RESIDENCE IN DARFUR, AND EARLY HISTORY OF THE PROVINCE.
Arrival at Om Shanga--Matrimonial Difficulties--A Sudanese
Falstaff--Description of El Fasher--The Furs and the Tago--A
Tale of Love and Perfidy--Founding of the Tungur
Dynasty--Conquest of Darfur by Zubeir Pasha--The Rizighat
Tribe--Quarrel between Zubeir Pasha and the
Governor-General--Both recalled to Cairo--Gordon
Governor-General of the Sudan--I take up my Duties at
Dara--Zogal Bey the Sub-Governor--I undertake a Campaign against
Sultan Harun--Niurnia, Harun's Stronghold in Jebel Mara--I
defeat the Sultan at Rahad en Nabak--Death of Harun--My Meeting
with Dr. Felkin and the Rev. Wilson--My Boy Kapsun--Gordon's
Letter from Abyssinia.
I left El Obeid early in July, 1879, in company with Dr. Zurbuchen, the
Sanitary Inspector-General, whom I had met in Cairo; our route took us
through Foga, the telegraph terminus, and here I found a telegram from
Gordon, telling me that he was proceeding on a Mission to King John of
Abyssinia.
We reached Om Shanga to find it crowded with Gellabas who had been
turned out of the southern districts, and were really in a pitiable
condition. Curiously enough, the news had spread far and wide that I was
Gordon's nephew (I suppose on account of my blue eyes and shaven chin),
and in consequence I was looked upon with some apprehension by these
people, who considered him as the cause of all the troubles which they
were now justly suffering. I was overwhelmed with petitions for support;
but I told them that as Om Shanga was not in my district, I could do
nothing for them,--and even if I could have spared them something from
my private purse, I had neither the desire nor inclination to do so.
In one case, however, I confess to having broken the rule; but before
relating this little episode, I should explain that my action must not
be judged from the standpoint of purely Christian morality. In this case
I admit to being guilty of even greater moral laxity in regard to the
Moslem marriage law, than is enjoined in the Sharia, or religious law;
but when my readers have finished the story, I think they will perhaps
share the feelings which prompted me to act as I did. Several of the
merchants who had travelled from the Nile called upon me and begged me
to interest myself in the case of an unfortunate youth, a native of
Khartum and only nineteen years of age. They related that before
quitting Khartum he had been betrothed to his beautiful but very poor
young cousin; the parents had consented to the marriage, but he was to
first take a journey and try to make some money. On his arrival at Om
Shanga a very rich old woman took a violent fancy to him. Whether the
youth had been overcome by her riches, my informants did not say, but
the old woman would have her way and had married him; and now, finding
himself comparatively wealthy, he had no particular desire to give her
up. The sad news had reached Khartum, the poor girl was distracted, and
now I was asked to solve the difficulty. What was I to do? I called up
the youth, who was unusually good-looking, and, taking him aside, I
spoke to him with as serious a countenance as I could preserve; I
pointed out how very wrong it was of him, a foreigner, to have married a
strange old woman while his poor _fiancée_ was crying her eyes out at
home, and that even if his cousin's dowry was small, still, in honour
bound, he should keep his promise. He hesitated for a long time, but at
length decided to go before the Kadi (judge of the religious law) and
get a divorce. I had previously seen the Kadi, and had instructed him
that should the youth seek a divorce, it was his duty to break the news
as gently as he could to the old wife, as I was most anxious the
separation should be carried out with as little commotion as possible;
and, taking a guarantee from the young man's relatives that they would
be responsible that he should go direct to Khartum, I warned the
Government official of Om Shanga that the youth was to be banished at
two days' notice! I also told him that he might say what he liked about
me to the old woman, and that I was quite ready to bear the blame,
provided he could get her to give him some money for the journey. Little
did I imagine what a storm I had brought on my devoted head! It was
about four o'clock in the afternoon, and I was lying on my angareb
(native couch) in the little brick hut, when I heard the voice of an
angry woman demanding to see me instantly. I guessed at once who it was,
and, bracing my nerves for the fray, told the orderly to let her in. Dr.
Zurbuchen, who was in the room with me, and whose knowledge of Arabic
was very limited, was most desirous to leave me; but I was by no means
anxious to be left alone with an angry woman, and at length persuaded
him to stay. No sooner was the divorced wife admitted than she rushed up
angrily to Dr. Zurbuchen, whom she mistook for me, and shrieked in a
tone of frantic excitement, "I shall never agree to a divorce. He is my
husband, and I am his wife; he married me in accordance with the
religious law, and I refuse to let him divorce me." Dr. Zurbuchen,
thoroughly startled, muttered in broken Arabic that he had nothing to do
with the case, and meekly pointed to me as the hard-hearted Governor. I
could not help being amused at the extraordinary figure before me. She
was a great strong woman, with evidently a will of her own; and so
furious was she that she had quite disregarded all the rules which
usually apply when Eastern ladies address the opposite sex. Her long
white muslin veil had got twisted round and round her dress, exposing
her particoloured silk headdress, which had fallen on her shoulders; she
had a yellowish complexion, and her face was covered with wrinkles,
while her cheeks were marked by the three tribal slits, about half an
inch apart; in her nose she wore a piece of red coral, massive gold
earrings in her ears, and her greasy hair was twisted into innumerable
little ringlets, which were growing gray with advancing age. I thought I
had never seen a more appalling looking old creature; but my
contemplations were cut short by her screeching voice, which was now
directed on me with renewed fury, and I was confronted with the same
question she had addressed to the terrified doctor. Giving her time to
recover her breath, I replied, "I quite understand what you say, but you
must submit to the inevitable: your husband must leave; and as you are a
native, I cannot permit you to go with him. You appear undesirous of
having a divorce; but you must remember that, in accordance with the
Moslem law, it is for the man to give the woman her divorce papers, and
not the woman the man."
"Had you not interfered," she shrieked, "he would never have left me.
Cursed be the day you came here!"
"I beg of you, do not say that," I answered; "you are a woman of means,
and I should not think you would have any difficulty in securing another
and perhaps older husband."
"I want no other," she literally screamed.
