He also dedicated a golden wreath to Apollo, with the inscription--

"To thee, Latona's child, this chaplet fair

Doth Titus, leader of Rome's army, send;

The crown will well beseem thy glorious hair;

Do thou the donor from all ill defend."

Indeed it was in the city of Corinth that this favour has twice been

bestowed upon the Greeks, for it was in Corinth that Titus made the

proclamation of which we have spoken, and Nero again, in our own time,

in nearly the same manner, during the Isthmian games, declared the

Greeks free and independent, except that Titus proclaimed it by means

of a herald, while Nero mounted upon a platform in the market place

and made the announcement himself. However, this took place long

afterwards.

XIII. Titus now began a war against that most hateful and lawless of

despots, Nabis of Lacedæmon, but betrayed the confidence of the

Greeks; for when he had the opportunity of destroying him he would not

do so, but made terms with him, leaving Sparta in a shameful bondage.

Either he was afraid that if the war went on for any length of time

some new commander would be sent from Rome who would gain the credit

of it, or else he was jealous of the honours which were paid to

Philopœmen, who was by far the greatest warrior in Greece at that

period, and who surpassed himself in acts of bravery and strategy

during the campaign against Nabis. The homage which was paid

Philopœmen in all public assemblies by the Achæans vexed Flamininus,

who felt angry that a mere Arcadian, who had gained some credit as a

leader in obscure border warfare, should be treated with as much

respect as the Roman consul, who was acting as the protector of all

the peoples of Greece. The excuse which Titus himself made for

terminating the war was that he saw that the despot could not be

dethroned without causing great suffering to the other Spartans.

Though the Achæans passed many decrees in his honour he cared for none

of them except one gift which they bestowed upon him, which was as

follows. Many of the Romans who had been taken prisoners in the war

with Hannibal had been sold for slaves, and were in servitude in

different countries. In Greece there were twelve hundred of them, men

who were in any case much to be pitied for their misfortune, but

especially now, when as may be supposed, they met their sons,

brothers, and relations, who were free Roman soldiers, while they

themselves were slaves. Titus, though grieved at their lot, did not

take them forcibly from their owners, but the Achæans paid a ransom of

five minæ for each man, collected them into one body, and just as

Titus was about to set sail for home, presented them to him, so that

he left the scene of his glorious labours having received an

honourable reward, and one which well befitted so great and patriotic

a man, besides being the most glorious ornament of his triumph: for

these men of their own accord, like ordinary slaves who have been

emancipated, shaved their heads, put on felt skull caps,[35] and

followed in the train at his triumph.

XIV. A more splendid spectacle was afforded by the spoils of war, the

Greek helmets, Macedonian shields, and long sarissæ, or pikes used by

the phalanx, which were carried along in the procession. There was

also no inconsiderable sum of money, for Tuditanus tells us that in

this triumph there were displayed three thousand seven hundred and

thirteen pounds of gold coin, forty-three thousand two hundred and

seventy pounds of silver coin, and fourteen thousand five hundred and

fourteen gold coins of King Philip, besides the thousand talents which

he owed. These, however, the Romans, at the instance of Flamininus,

forgave him, and released his son who had been kept as a hostage for

their payment.

XV. When Antiochus entered Greece with a large naval and military

force, many of the Greek states joined him, especially the Ætolians,

who eagerly espoused his cause because of their old quarrel with Rome.

