CHAPTER L.

RESIGNATION OF SENATOR HUGH LAWSON WHITE OF TENNESSEE: HIS

DEATH: SOME NOTICE OF HIS LIFE AND CHARACTER.

This resignation took place under circumstances, not frequent, but

sometimes occurring in the Senate--that of receiving instructions

from the General Assembly of his State, which either operate as a

censure upon a senator, or require him to do something which either

his conscience, or his honor forbids. Mr. White at this time--the

session of 1839-'40--received instructions from the General Assembly

of his State which affected him in both ways--condemning past

conduct, and prescribing a future course which he could not follow.

He had been democratic from his youth--came into the Senate--had

grown aged--as such: but of late years had voted generally with

the whigs on their leading measures, and classed politically with

them in opposition to Mr. Van Buren. In these circumstances he

received instructions to reverse his course of voting on these

leading measures--naming them; and requiring him to support the

administration of Mr. Van Buren. He consulted his self-respect, as

well as obeyed a democratic principle; and sent in his resignation.

It was the conclusion of a public life which disappointed its whole

previous course. From his youth he had been a popular man, and that

as the fair reward of conduct, without practising an art to obtain

it, or even seeming to know that he was winning it. Bred a lawyer,

and coming early to the bar, he was noted for a probity, modesty and

gravity--with a learning, ability, assiduity and patience--which

marked him for the judicial bench: and he was soon placed upon

it--that of the Superior Court. Afterwards, when the judiciary of

the State was remodelled, he was placed on the bench of the Supreme

Court. It was considered a favor to the public to get him to take

the place. That is well known to the writer of this View, then a

member of the General Assembly of Tennessee, and the author of the

new modelled judiciary. He applied to Judge White, who had at that

time returned to the bar to know if he would take the place; and

considered the new system accredited with the public on receiving

his answer that he would. That was all that he had to do with

getting the appointment: he was elected unanimously by the General

Assembly, with whom the appointment rested. That is about the way

in which he received all his appointments, either from his State,

or from the federal government--merely agreeing to take the office

if it was offered to him; but not always agreeing to accept: often

refusing--as in the case of a cabinet appointment offered him by

President Jackson, his political and personal friend of forty years'

standing. It was long before he would enter a political career, but

finally consented to become senator in the Congress of the United

States: always discharging the duties of an office, when accepted,

with the assiduity of a man who felt himself to be a machine in the

hands of his duty; and with an integrity of purpose which left his

name without spot or stain. It is beautiful to contemplate such

a career; sad to see it set under a cloud in his advanced years.

He became alienated from his old friends, both personally and

politically--even from General Jackson; and eventually fell under

the censure of his State, as above related--that State which, for

more than forty years, had considered it a favor to itself that

he should accept the highest offices in her gift. He resigned in

January, and died in May--his death accelerated by the chagrin of

his spirit; for he was a man of strong feelings, though of such

measured and quiet deportment. His death was announced in the

Senate by the senator who was his colleague at the time of his

resignation--Mr. Alexander Anderson; and the motion for the usual

honors to his memory was seconded by Senator Preston, who pronounced

on the occasion a eulogium on the deceased as just as it was

beautiful.

"I do not know, Mr. President, whether I am entitled to the

honor I am about to assume in seconding the resolutions which

have just been offered by the senator from Tennessee, in

honor of his late distinguished colleague; and yet, sir, I

am not aware that any one present is more entitled to this

melancholy honor, if it belongs to long acquaintance, to sincere

admiration, and to intimate intercourse. If these circumstances

do not entitle me to speak, I am sure every senator will feel,

in the emotions which swell his own bosom, an apology for my

desire to relieve my own, by bearing testimony to the virtues

and talents, the long services and great usefulness, of Judge

White.

"My infancy and youth were spent in a region contiguous to

the sphere of his earlier fame and usefulness. As long as I

can remember any thing, I remember the deep confidence he had

inspired as a wise and upright judge, in which station no man

ever enjoyed a purer reputation, or established a more implicit

reliance in his abilities and honesty. There was an antique

sternness and justness in his character. By a general consent

he was called Cato. Subsequently, at a period of our public

affairs very analogous to the present, he occupied a position

which placed him at the head of the financial institutions of

East Tennessee. He sustained them by his individual character.