"Silence!" I said somewhat sharply. "The relatives of your former
husband wish him to leave you; they complained that it was only your
money which bound him to you; and now, whatever you may say, he is to
leave to-morrow. Besides, do you not think it is outrageous that an old
woman like you should have married a young lad who might have been your
grandson?" These last words drove her into a state of perfect frenzy;
and, losing all control over herself, she threw up her hands, tore off
her veil, and what else might have happened I know not, but my kavass
(orderly), hearing the noise, rushed in and quietly but forcibly removed
her from the room, cautioning her that her conduct was disgraceful, and
that she had made a laughing-stock of herself. The following day her
husband left, and I do not doubt her grief was considerable; but some
years later I had the satisfaction of meeting the youth, married to his
early _fiancée_, and already the father of a family; he thanked me
profusely for having got him out of the clutches of the old woman and
brought him to his present happy state. It is needless to relate that I
slept soundly that night, convinced that I had done a good piece of
work, and that it had cost me nothing.
Two days later we left Om Shanga, and halted for the night at Jebel el
Hella, where we were met by Hassan Bey Om Kadok, the Sheikh of the
northern Berti tribes, who had shown great loyalty and had been granted
by Gordon the rank of Bey. He was a middle-aged man, very stout, with
great broad shoulders and a round, smiling face; he might well have been
called the Sudan "Falstaff." Some years later, when the tables were
turned, and masters became servants, he and I found ourselves together
as orderlies in the Khalifa's body-guard, where his cheerful disposition
and genial nature brightened an existence which at times was almost
unbearable. His brother Ismail was exactly the opposite,--tall, thin,
and serious; and the two brothers never by any chance agreed, except on
one point, and that was their inveterate love of marissa (Sudan beer):
to have each a large jar (made of pottery, and known in Darfur as the
_Dulang asslia_ or _Um bilbil_) of this marissa, and to vie with one
another in emptying it first, was to them the greatest pleasure in life.
They invited us to sup with them, and for our evening meal an entire
sheep, baked on charcoal, was served up, besides a quantity of roast
fowls and a dish of asida (the latter is somewhat like the Italian
polenta, and is eaten with all the courses); there were also several
jars of marissa. We thoroughly enjoyed the food, leaving the marissa to
our hosts, and substituting for it some of our own red wine. Hassan and
Ismail, however, freely regaled themselves with wine as well as marissa;
the effect on the former being to make him extremely talkative, while
the latter became more and more silent. Hassan related many little
incidents about Gordon, for whom he had the greatest admiration and
regard. He was much grieved to hear he was going to Abyssinia.
"Perhaps," said he, sadly, "he will go back to his own country, and
never return to the Sudan again." Curiously enough, he was partially
correct. He then left the room and returned almost at once, carrying a
magnificent saddle and sword. "Look," said he, "these are the last
presents General Gordon gave me when I accompanied him to El Fasher; he
was most kind and generous." Then Ismail showed us a rich gold
embroidered robe which Gordon had presented to him. "Pride," said
Hassan, "was unknown to Gordon. One day, on our way to El Fasher, one of
the attendants shot a bustard; and when we halted at noon, the cook at
once boiled some water and threw the bird into the pot, so as to take
off its feathers. Gordon, seeing this, went and sat himself down by the
cook and began helping him to pull out the feathers. I at once rushed up
and begged him to allow me to do this for him, but he answered, 'Why
should I be ashamed of doing work? I am quite able to wait on myself,
and certainly do not require a Bey to do my kitchen work for me.'"
Hassan continued chatting till a late hour. He related his experiences
during Zubeir's conquest of Darfur, then of the subsequent revolts and
the present situation, frequently reverting to Gordon, whom he held in
great honour. "Once, travelling with Gordon," he remarked, "I fell ill,
and Gordon came to see me in my tent. In the course of our conversation
I told him that I was addicted to alcoholic drinks, and that I put down
my present indisposition to being obliged to do without them for the
last few days. This was really my indirect way of asking Gordon to give
me something; but I was mightily disappointed, and, instead, received a
very severe rebuke. 'You a Moslem,' said he, 'and forbidden by your
religion to drink wines and spirits! I am indeed surprised. You should
give up this habit altogether; every one should follow the precepts of
his religion.' I replied, 'Having been accustomed to them all my life,
if I now gave them up my health must suffer; but I will try and be more
moderate in future.' Gordon seemed satisfied, got up, shook hands with
me, and bade me good-bye. The following morning, before leaving, he
sent me three bottles of brandy, with injunctions that I should use them
in moderation."
Meanwhile Hassan's lanky brother sat in complete silence, leaning on his
elbows and solemnly filling up and swallowing glass after glass of
marissa, with an almost clockwork regularity. When we had stopped
talking, he got up in a very deliberate manner, solemnly wiped his mouth
with his hand, and said in a melancholy tone, "Yes, brandy is very good;
it is not an alcoholic drink, it is medicine. Gordon is a great and
benevolent man; we shall never see him again."
It was very late before our hosts left us, and, having ordered our
baggage camels to start before daybreak, we had a few hours' sleep. The
next morning at sunrise our riding camels were ready, and Dr. Zurbuchen
and I looked about for our hosts to wish them good-bye. At length we saw
Ismail hurrying towards us; his head was evidently suffering from the
effects of the previous night. "Masters," he shouted, "we have always
been told that in your country justice exists; I am sure that there
guests never wrong their hosts. Last night, when your baggage camels
started, your people carried off my best rug, which I had laid out for
you to lie down on yesterday." I made inquiries, and had no doubt that
one of my men must have made off with the precious rug; so, ordering one
of my kavasses to mount his camel and overtake the caravan, I patiently
awaited his return. In due time he came back with the stolen rug, and,
tied on behind him, one of my eight Black soldiers who belonged to our
escort. On being interrogated, the man said he had taken it by mistake;
but as I had no doubt of his guilt I had him flogged and sent back a
prisoner to the nearest military post at Om Shanga. I was much upset by
the occurrence, for I knew that these people were apt to conclude that
as the master is, so is the servant; and had I not acted with severity
on this occasion I should probably have had a frequent recurrence of
such thefts.
With profuse apologies to our hosts, we set off for El Fasher, and,
passing through Brush, Abiat, and Ergud, reached there after five days'
march.
For the last century El Fasher had been chosen as the capital of Darfur.
It is built on two sandy hills running north and south, and separated by
a valley some four hundred yards across, known as the Wadi Tendelti. The
fort is situated on the western hill, and consists of a square mud-brick
enclosure about three feet thick built on the slope, and surrounded with
a ditch fifteen feet deep; at the corners were four small towers, manned
with guns which fired from embrasures.
This enclosure embraces the Government buildings, Governor's house,
officers' quarters, and men's barracks; but the quarters of the
irregular cavalry are outside. The wells are down in the valley, about
one hundred and fifty yards distant from the walls of the fort.