They gave out as a pretext for beginning the war, that they intended

to restore freedom to the Greeks, who required nothing of the sort,

being free already. This, however, was merely said because it was the

most plausible excuse for their conduct, for which they could not

assign any creditable reason. The Romans were much alarmed at the

importance of this insurrection. They sent Manius Acilius as consul

and commander-in-chief to conduct the war, and dispatched Titus

Flamininus on a diplomatic mission to the cities of Greece. The mere

sight of him confirmed the wavering loyalty of some of these states,

while his personal influence induced many which had taken the first

steps towards revolt, to return to their allegiance. Some few,

however, were hopelessly lost to the Roman cause, having been

previously won over by the Ætolians; yet, vexed and exasperated as he

was by their conduct, he took care, after the victory had been won,

that even these should not be destroyed. Antiochus, it is well known,

was defeated at Thermopylæ, and at once set sail for Asia Minor, while

the consul Manius besieged some of the Ætolian strongholds himself,

and arranged for others to be taken by King Philip of Macedon. But

when the towns in Dolopia, Magnesia, and Aperantia were being

despoiled by Philip, and the consul Manius had taken Heraklea and was

besieging Naupaktus, an Ætolian fortress, Flamininus, pitying the

Greeks, left Peloponnesus and sailed to the consul at Naupaktus. At

first he reproached him with conquering Antiochus, and then allowing

Philip to reap all the advantages of his victory, and with wasting

time in besieging one city out of pique, while the Macedonians were

adding tribes and kingdoms to their empire. After this, as the

besieged, when they saw him, called upon him by name from the walls,

and stretched out their hands to him with tears and entreaties, he

made no answer to them but turned away and wept. Afterwards, however,

he reasoned with Manius, and persuaded him to put aside his

resentment, and to grant the Ætolians a truce, and time to send an

embassy to Rome to arrange reasonable terms of peace.

XVI. He was given most trouble of all by the petitions of the

Chalkidians to Manius for peace. These people were especially

obnoxious to the Romans because Antiochus, at the commencement of the

war, had married the daughter of a citizen of Chalkis. The match was

both unseasonable in point of time, and unequal in respect of age, as

he was an elderly man when he fell in love with the girl, who was the

daughter of one Kleoptolemus, and is said to have been of exceeding

beauty. This marriage caused the Chalkidians to become eager partizans

of King Antiochus, and even to offer him their city for his

headquarters during the war. After his defeat he retreated at once to

Chalkis, and then, taking his bride, his treasure, and his friends

with him, set sail for Asia. Manius at once marched upon Chalkis in a

rage, but Flaminius accompanied him, and by his entreaties at length

calmed and pacified him. The people of Chalkis, after this narrow

escape, dedicated the largest and most magnificent of all their public

buildings to Titus, the inscriptions on which may be read even at the

present day. "The people dedicate this gymnasium to Herakles and to

Titus." And on the other side of the road we read "The people dedicate

the Delphinium to Apollo and to Titus." Moreover even in our own times

a priest of Titus is chosen by show of hands, who offers sacrifice to

him. After the libations they sing a specially-written poem, too long

for quotation from which we extract the following verses:--

"Sing, maidens, sing,

Of Rome's good faith that keeps its oath,

And gentle Titus full of truth,

Our city's saviour, Titus and Apollo sing."

XVII. He also received honours from the Greeks at large, and that

which gives reality to honours, great goodwill from all for his kindly

disposition. For though indeed he had some slight differences with

Philopœmen, and again with Diophanes when chief of the Achæan league,

he was not rancorous, and never acted under the impulse of anger, but

soon laid aside his displeasure. He was harsh to no one, but was

thought by most men to be clever and witty, and the pleasantest of

companions. When the Achæans were endeavouring to gain for themselves

the island of Zakynthus, he discouraged their enterprise by saying

that if they proceeded so far from Peloponnesus they would be in the

same danger as the tortoise when he stretches his head out beyond his

shell.

When Philip first met him to discuss terms of peace, and observed that

Titus had come with a large suite, while he was alone, Titus answered,

"You by your own act have made yourself lonely, by having killed all

your friends and relations." Once at Rome Deinokrates the Messenian

got drunk and danced in women's clothes, and on the next day begged

Titus to assist him in his design of detaching Messenia from the

Achæan league. Titus answered that he would consider the matter, but

that he wondered that a man engaged in such important designs should

sing and dance over his wine. When the ambassadors of Antiochus were

telling the Achæans the number of the king's army and were enumerating

the various forces of which it was composed under various

designations, Titus remarked that when dining with his host he had

been surprised at the variety of meats, and had expressed his wonder

as to how he had been able to obtain so many different kinds; but his

host informed him that it was all nothing more than pork disguised by

various sauces and cooked in various ways. "So now," continued he,

"men of Achæa, do not be alarmed at the power of Antiochus when you

hear these catalogues of spearmen and lance-bearers and foot-guards;

for they are all nothing more than Syrians disguised with different

kind of arms."

