was a galling thing to the President Tyler, with all the power and
patronage of office, to see himself without a party, and a mere
opposition member at the head of a great one--the solid body of
the whigs standing firm around Mr. Clay, while only some flankers
and followers came to him; and they importunate for reward until
they got it. Dictatorship was a natural expression of resentment
under such circumstances; and accordingly it was applied--and
lavishly--and in all places: in the Senate, in the House, in the
public press, in conversation, and in the manifesto which Mr.
Cushing put out to detach the whigs from him. But they all forgot
to tell that this imputed dictatorship at the extra session, took
place after the defection of Mr. Tyler from the whig party, and as a
consequence of that defection--some leader being necessary to keep
the party together after losing the two chiefs they had elected--one
lost by Providence, the other by treachery. This account settled,
he turned to a more genial topic--that of friendship; and to make
atonement, reconciliation and peace with all the senators, and
they were not a few, with whom he had had some rough encounters in
the fierce debate. Unaffectedly acknowledging some imperfection of
temper, he implored forgiveness from all whom he had ever offended,
and extended the hand of friendship to every brother member.
"Mr. President, that my nature is warm, my temper ardent, my
disposition in the public service enthusiastic, I am ready to
own. But those who suppose they may have seen any proof of
dictation in my conduct, have only mistaken that ardor for what
I at least supposed to be patriotic exertions for fulfilling
the wishes and expectations by which I hold this seat; they
have only mistaken the one for the other. Mr. President,
during my long and arduous services in the public councils,
and especially during the last eleven years, in the Senate,
the same ardor of temperament has characterized my actions,
and has no doubt led me, in the heat of debate, in endeavoring
to maintain my opinions in reference to the best course to
be pursued in the conduct of public affairs, to use language
offensive, and susceptible of ungracious interpretation, towards
my brother senators. If there be any who entertain a feeling of
dissatisfaction resulting from any circumstance of this kind,
I beg to assure them that I now make the amplest apology. And,
on the other hand, I assure the Senate, one and all, without
exception and without reserve, that I leave the Senate chamber
without carrying with me to my retirement a single feeling of
dissatisfaction towards the Senate itself or any one of its
members. I go from it under the hope that we shall mutually
consign to perpetual oblivion whatever of personal animosities
or jealousies may have arisen between us during the repeated
collisions of mind with mind."
This moving appeal was strongly responded to in spontaneous advances
at the proper time--deferred for a moment by a glowing and merited
tribute to his successor (Mr. Crittenden), and his own solemn
farewell to the Senate.
"And now, allow me to submit the motion which is the object
that induced me to arise upon this occasion. It is to present
the credentials of my friend and successor, who is present to
take my place. If, Mr. President, any void could be created by
my withdrawal from the Senate of the United States, it will be
filled to overflowing by my worthy successor, whose urbanity,
gallant bearing, steady adherence to principle, rare and
uncommon powers of debate, are well known already in advance to
the whole Senate. I move that the credentials be received, and
at the proper moment that the oath required be administered.
And now, in retiring as I am about to do from the Senate, I
beg leave to deposit with it my fervent wishes, that all the
great and patriotic objects for which it was instituted, may be
accomplished--that the destiny designed for it by the framers of
the constitution may be fulfilled--that the deliberations, now
and hereafter, in which it may engage for the good of our common
country, may eventuate in the restoration of its prosperity, and
in the preservation and maintenance of her honor abroad, and
her best interests at home. I retire from you, Mr. President,
I know, at a period of infinite distress and embarrassment. I
wish I could have taken leave of the public councils under more
favorable auspices: but without meaning to say at this time,
upon whom reproaches should fall on account of that unfortunate
condition, I think I may appeal to the Senate and to the country
for the truth of what I say, when I declare that at least no
blame on account of these embarrassments and distresses can
justly rest at my door. May the blessings of Heaven rest upon
the heads of the whole Senate, and every member of it; and may
every member of it advance still more in fame, and when they
shall retire to the bosoms of their respective constituencies,
may they all meet there that most joyous and grateful of all
human rewards, the exclamation of their countrymen, 'well done,
thou good and faithful servant.' Mr. President, and Messieurs
Senators, I bid you, one and all, a long, a last, a friendly
farewell."
Mr. Preston concluded the ceremony by a motion to adjourn. He
said he had well observed from the deep sensation which had
been sympathetically manifested, that there could be but little
inclination to go on with business in the Senate, and that he could
not help participating in the feeling which he was sure universally
prevailed, that something was due to the occasion. The resignation
which had just taken place was an epoch in the annals of the
country. It would undoubtedly be so considered in history. And he
did not know that he could better consult the feelings of the Senate
than by moving an adjournment: which motion was made and agreed to.
Senators, and especially those who had had their hot words with the
retiring statesman, now released from official restraint, went up,
and made return of all the kind expressions which had been addressed
to them. But the valedictory, though well performed, did not escape
the criticism of senators, as being out of keeping with the usages
of the body. It was the first occasion of the kind; and, thus far,
has been the last; and it might not be recommendable for any one,
except another Henry Clay--if another should ever appear--to attempt
its imitation.