At this time Messedaglia Bey, an Italian, was Governor of El Fasher; he
gave Dr. Zurbuchen and myself a cordial welcome, and allotted us
quarters in the Government buildings. We had both suffered somewhat from
fever during our wet march, and therefore decided to rest here for a few
days.
Darfur was formerly one of the line of ancient Central African kingdoms,
stretching across the continent from west to east. Up to the early part
of the seventeenth century the kings of Darfur had dominion over the
country as far east as the Atbara; but the warlike Fungs, who at that
time were one of the most powerful tribes of the Sudan, gradually drove
the Darfurians back, and established their own authority up to the banks
of the White Nile. In 1770 they wrested the province of Kordofan from
the Darfur kings, but five years later it was retaken by the latter, and
remained under their control until conquered in 1822 by Mohammed Bey
Dafterdar, the brother-in-law of Ismail Pasha, who, it will be
remembered, was burnt alive at Shendi. History has already described the
heroic bravery of the Darfur troops led by Musallem, the Viceroy of
Kordofan, who, with almost all his men, utterly ignorant of the effect
of fire-arms, dashed up to the muzzles of the Turks' guns, and were
annihilated almost to a man. Kordofan thus remained under Egyptian rule
until, in 1883, it fell under the sway of the Mahdi.
Meanwhile, after the loss of Kordofan the Darfurians retired further to
the west, and the kings now governed only a circumscribed area, of which
Jebel Marra was the centre. The roads through these almost inaccessible
mountains are few and very difficult, and in consequence the place is
one of great strength. Many of the peaks are between six and seven
thousand feet high, and separated from each other by deep and fertile
valleys gradually descending to the plains below. During the rains the
rivulets in these valleys become rushing torrents, and, flowing south
into the main valleys of Wadi Asum and Wadi Ibra, convert them into two
gigantic rivers, the latter emptying into the Bahr el Arab, which
eventually joins the Bahr el Ghazal, and forms the main western
tributary of the White Nile. The streams flowing north from Jebel Marra
have a less rapid descent, and are quickly absorbed in the sandy soil of
the desert.
In the valleys of Jebel Marra, barley, Turkish wheat, and dukhn are
planted; but in the plains of Darfur only the latter can be grown, and
it is therefore the ordinary food of the inhabitants. In the southern
district it comes to maturity from ninety to a hundred days after being
planted, but in some of the northern districts it ripens even twenty
days earlier.
The original tribes of the country were the Furs and the Tago, the
latter ruling for centuries over the entire district from their
inaccessible strongholds in Jebel Marra. Tradition relates that about
the fourteenth century, the Tungur Arabs, emigrating south from Tunis,
scattered throughout Bornu and Wadai, and eventually reached Darfur, the
first arrivals being two brothers, Ali and Ahmed, who, with their
flocks, settled on the western slopes of Jebel Marra. Ali, who was older
and better off than his brother, had recently married a beautiful young
girl of his own tribe, and she, in turn, being constantly thrown with
her brother-in-law, who was celebrated for his bravery, conceived a
great fancy for him. One day, when her husband was away, she confessed
her feelings to Ahmed, and implored him to help her out of her misery;
but Ahmed's sentiments of right and honour in regard to his brother's
wife could not be overcome by this appeal, though he promised that her
secret should never be divulged. The girl fell ill, and in her jealous
love determined that her brother-in-law should never marry another; she
therefore called her husband to her side and bade him swear, under a
solemn oath, that he would never disclose what she was about to tell
him, and then she whispered that his brother never ceased making love to
her. Ali, horror-stricken at the thought of the deception of Ahmed, whom
he dearly loved, and to whom he confided everything, was beside himself
with grief; but he could not bring himself to believe entirely in his
brother's perfidy, though the seeds of mistrust were sown. Meanwhile
Ahmed, knowing that his sister-in-law's jealousy was aroused, did all he
could by kindness and sympathy to pacify her and to treat her as if
nothing had happened; the result, of course, being that Ali's suspicion
grew into certainty, and he determined on revenge. He could not bear the
thought of killing him, but wanted to inflict on him some lasting
injury. Two days later, he determined to move camp, and, sending on all
his people with their flocks and herds, he remained behind with his
brother, and began talking to him about ordinary matters. From this they
got into a discussion on arms, and Ali, playfully drawing out his sword,
in an unguarded moment struck Ahmed a blow on his right leg, severing
the tendon Achilles; and then, making off as quickly as he could, he
left his unfortunate brother weltering in his blood, who, too proud to
cry out, calmly awaited death. This Ahmed el Makur (signifies one who is
wounded, applying more especially to the sort of wound he received) was
destined to become the founder of a new dynasty in Darfur, and this is
how it came about.
Ali, whose love for his brother was not altogether extinguished, sent
two of his slaves, Zayed and Birged (the forefathers of the great
Zayedia and Birged tribes), with two camels, two she-camels, and a few
necessaries, in search of Ahmed, but at the same time he told them that
on no account were they to bring him back. He himself returned to the
west, and, as the story goes, separated soon afterwards from his wife,
as he could not bear the thought of his brother's supposed perfidy. The
slaves, finding Ahmed unconscious from loss of blood, revived him, and
at his request brought him to the nearest native settlement, where he
was well received, and King Kor (the last of the Tago dynasty) was
informed that a foreigner, who had been wounded in the leg by his
brother, was in their village. The king ordered Ahmed to be brought
before him, in order to hear from his own lips the account of this
strange event. Ahmed, however, refused to explain, and the matter
remained a mystery; but he was taken care of and permitted to stay in
the king's household. King Kor, like all his predecessors, was a
heathen; he had become ruler by violence, was utterly ignorant of the
outside world, and did not even know of the existence of any country
outside his own immediate dominions; beyond making occasional raids from
his mountain strongholds on the dwellers in the plains, he seldom left
his hills. This savage old king took a fancy to the stranger, made him
director of his household, and consulted him on all occasions. Gradually
Ahmed rose to power. By judicious management he brought the unruly Tago
chiefs into subjection, and portioned out the land amongst the poorer
inhabitants, thus putting a stop to the constant internal raiding, and
introducing a feeling of security and contentment hitherto quite
unknown. Ahmed during his long journey from Tunis had passed through
many distant kingdoms, and, being a man of sense, he was able to apply
his knowledge in introducing a number of reforms. One of those, still
quoted, is the wonderful change he effected in the king's household. It
had been the custom for centuries for any retainer to take his food at
the time it pleased him, quite regardless of the wants of others. It
therefore frequently happened that, "first come, first served," nothing
remained for the later arrivals, who, in their anger, would fall on
their comrades, and as often as not blood would be shed. Ahmed reformed
all this by establishing a fixed hour for meals, at which all must be
present, with the happy result that peace and tranquillity prevailed.