XVIII. After the pacification of Greece and the end of the war with

Antiochus, Flamininus was elected censor, which is the highest office

at Rome, and is as it were the goal of political life. His colleague

was Marcellus, the son of him that was five times consul. They ejected

from the Senate four men of no reputation, and admitted into it all

the candidates who were of free birth, being forced to do so by the

tribune of the people Terentius Culeo, who by his invectives against

the patricians had induced the people to pass a decree to that effect.

The two most prominent men in Rome at this time were Scipio Africanus

and Marcus Cato. Of these Titus appointed Scipio to be President of

the Senate, as being the first man in the state, but he quarrelled

with Cato for the following reason. Titus had a brother, Lucius

Flamininus, who was very unlike himself in disposition, being

licentious in his pleasures and careless of his reputation. He had a

favourite whom he always took with him even when he was in command of

an army or governor of a province. This boy once at a wine party said

that he was so greatly attached to Lucius, that he left a show of

gladiators before he had seen a man killed, to please him. Lucius,

delighted at this proof of affection, said, "That is easily remedied;

I will gratify your wish." He ordered a condemned criminal to be

brought, sent for the executioner, and bade him strike off the man's

head in the banquetting chamber. Valerius of Antium says that Lucius

did this to please a female, not a male favourite. But Livy says that

in Cato's own speech on the subject we are told that Lucius, to

gratify his favourite, slew with his own hand a Gaulish deserter who

came with his wife and children to the door, and whom he had himself

invited into the banquetting chamber. It is probable that Cato added

these particulars to exaggerate the horror of the story, for Cicero

the Orator, who gives the story in his book 'On Old Age,' and many

other writers, say that the man was not a deserter, but a criminal,

and condemned to death.

XIX. In consequence of this, Cato, when censor, removed Lucius from

the Senate, although he was of consular rank, and although his

degradation affected his brother as well as himself. Both of them now

presented themselves before the people poorly clad and in tears, and

appeared to be making a very reasonable demand in begging Cato to

state the grounds upon which he had cast such ignominy upon an

honourable family. Cato, however, not in the least affected by this,

came forward with his colleague and publicly demanded of Titus whether

he was acquainted with what happened at the banquet. When Titus

answered that he knew nothing of it, Cato related the circumstances,

challenging Lucius to contradict him if he spoke untruly. As Lucius

remained silent, the people saw that his degradation had been

deserved, and Cato retired in triumph. Titus, vexed at what had

befallen his brother, now joined the party of Cato's enemies, objected

to all purchases, lettings, and sales by the Senate of public property

which had been made by Cato, and carried his point so far as to have

them all declared void. Thus he, I cannot say justly, became the

violent opponent of a legally constituted official and an excellent

citizen, for the sake of a man who, though his brother, was a

worthless character and had only met with his deserts. Nevertheless,

on one occasion, when the Roman people were witnessing some spectacle

in the theatre, the Senate, as is customary, sitting in the best place

in great state, they were filled with compassion on seeing Lucius

Flamininus sitting on the back benches in a mean dress, and the people

became so excited that they could not restrain their cries to him to

resume his former seat, until at length he did so, and was welcomed by

the other consulars.

XX. The ambitious character of Titus gained him much glory, while he

was in the prime of life, in the wars of which we have made mention:

for after his consulship he again served in the army as military

tribune; but when he retired from public life, being an elderly man,

he often incurred the blame of his countrymen from his desire to

distinguish himself. For instance, his conduct in regard to Hannibal

made him much disliked at Rome. Hannibal after his escape from

Carthage, joined king Antiochus, but when Antiochus, after his defeat

in Phrygia, was glad to accept terms of peace from the Romans, he

again became an exile, and after many wanderings, at length settled at

the court of Prusias, king of Bithynia. Every one at Rome knew that he

was there, but no one wished to meddle with him because of his age and

weakness, as he appeared to be deserted by fortune. However, Titus was

sent to Prusias on an embassy about certain other matters, and seeing

Hannibal there took offence at his being alive, and would not accede

to the prayers and entreaties of Prusias on behalf of his suppliant.