The name of Hugh L. White was a guarantee that never failed to

attract confidence. Institutions were sustained by the credit

of an individual, and the only wealth of that individual was

his character. From this more limited sphere of usefulness and

reputation, he was first brought to this more conspicuous stage

as a member of an important commission on the Spanish treaty,

in which he was associated with Mr. Tazewell and Mr. King. His

learning, his ability, his firmness, and industry, immediately

extended the sphere of his reputation to the boundaries of

the country. Upon the completion of that duty, he came into

this Senate. Of his career here, I need not speak. His grave

and venerable form is even now before us--that air of patient

attention, of grave deliberation, of unrelaxed firmness. Here

his position was of the highest--beloved, respected, honored;

always in his place--always prepared for the business in

hand--always bringing to it the treasured reflections of a

sedate and vigorous understanding. Over one department of our

deliberations he exercised a very peculiar control. In the

management of our complex and difficult relations with the

Indians we all deferred to him, and to this he addressed himself

with unsparing labor, and with a wisdom, a patient benevolence,

that justified and vindicated the confidence of the Senate.

"In private life he was amiable and ardent. The current of his

feelings was warm and strong. His long familiarity with public

affairs had not damped the natural ardor of his temperament.

We all remember the deep feeling with which he so recently

took leave of this body, and how profoundly that feeling was

reciprocated. The good will, the love, the respect which we

bestowed upon him then, now give depth and energy to the

mournful feelings with which we offer a solemn tribute to his

memory."

And here this notice would stop if it was the design of this work

merely to write on the outside of history--merely to chronicle

events; but that is not the design. Inside views are the main

design: and this notice of Senator White's life and character would

be very imperfect, and vitally deficient, if it did not tell how

it happened that a man so favored by his State during a long life

should have lost that favor in his last days--received censure from

those who had always given praise--and gone to his grave under a

cloud after having lived in sunshine. The reason is briefly told.

In his advanced age he did the act which, with all old men, is an

experiment; and, with most of them, an unlucky one. He married

again: and this new wife having made an immense stride from the

head of a boarding-house table to the head of a senator's table,

could see no reason why she should not take one step more, and that

comparatively short, and arrive at the head of the presidential

table. This was before the presidential election of 1836. Mr. Van

Buren was the generally accepted democratic candidate: he was

foremost of all the candidates: and the man who is ahead of all the

rest, on such occasions, is pretty sure to have a combination of all

the rest against him. Mr. Van Buren was no exception to this rule.

The whole whig party wished to defeat him: that was a fair wish.

Mr. Calhoun's party wished to defeat him: that was invidious: for

they could not elect Mr. Calhoun by it. Many professing democrats

wished to defeat him, though for the benefit of a whig: and that

was a movement towards the whig camp--where most of them eventually

arrived. All these parties combined, and worked in concert; and

their line of operations was through the vanity of the victim's

wife. They excited her vain hopes. And this modest, unambitious man,

who had spent all his life in resisting office pressed upon him by

his real friends, lost his power of resistance in his old age, and

became a victim to the combination against him--which all saw, and

deplored, except himself. As soon as he was committed, and beyond

extrication, one of the co-operators against him, a whig member of

Congress from Kentucky--a witty, sagacious man of good tact--in

the exultation of his feelings wrote the news to a friend in his

district, who, in a still higher state of exultation, sent it to the

newspapers--thus: "_Judge White is on the track, running gayly, and

won't come off; and if he would, his wife won't let him._" This was

the whole story, briefly and cheerily told--and truly. He ran the

race! without prejudice to Mr. Van Buren--without benefit to the

whig candidates--without support from some who had incited him to

the trial: and with great political and social damage to himself.

Long an inhabitant of the same State with Judge White--indebted to

him for my law license--moving in the same social and political

circle--accustomed to respect and admire him--sincerely friendly

to him, and anxious for his peace and honor, I saw with pain the

progress of the movement against him, and witnessed with profound

grief its calamitous consummation.

Thirty Years' View (Vol. 2 of 2) or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850 · 第 50 / 202 章