In this and a hundred other ways did Ahmed show his capacity, and became
much beloved by the king, who, having no successors, gave him his
favourite daughter as a wife, and before his death nominated him as his
successor to the throne.
Almost all the inhabitants had a great respect for Ahmed, and on Kor's
death they made him their king. The news spread far and wide, and on it
becoming known to the Tungurs in Bornu and Wadai, they flocked into the
country in such numbers as to partially displace the Tago; and now the
only small settlements left of the former rulers are near Dara, where
there is a Tago Sheikh, and also at Dar Sula, a long way to the west,
where there is a semi-independent ruler called "Sultan Abu Risha et
Tagawi," who is also known as "El Jamus el asfar," or the yellow
buffalo.
Ahmed el Makur ruled happily for a long period, and a regular male
succession was established. His great grandson was the celebrated Sultan
"Dali," whose mother belonged to the Kera-Fur tribe, and thus
consanguinity was established between the Blacks and the Tungur dynasty.
Dali was a very enlightened ruler; he travelled a great deal, and
collected round him many men who could read and write; he divided the
country into provinces and districts, and wrote the celebrated
"Kitab-Dali," or penal code. The system of government inaugurated by
Dali was carefully followed by his successors, and continued in use up
to the middle of the present century. One of the most noted of the
Darfur rulers was Suleiman, who, being the son of an Arab mother, and
having himself married an Arab woman, took the title of Solong, which
is generally applied to those who consider themselves of Arab descent.
It was through him that the country was definitely moslemised; and his
descendants, up to 1875, proudly boast of their Arab descent, and
entirely ignore the Black element, which undoubtedly is there, and which
may be said to show itself in the bitter hatred which has always existed
between the ruling Darfur family and the nomad Arabs.
In accordance with Dali's code, the descent should devolve on the eldest
son; but gradually the custom obtained of selecting one of the sons
(provided he was in the direct line) who happened to be the most popular
in the estimation of the court dignitaries, and especially in that of
the "Abu Sheikh," the name given to the principal eunuch of the royal
household. A rigorous exclusion was exercised over all sons who were
addicted to alcohol or marissa.
Suleiman was succeeded by his son Musa, and the latter by his son Ahmed
Bakr, who did all in his power to introduce foreigners into the country,
as he hoped thereby to benefit his people. He was succeeded by his son
Mohammed Dura, who is said to have had over a hundred brothers, of whom
he caused fifty to be killed on coming to the throne; he is also
credited with having killed his eldest son, whom he suspected of having
pretensions to make himself king.
On his death his son Omar Leila succeeded, and he also was as unpopular
as his father. He took command of the Darfur army which invaded Wadai,
and was killed, being succeeded by his uncle, Abu el Kasem, who, with
his brothers Mohammed Terab and Abderrahman, was amongst those who had
escaped the slaughter when Mohammed Dura came to the throne. Abu el
Kasem showed a great inclination to the Blacks, and incurred, in
consequence, the hostility of his relations, who urged him to take the
field against Wadai, and, having advanced, suddenly deserted him with
the army, leaving him the Blacks only. It is said by some that he was at
once killed in the battle which ensued, while others state that he
remained for some time in Wadai, and then returned to attack his
brother, Mohammed Terab, by whom he had been succeeded. The latter
proved himself a capable and energetic ruler, but towards the close of
his reign he conceived the idea of enlarging his dominions and restoring
the country to its early limits, which, it will be remembered, extended
as far as the Atbara. He therefore issued a decree declaring war against
the Fungs, and advanced with his brother Abderrahman and a mass of
warriors, both horsemen and spearmen, in an easterly direction.
Eventually they arrived at Omdurman, the present Dervish capital of the
Sudan, and, to their surprise, found their further progress stopped by
the Nile. The inhabitants had removed all the boats, so the construction
of a bridge was attempted; but to cross a rapid river six hundred yards
broad, was a task beyond the powers of the Darfur king, who remained
stationary for months at Omdurman, vainly making attempt after attempt
to overcome this impassable obstacle. At length the chiefs, despairing
of success, approached the king, and urged that the army should return
to Kordofan and Darfur; but the latter, furious at his failure,
threatened any one with death who should show any inclination to
retreat. The leaders, however, were not to be baffled; secretly
arranging with the king's favourite wife, Khadija, they convinced her
that she would be performing a public service by poisoning her husband's
food, which she did, nothing loath, and Abderrahman succeeded to the
throne.
The stone walls erected by Sultan Mohammed Terab are to be seen to this
day at the south end of Omdurman. His body was embalmed, taken to Bara,
and conveyed thence to Tura, in Jebel Marra, some thirty-five miles west
of El Fasher, the burial-place of the old Darfur sultans.
Abderrahman and the army returned to Darfur to find that Mohammed
Terab's son, Ishaak, who had been appointed regent, refused to
acknowledge his authority; with the result that a battle took place, in
which Ishaak was killed.
Abderrahman's favourite wife was a certain Umbusa, of the Begu tribe.
This tribe had emigrated from Bahr el Ghazal many years before, had
settled in Darfur, and had been granted lands by the kings, on condition
that they should annually supply a beautiful girl for the royal harem.
The Begus are a purely African race, descended from the Monolké family,
and Umbusa, besides being a great beauty, was endowed with exceptionally
high qualities, which induced Abderrahman to raise her to the status of
a legal wife; and in his advanced age she bore him a son, who was named
Mohammed el Fadl.
It was during Abderrahman's reign that the traveller Browne visited
Darfur, and it was this Sultan who in 1799 sent an address of
congratulation to Napoleon, then campaigning in Lower Egypt, and
received from him in return a present of two thousand Black slaves.
During his reign also the nominal capital of Kobbé was abandoned for El
Fasher, which henceforth became the royal residence.