There was, it seems, a certain oracle which ends with this verse:--

"Libyssa's earth shall cover Hannibal."

Now Hannibal himself took this to mean Libya, and that he should be

buried at Carthage; but in Bithynia there is a shingly tract by the

seashore near which is a large village named Libyssa, in which

Hannibal was living. As he mistrusted the weakness of Prusias and

feared the Romans, he had previously to this arranged seven ways of

escape leading from his own room into different subterranean passages,

all of which led into the open air by concealed apertures. When then

he heard that Titus insisted upon his death he endeavoured to escape

by one of those passages, but finding every outlet watched by the

soldiers of Prusias he determined to die by his own hand. Some say

that he destroyed himself by winding his cloak round his neck, and

ordered a slave to place his knee in the small of his back and pull

the cloak violently until he choked; while some tell us that he

imitated Themistokles and Midas, by drinking bull's blood. Livy[36]

says that he prepared some poison which he kept by him ready for such

an emergency, and that as he was about to drink it he said:--"Let us

set the Roman people free from their terrible anxiety, since they

think it long to wait for the death of the old man whom they hate.

However, Titus will not gain a glorious victory, or one worthy of his

ancestors, who sent to bid Pyrrhus beware of poison, although he was

their enemy and actually at war with them."

XXI. Thus is Hannibal said to have perished. When the news was

brought to the Senate many thought that Titus had acted officiously

and cruelly in putting Hannibal to death, when he was living unharmed

and helpless, merely in order to obtain the credit of having killed

him. When they reflected upon the mildness and magnanimity of Scipio

Africanus they wondered yet more, for Scipio, after vanquishing the

terrible and unconquered Hannibal in Libya, did not drive him into

exile, or insist upon his countrymen delivering him up. He actually

met him on friendly terms before the battle, and when he made a treaty

with him after his victory he did not bear himself unseemly or insult

his rival's misfortune. It is related that they met again in Ephesus,

and that as they walked together Hannibal took the place of honour,

while Africanus walked contentedly beside him. Their conversation

turned upon great generals, and when Hannibal stated his opinion that

the best of generals was Alexander, next to him Pyrrhus, and next

himself, Scipio, with a quiet smile, asked him: "What would you have

said, if I had not conquered you?" "In that case, Scipio," answered

Hannibal, "I should not have reckoned myself third but first of

generals." The people remembering this cried shame upon Titus, for

having laid hands upon a man whom another had slain.[37] Some few,

however, praised the deed, thinking that Hannibal, as long as he

lived, was a fire which might easily be fanned into a destructive

conflagration. They pointed out that even when he was in the prime of

life it was not his bodily strength or personal prowess that made him

so terrible to the Romans, but his intellect and skill, together with

his inveterate hatred of Rome, none of which had been diminished by

age, but that his natural gifts remained the same, while also fortune

was wont to change, and so those who had any permanent cause of enmity

with another nation were ever encouraged by hopes of success to make

new attacks. Indeed subsequent events seemed to prove Titus right, as

Aristonikus, the son of the harp-player, in his admiration for

Eumenes, filled the whole of Asia with revolt and revolution, while

Mithridates, after his tremendous losses at the hands of Sulla and

Fimbria, again gathered together such great forces both by land and

sea to oppose Lucullus. Yet Hannibal did not fall so low as Caius

Marius. The former was to the last the friend of a king, and spent his

time in sailing in ships, riding on horseback, and in the study of how

to keep a military force efficient; whereas the Romans, who had

laughed Marius to scorn as he wandered a beggar in Africa, soon licked

the dust before him while he flogged and slaughtered them in Rome.

Thus no one of our present circumstances can be said to be either

important or trifling, great or small, in comparison with what is to

come, but we only cease to change when we cease to exist.

For this reason some say that Titus did not effect this of his own

free will, but that he was sent with Lucius Scipio as a colleague on

an embassy whose sole object was the death of Hannibal. Now, as after

these events we know of no other acts of Titus either as a warrior or

statesman, and as he died a peaceful death, it is time to begin our

comparison.

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