Abderrahman, before his death, placed his son in charge of the chief
eunuch, Abu Sheikh Kura, who had originally been a slave, but had risen
to a high position in the royal household; and at the age of thirteen,
the youth succeeded to the throne. It is related that when Abderrahman
died, Umbusa's father, Omar, was tending the flocks in Dar Begu, some
fifty miles southwest of El Fasher, when suddenly a messenger was seen
galloping a horse covered with foam, which fell dead before reaching
him: the messenger, rushing forward, cried, "I bring you the glad
tidings that the son of your noble daughter Umbusa was made Sultan of
Darfur five days ago." Without saying a word, Omar broke with his foot
the wall of the dabarek,[1] and caused the water to flow over the sand,
and then shouted, "No more shall the flocks of my family water at this
well, for the great and merciful God has chosen my grandson to be ruler
over Darfur;" and, saying this, he at once distributed his herds amongst
those present, and then without delay proceeded to his grandson at El
Fasher.
Mohammed el Fadl's first step as Sultan was to declare his mother's
tribe as free for ever, the annual tribute of a girl was no longer to be
exacted, and buying and selling of Begus was made a crime punishable by
death. For some four years the young king, under the guidance of Kura,
ruled with energy and justice; but now intrigues crept in: it was
whispered by some that Kura aimed at supreme power, while others
asserted that the king was doing his utmost to deprive him of his
authority; mutual mistrust, resulting in an open quarrel, prevailed, and
in a fight which took place on the Rahad River, Kura was defeated, taken
prisoner, and instantly executed.
After this, Mohammed el Fadl determined to coerce the proud Arab tribes
who hesitated to comply with his orders and who frequently attempted to
shake off the Darfurian yoke. His first step was to despatch the
official in charge of Dara to the Beni Helba Arabs, who had refused to
pay tribute; these were speedily coerced, and almost all their property
confiscated; he then turned to the Ereikat tribe,--one of the most
powerful in Darfur,--and these also were soon reduced to complete
submission; but to subjugate the great Rizighat tribe was a more
difficult matter. This was the most warlike and powerful tribe in the
country. Several centuries ago an Arab from the far west named Ruzeik
and his three sons, Mahmud, Maher, and Nueib, with their families,
flocks, and herds, emigrated to the southern districts of Darfur; here
in the vast forests they found abundance of food for themselves, and in
these dense and pathless regions they were safe from intrusion. As time
went on their numbers rapidly increased, and, being joined by numerous
smaller tribes, they became a power in the land, and the Sultans of
Darfur were unable to gain their entire submission. Moreover, the
districts they peopled were infested in winter by the Um Bogone (a kind
of insect somewhat resembling the tsetse fly), which killed off the
cattle.
Mohammed Fadl now decided that the only way to deal with the Rizighat
was to completely surround them; by degrees their forests were encircled
by myriads of Darfurians, and gradually the human chain closed in on the
luckless tribesmen, who were slaughtered wholesale. At length some
captives, being brought before the Sultan, were asked where the main
body of the Rizighat was to be found. "Sire," they answered, "we have
all been separated and dispersed amongst your own army;" whereupon the
Sultan issued orders to his chiefs that all men of over thirty years of
age wearing beards were to be slain; and after this order had been
carried out, the survivors, who were all young men, and some thousands
in number, were brought before him. These he classified according to
their original families, and divided them into two sections: the first
section were allowed to take back their captured wives and children and
a proportion of their cattle, and were permitted to remain in their
country; also to each widow whose husband had been killed in battle a
milch-cow and an ox were given.
The second division, which was composed principally of the descendants
of the families of Mohammed, Maher, and Nueib, were ordered to move into
the northern districts of Darfur, and to occupy the lands formerly owned
by the now almost exterminated Ereikat tribe. This section eventually
developed into the powerful tribes now known as the Mahamid, Maheria,
and Nueiba, who are, of course, the blood-relatives of the Rizighat, who
are, in their turn, a division of the Baggara, or cattle-owning Arabs of
the Western Sudan.
Mohammed el Fadl died early in 1838, and was succeeded by his son,
Mohammed Hussein, who did his utmost to recover the popularity which his
father had lost; about the year 1856, however, he became blind, and
delegated most of his official work to his eldest sister, Iya Basi
Zemzem,--it being an ancient Darfur custom that the eldest sister of the
reigning Sultan should receive the title of Iya Basi, and exercise a
certain political influence. This worthy lady was both extravagant and
immoral; the conduct of her court was notorious, and absorbed most of
the state revenues. At this period the provinces of Bahr el Ghazal were
subject to Darfur, and the Black tribes paid tribute of slaves and ivory
to the Sultans. It often happened that the payment of this tribute was
delayed, and this at once offered a pretext for a raid, in which the
Darfurians invariably obtained large quantities of spoil. The ivory and
many of the slaves were sold to the Egyptian merchants who travelled
along the Arbaïn road between Assiut and Darfur, and for these, Turkish
and European wares were exchanged. This trade was most lucrative on both
sides, and gradually quantities of gold-brocaded stuffs, richly
caparisoned saddles, silk embroideries, and other articles of luxury
found their way into Darfur, besides quantities of jewellery as well as
arms and ammunition.
And now we come to the period when the famous Zubeir Pasha enters on the
scenes. A member of the Gemiab section of the Jaalin tribe, he quitted
Khartum as a young man, and went south in search of a fortune. Already
several merchants and slave-traders were established in the White Nile
and Bahr el Ghazal districts, and the young Zubeir became the assistant
of the well-known Ali Abu Amuri, so often mentioned by Sir Samuel Baker.
Affairs prospered with him, and eventually he was able to set up an
independent establishment, or zariba, of his own,--his labours lay, so
to speak, in virgin soil; with well-armed bands of natives he gradually
succeeded in annexing territories and amassing quantities of ivory and
slaves, which he exchanged with the Nile merchants for arms and
ammunition. I do not think Zubeir Pasha was any worse or any better than
the hundreds of other merchants occupied in a traffic which at that time
was considered perfectly legitimate; but there is no doubt that he was a
man of iron will, and of an energy and intelligence far above the
average; and to these qualities may be attributed his ultimate success
as an ivory and slave dealer. It is not my intention to describe the
various steps by which he became practically ruler of the Bahr el
Ghazal; it will be sufficient for my present purpose to say that at the
time of which I write he had become one of the most powerful men in the
Sudan, and it was not long before the tottering kingdom of Darfur fell
bodily into his hands; and this is how it came about.
Zubeir, gradually extending his conquests into the northern districts of
Bahr el Ghazal, began to encroach on those regions which were tributary
to the Sultan of Darfur, and, anxious to avoid a quarrel, he wrote to
Sultan Hussein to the effect that Blacks who had no masters, and were
heathens, were, in accordance with the law of the Prophet, the fair
spoil of the Moslems; to which Hussein replied that he, too, being a
descendant of the ancient line, claimed similar rights to deal with
Black slaves and horse-dealers. By this latter epithet he referred to
Zubeir, whom he classed amongst the other Jaalin known to the Darfurians
as vendors of Dongola horses.
Zubeir, however, was not to be thwarted, and year by year his influence
increased, until he had complete possession of all the Bahr el Ghazal
districts which had paid tribute to Darfur. The effect of this on the
luxury-loving Darfurians was painfully evident. They saw their main
source of ivory and slave supplies cut off, and to meet the Government
expenditure increased taxation was enforced, which resulted in
widespread discontent.
At this time there lived in Sultan Hussein's palace a certain Mohammed
Belali of the Belalia tribe, which is settled partly in Wadai and partly
in Bornu. This man was a fiki, or religious teacher, and claimed noble
descent, thereby ingratiating himself with Hussein, much to the
annoyance of Iya Basi and the Vizir Ahmed Shata, who resented his
interference, and eventually induced the Sultan to drive him out of the
country.
[Illustration: Zubeir Pasha.]
Breathing threats of vengeance, he proceeded to Khartum and informed the
Government of the immense riches and fertility of the province of Bahr
el Ghazal and the Hofret en Nahas district, which no longer belonged to
Darfur, and were now without a ruler. The astute Belali, whose sole
object was to injure Sultan Hussein for having driven him out of the
country, conceived this plot, which was destined to bring about a war
with Darfur. Thoroughly trusted by the ignorant Khartum authorities, he
was despatched, in company with Kutshuk Ali, who commanded some
bashi-bozuks and two hundred regulars, to take possession of those
supposed rulerless regions. As may be imagined, Zubeir looked with no
friendly eye on the intrigues of this upstart; but, with his far-seeing
astuteness, he watched and waited patiently for the further development
of his rival's plans. Meanwhile Kutshuk Ali died suddenly, and was
replaced by Haj Ali Abu Nurein; and, at the instigation of the latter,
Belali, emboldened by Zubeir's inaction, proceeded to seize some large
stores of grain which he had prepared for his Bazingers. Zubeir did not
hesitate to seize this chance, and, falling on him suddenly, drove him
and his men off with some loss. Belali now collected as many men as he
could, and made a determined attack on Zubeir's zariba, but was again
repulsed. Severely wounded himself, he fled to Ganda, where he was
pursued, captured by Zubeir's men, and taken back to the zariba, where
he died.
Zubeir, however, was not slow to perceive that his action in this matter
might have serious consequences. He therefore did all in his power to
show that Belali was entirely to blame for what had occurred, and, by
making valuable presents to Belali's men as well as to those in
authority, he succeeded in having the matter reported to Khartum in its
most favourable aspect, with the result that he received a full pardon,
and was appointed Governor of Bahr el Ghazal.
Soon afterwards he confidentially pointed out to the Governor-General
that great discontent prevailed in the neighbouring State of Darfur, and
that he had relations with some of the principal dignitaries who would
gladly see the country annexed to Egypt; and he also volunteered to
carry this out without further assistance from the Government. After
much deliberation his proposal was at length agreed to, and early in
1873 he made preparations to seize Shakka.
Let us turn now for a moment to the Rizighat. For years following on the
terrible treatment they had received at the hands of the Darfur Sultan,
they remained quiet and submissive, but gradually, as the governing
power in Darfur grew weak, they recovered in proportion, and again
assumed a semi-independent position between Darfur and Bahr el Ghazal.
Attempts were made to collect taxes from them, but they almost
invariably drove off the tax-gatherers, and in one of these raids the
Vizir Adam Tarbush, one of the principal Darfur commanders, lost his
life,--curiously enough at the very spot where, some years later, I was
destined to suffer a heavy defeat at the hands of the Dervishes.
On another occasion the Rizighat had fallen on a large caravan coming
from the Nile and Kordofan to Bahr el Ghazal, with which were a number
of Zubeir's relatives, almost all of whom were killed. Zubeir, rightly
considering that the Rizighat owed allegiance to the Sultan of Darfur,
called on the latter for compensation for the losses he had sustained;
but the Sultan either would not or could not give it, and Zubeir now
openly gave out that, being unable to obtain satisfaction, he had
determined to punish the Rizighat,--being well aware that this must lead
to the fulfilment of the project to annex Darfur.
Meanwhile early in 1873 Sultan Hussein had died and had been succeeded
by his son, who was nicknamed by the Darfurians Ibrahim Kuiko. I may
here mention that some years later, when residing at El Fasher as
Governor, I made the acquaintance of the celebrated Fiki Mohammed el
Heliki, who, though a Fellata by race, had been born there, and was
infinitely the best authority on the former history of Darfur. It
greatly interested one to talk to this man, and I made a mass of notes
which, with many other interesting records, fell subsequently into the
hands of the Mahdists, and were burnt. I well remember Fiki Mohammed one
day telling me the following story: "Three years," he began, "before
the death of my master, Sultan Hussein,--may God give him peace,--I was
talking to him about the present and future of the country. Bowing down
his head and supporting it in his hand,--for the poor man had been blind
for the last thirteen years,--he said, 'I feel that my country and the
throne of my ancestors are about to be overthrown; God grant I may not
live to see that day! Already I seem to hear the trumpets of the Turks
and the distant sound of the ombeÿa blown by the Bahhara.[2] May God
have mercy on my son Ibrahim and on my unfortunate descendants!'" The
fiki then went on to tell me that in spite of his old age and blindness,
Sultan Hussein well knew the state of corruption of his country, and how
impossible it was for him to check it; he realised the growing desire of
the Egyptians to increase their conquests, and he instinctively knew
that Zubeir and his Bazingers would be their instruments. He was a wise
man, he said, and though God had deprived him of sight, He had sharpened
his intellect.
Zubeir now lost no time in beginning operations. Quitting his fortified
post of Dem Zubeir with a considerable force, he advanced towards
Shakka, and on reaching the southern frontiers of Darfur he was joined
by some of the principal chiefs of the Rizighat, such as Madibbo, Egeil
Wad el Jangawi, and several of their men, who, being well acquainted
with the districts, acted as his spies and scouts, and considerably
facilitated his advance through their country, which was hostile.
Attacked incessantly by the Arabs, and suffering greatly from sickness
and privations, Zubeir's force advanced steadily, and at length reached
Abu Sigan, which is the centre of the Shakka district. There he learnt
that Sultan Ibrahim had despatched a strong force against him, under his
Vizir (and father-in-law, Ahmed Shata, Ibrahim having married his
daughter, Um Giddein). The latter, since the accession of his
son-in-law, had grown discontented, and showed much reluctance in
taking command of the expedition against Zubeir. He had told his friends
he did not seek victory, but preferred to die honourably in the field
rather than continue to live under the new rule. Zubeir meanwhile
strengthened his position at Shakka, and made all preparations for the
impending attack. He now received from the Rizighat a truly
characteristic Arab message: "The army of the Sultan of Darfur is
advancing. You and they are our enemies. When you begin fighting, we
shall remain neutral. If you are defeated, we shall harass you on your
retreat, and shall kill you all. If you conquer, then shall we mount our
swift horses, follow up the Darfurians, and share with you the booty."
Zubeir was quite satisfied with this arrangement, and patiently awaited
events. In the early dawn his outposts saw in the far distance the great
Darfur army advancing, led by the warriors in coats of mail, wearing
chain helmets, and mounted on richly caparisoned horses, whose gold and
silver trappings glittered in the morning sun. In front of all, advanced
the Vizir Ahmed Shata, as if seeking death. Zubeir withdrew all his men
within the intrenchments, and when the Darfur host had approached
sufficiently near, he opened a deadly fire on them. The Vizir's horse
was instantly shot; but, mounting another, he continued to advance until
he fell, riddled with bullets; and with him many of his relations and
members of his household, including Melek Sad en Nur and Melek en Nahas
(the chief of the copper drums), whom the Sultan had placed as his
second in command.
Deprived of their leaders, the troops retired, and Zubeir seized the
opportunity to make a counter attack on their flank, which broke up the
army, and caused it to disperse in all directions. Instantly, from
behind the trees, dashed clouds of Rizighat horsemen, who slaughtered
the flying Darfurians, capturing immense quantities of valuable loot,
and now they entirely threw in their lot with the conquerors, with the
certainty that they would reap considerable benefit.
[Illustration: A Rizighat Warrior.]
The few who succeeded in escaping the massacre fled to Dara, while
Zubeir sent messages to El Obeid and Khartum, announcing the victory,
and asking for the reinforcements of troops and guns which, in the event
of his success, the authorities had agreed to place at his disposal. In
due time these arrived, and he continued his advance towards Dara, his
flank being covered by the advance of the Governor-General from El Obeid
to Om Shanga, at the head of three thousand regulars and a number of
irregular horsemen.
With the exception of one small skirmish, Zubeir entered Dara unopposed,
to find it completely deserted. Erecting a small fort on the sand-hill,
he awaited the attack of Sultan Ibrahim's sons; but the latter, at the
head of a considerable force, merely reconnoitred the position, and,
returning to their father at El Fasher, urged him to lead his troops
against Zubeir. Ibrahim now collected every available man; but large as
were his hosts, there were few amongst them ready to lay down their
lives for their ruler. At the head of his army, the Sultan advanced to
some houses which had belonged to the late Vizir, and which were almost
within range of the sand-hill, while Zubeir withdrew his troops into
Dara, where he had made all preparations for a siege, and had collected
a large store of grain.
Wishing to make a close inspection of Zubeir's position, Ibrahim, with a
portion of his force, approached the town, and was met by a storm of
bullets which killed several of his men, and forced him to retire. The
remainder of his force, seeing what appeared to them to have been an
attack by the Sultan on Zubeir's position, which had failed, made some
mocking remarks within his hearing. Burning with anger, he ordered some
of his riflemen to advance and fire on his own troops, who were retiring
on the camp, with the result that several were killed and wounded, and
the remainder dispersed, while many of those within the camp took
advantage of the confusion to desert to their homes.
Thus was Sultan Ibrahim the means of the destruction of his own army.
And this incident subsequently lost him his kingdom and his life.
He now ordered what remained of his army to retire to Manawashi, making
his chiefs believe that by this movement Zubeir would be drawn out of
Dara, and he would be able to attack him in the open; but his men had
now lost all confidence in him, and his army was still further reduced
by numerous desertions. Zubeir, who had full information from his spies
of what was going on in the Sultan's camp, now followed him to
Manawashi, and formed up in battle array, awaiting attack. His arrival
was the signal for a general scuttle; men, women, and children fled in
all directions; and Ibrahim, knowing that all was lost, determined to
die an honourable death. Donning his coat of mail and helmet, and
accompanied by his sons, the Kadi, and a few servants, all mounted on
their magnificently trapped steeds, they sallied forth, and with drawn
swords dashed at the enemy. Cutting his way through the first line of
Bazingers, Ibrahim shouted, "Fein sidkum ez Zubeir?" (Where is your
master, Zubeir?), and then made for the spot where Zubeir, dressed like
his own men, was directing a gun against the assailants; but he had only
gone forward a few steps when he and his little party fell, riddled with
bullets. Thus perished the last of the long line of kings of Darfur, who
had ruled this vast country and its millions of inhabitants
uninterruptedly for centuries.
Zubeir ordered the dead Sultan to be treated with the greatest respect.
The fikis of Manawashi were directed to wash the body in accordance with
the religious rites; and, wrapped in a costly shroud, it was buried with
all honour in the mosque of the town.
He now lost no time in informing the Governor-General, then at Om
Shanga, of the victory; and the latter, anxious that the rich plunder of
the province should not fall into Zubeir's hands, hurried forward
without delay.
Meanwhile, Zubeir, advancing rapidly, arrived at El Fasher in two days,
and took possession of the royal treasures, as well as quantities of
silver-embossed saddles, arms, jewellery, and thousands of female
slaves, whom he distributed amongst his men.
A few days afterwards, Ismail Pasha, the Governor-General, arrived, but
he was too late; the greater quantity of treasure had already been
distributed, though Zubeir, by offering him costly presents, did all he
could to secure his friendship. There is no doubt, however, that this
episode was the commencement of the quarrel between the two men, which
eventually developed into mutual deadly hatred.
The work of subduing the remainder of the country now began. Hasaballa,
the old uncle of Sultan Ibrahim, had taken refuge in Jebel Marra, and
Ismail Pasha ordered Zubeir to advance against him. It was not long
before he succeeded in obtaining the submission of both him and the late
Sultan's brother, Abderrahman Shattut, both of whom were subsequently
sent to Cairo,--and they died there; but their families are residing at
the present time in Upper Egypt, and are in receipt of a liberal pension
from the Government. Several of their adherents, however, still held out
in Jebel Marra, and, electing two younger brothers of Sultan Hussein,
viz., Bosh and Seif ed Din, as their leaders, they showed a
determination to resist. Bosh's first step was to send a certain
Gabralla, of the Fur tribe, as a spy to Zubeir's camp. This man enjoyed
the entire confidence of his chief, who had given him in marriage his
beautiful daughter, Um Selima, in spite of the opposition of the family.
Gabralla, on reaching Zubeir's camp, fell an easy prey to that astute
warrior. The promise of pardon and a high position under the Government
were quite sufficient inducements to him to betray his father-in-law and
give the fullest information as to his position and strength. He then
returned to Bosh, whom he advised to remain where he was, as Zubeir's
troops were suffering much from the cold and disease, and he had no
intention to attack. Zubeir was, however, following in Gabralla's
footsteps, and on a given signal, previously arranged between them,
Bosh's camp was suddenly surprised, and easily fell into his hands,
though Bosh and Seif ed Din succeeded in escaping to Kebkebia, where
they again collected a force. Zubeir, however, followed them up, and in
the pitched battle which ensued, both leaders were killed, and the last
remnant of the Darfur force finally dispersed, leaving the country
entirely in the hands of the Egyptian Government.
Zubeir, now promoted to the rank of Pasha, returned to El Fasher, where
Ismail Pasha was occupied in regulating the administration of the
country and freely levying taxes; and it was not long before serious
differences between the two men arose.
Zubeir, having conquered the country, was somewhat resentful that its
government had not been confided to him, while Ismail, anxious to free
himself from the incubus of Zubeir, ordered him to occupy Dara and
Shakka with his troops; but the latter, angry at the treatment he had
received, despatched a message from Dara, _via_ El Obeid, to H. H. the
Khedive, Ismail Pasha, begging to be allowed to come to Cairo.
Permission was immediately accorded to him and any others who wished to
proceed; and Zubeir, having appointed his son Suleiman as his agent,
started without delay, taking with him numbers of male and female slaves
and valuable presents. Travelling by Khartum and Korosko, he at length
reached Cairo, where he was cordially received, and lost no time in
laying before the Khedive his grounds of complaint against Ismail Pasha
Ayub. The latter was, in consequence, summoned to Egypt, and made
several charges against Zubeir, with the result that both were kept in
Cairo.
Meanwhile, Hassan Pasha Helmi el Juwaizer had been appointed the
representative of the Government in Darfur, and it was not long before
the inhabitants began to settle down under the new system. They were
tired of the arbitrary rule of the Sultans, and longed for change; but
they soon discovered that if their kings had chastised them with whips,
their new rulers, in the shape of Zubeir's Bazingers and the crowds of
irregular Shaigias and dishonest Egyptian officials, who swarmed into
the country, chastised them with scorpions.
It was not long before the most bitter discontent prevailed throughout
the country, and already there appeared signs of revolt. Electing Harun
er Reshid, the son of Seif ed Din, as their Sultan, they secretly
planned the massacre of several of the small outlying garrisons, and in
an incredibly short space of time the larger towns of Dara, El Fasher,
Kebkebia, and Kulkul were closely invested. At El Fasher, the fort was
twice almost successfully stormed, and on one occasion the Governor,
feeling that it must fall, had made all preparations to blow up the
powder magazine and destroy himself and his garrison; but fortunately
the troops, after a desperate encounter, succeeded in driving the enemy
out of the position.
Meanwhile the Khartum authorities lost no time in sending a relieving
force under Abd er Razzak Pasha, which, reinforced at El Obeid, advanced
to Darfur by forced marches, and at a place called Brush, midway between
Om Shanga and El Fasher, they inflicted a heavy defeat on the rebels.
Pushing on rapidly, El Fasher was relieved a few days later,
reinforcements were sent to Kebkebia and Kulkul, and the country was
once more made subject to the Egyptian Government.
On the recall of Ismail Pasha Ayub, Gordon was appointed
Governor-General of the Sudan, and, as I have already related, he
thought it expedient to visit Darfur without delay. In fact, when he
reached El Fasher, Kebkebia, and Kulkul, the revolt was only partially
suppressed; but, utterly fearless, he rode with only a small escort all
over the country, and frequently placed himself in positions of extreme
danger, from which his pluck and presence of mind alone saved him. From
El Fasher he visited Dara, and by his kindness and sympathy with the
people he succeeded in a large measure in quieting the districts; with a
mere handful of men and the assistance of a few Rizighat Arabs he
completely quelled the Mima and Khawabir Arabs, who were the most
restless and independent tribes in the country, and gradually through
his efforts peace was once more established throughout the land.
Sultan Harun with a few followers had taken refuge in the wilds of Jebel
Marra, where they had been followed by Hassan Pasha Helmi, who twice
defeated them, at Murtal and Murtafal, and had pursued the survivors as
far as Niurnia.
Gordon now turned his attention to the establishment of a Government
administration; his first step was to remit the greater part of the
taxes, which, owing to the war, could not possibly have been paid, and
he gave strict injunctions to the officials to deal leniently with the
people, warning them that any disregard of his orders in this respect
would be dealt with very severely. In order to equalise revenue and
expenditure as far as possible, he reduced the Darfur garrison
considerably, sending back to El Obeid and Khartum a large number of the
regular infantry and cavalry who had been despatched to quell the late
revolt. These economical measures, although undoubtedly very necessary
in the interests of the new province, had subsequently a most disastrous
effect.
Official business obliged him to return to Khartum, leaving Hassan Pasha
Helmi as Governor; and the latter, four months before my arrival, was
relieved by Messedaglia Bey, who had been Governor of Dara for a few
months.
Harun, meanwhile, had somewhat recovered himself, and established a
species of independent rule in Niurnia, which had been in early times
the capital of the Tago princes; from thence he would occasionally
descend to the plains and raid the villages which had submitted to
Government, returning laden with booty to his stronghold.
Such was briefly the state of the province of Darfur when I arrived at
El Fasher. The garrison of this town consisted of two battalions of
regulars, two batteries of field artillery, and two hundred and fifty
irregular Shaigia horsemen, under Omar Wad Darho; at Dara there was one
battalion of regulars, one field battery, fifty irregular horsemen, and
two hundred irregular riflemen, or Bazingers; while in Kebkebia and
Kulkul there were six companies of regulars, four hundred Bazingers, and
twenty-five horsemen.