CHAPTER I.

FIRE AND SWORD

IN

THE SUDAN.

[Illustration: Lemerciergravure

Printed in Paris

Rudolph C. Slatin]

FIRE AND SWORD

IN

THE SUDAN

_A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF FIGHTING AND

SERVING THE DERVISHES._

1879-1895.

BY

RUDOLF C. SLATIN PASHA, C.B.

COLONEL IN THE EGYPTIAN ARMY (INTELLIGENCE DEPT.);

FORMERLY GOVERNOR AND COMMANDANT OF THE TROOPS IN DARFUR.

_TRANSLATED BY_

MAJOR F. R. WINGATE, C.B., D.S.O., R.A.

_Director of Military Intelligence, Egyptian Army_;

AUTHOR OF "MAHDISM AND THE EGYPTIAN SUDAN," "TEN YEARS'

CAPTIVITY IN THE MAHDI'S CAMP," ETC.

ILLUSTRATED BY R. TALBOT KELLY, R.B.A.

EDWARD ARNOLD.

LONDON: NEW YORK:

37, BEDFORD STREET. 70, FIFTH AVENUE.

1896.

_Copyright, 1896_,

BY EDWARD ARNOLD.

University Press:

JOHN WILSON AND SON, CAMBRIDGE, U.S.A.

TO

Her Most Gracious Majesty

THE QUEEN OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND

AND

EMPRESS OF INDIA

WHO HAS EVER SHOWN DEEP SOLICITUDE FOR AND GRACIOUS

SYMPATHY WITH THE EUROPEAN PRISONERS

IN THE SUDAN

_THIS RECORD OF HIS LIFE IN CAPTIVITY_

IS BY PERMISSION HUMBLY DEDICATED BY HER MAJESTY'S

MOST DEVOTED AND GRATEFUL

RUDOLF C. SLATIN

PREFACE.

Prompted by the earnest entreaties of my friends rather than by any wish

of my own to relate my experiences, I have written these chapters.

The few months which have elapsed since my escape have been so much

occupied in resuming my official duties, compiling reports, and

satisfying the kindly interest displayed by a large number of people in

my strange fate, that any attempt at quiet and steady literary work has

been almost impossible.

During my captivity I was unable to make any notes or keep any diaries;

in writing, therefore, the following pages, I have been dependent

entirely on my memory, whilst the whirl of the busy European world and

the constant interruptions to which I have alluded, have given me little

time to collect my scattered thoughts.

When, therefore, after having been debarred for so many years from

intercourse with outside affairs, and entirely out of practice in

writing down my ideas, I find myself urged to lose no time in

publishing an account of my adventures, I must beg my readers to excuse

the many defects they may notice.

My experiences have no pretence to being of any literary or scientific

value, and the personal episodes I have described can lay claim to

little importance; I have merely attempted to give to those interested

in Sudan affairs a true and faithful account of my life whilst fighting

and serving the Mahdists.

RUDOLF SLATIN.

LONDON, _October, 1895_.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

BY

FATHER DON JOSEPH OHRWALDER,

LATE PRIEST OF THE AUSTRIAN MISSION STATION AT DELEN, IN

KORDOFAN, AND FOR TEN YEARS A CAPTIVE IN

THE MAHDI'S CAMP.

The joy at meeting my dear friend and former comrade in captivity,

Slatin Pasha, in Cairo, after his miraculous escape, was indeed great;

and it is with extreme gratification that I comply with the wishes of

those friends who are interested in his experiences, to preface them

with a few remarks.

To have been a fellow-sufferer with him for many years, during which the

closest friendship existed between us,--a friendship which, owing to the

circumstances of our captivity, was necessarily of a surreptitious

nature, but which, interrupted as it was, mutually helped to alleviate

our sad lot,--is I think a sufficiently good reason for my friends to

urge that I should comply with their wishes.

Apart, however, from these purely personal motives, I need only refer to

the fact that the small scraps of information which from time to time

reached the outside world regarding Slatin Pasha, excited the deepest

sympathy for his sad fate; what wonder, then, that there should have

been a genuine outburst of rejoicing when he at length escaped from the

clutches of the tyrannical Khalifa, and emerged safely from the dark

Sudan?

It is most natural that all those interested in the weal and woe of

Africa should await with deep interest all that Slatin Pasha can tell

them of affairs in the former Egyptian Sudan, which only a few short

years ago was considered the starting point for the civilisation of the

Dark Continent, and which now, fallen, alas! under the despotic rule of

a barbarous tyrant, forms the chief impediment to the civilising

influences so vigorously at work in all other parts of Africa.

Slatin Pasha pleads with perfect justice that, deprived all these years

of intellectual intercourse, he cannot do justice to the subject;

nevertheless, I consider that it is his bounden duty to describe without

delay his strange experiences, and I do not doubt that--whatever

literary defects there may be in his work--the story of his life cannot

fail to be both of interest and of value in helping those concerned in

the future of this vast country to realise accurately its present

situation.

It should be remembered that Slatin Pasha held high posts in the Sudan,

he has travelled throughout the length and breadth of the country and--a

perfect master of the language--he has had opportunities which few

others have had to accurately describe affairs such as they were in the

last days of the Egyptian Administration; whilst his experiences during

his cruel captivity place him in a perfectly unique position as the

highest authority on the rise, progress, and wane of that great

religious movement which wrenched the country from its conquerors, and

dragged it back into an almost indescribable condition of religious and

moral decadence.

Thrown into contact with the principal leaders of the revolt,

unwillingly forced to appear and live as one of them, he has been in the

position of following in the closest manner every step taken by the

Mahdi and his successor, the Khalifa, in the administration of their

newly founded empire.

Sad fate, it is true, threw me also into the swirl of this great

movement; but I was merely a captive missionary, whose very existence

was almost forgotten by the rulers of the country, whilst Slatin Pasha

was in the vortex itself of this mighty whirlpool which swamped one by

one the Egyptian garrisons, and spread far and wide over the entire

Sudan.

If, therefore, there should be any discrepancies between the account

published some three years ago of my captivity and the present work, the

reader may safely accept Slatin Pasha's conclusions as more correct and

accurate than my own; the opinions I expressed of the Khalifa's motives

and intentions, and of the principal events which occurred, are rather

those of an outsider when compared to the intimate knowledge which

Slatin Pasha was enabled to acquire, by reason of his position in

continuous and close proximity to Abdullahi.

In concluding, therefore, these remarks, I will add an earnest hope that

this book will arouse a deep and wide-spread interest in the fate of the

unhappy Sudan, and will help those concerned to come to a right and just

decision as to the steps which should be taken to restore to

civilisation this once happy and prosperous country.

That the return of Slatin Pasha from, so to speak, a living grave should

bring about this restoration, is the fervent prayer of his old comrade

in captivity and devoted friend,

DON JOSEPH OHRWALDER.

SUAKIN, _June, 1895_.

TRANSLATOR'S NOTE.

In preparing the edition in English of Slatin Pasha's experiences in the

Sudan, I have followed the system adopted in Father Ohrwalder's "Ten

Years' Captivity in the Mahdi's Camp."

F. R. WINGATE.

LONDON, _October, 1895_.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTORY.

PAGE

My First Journey to the Sudan--Return to Austria--My Second

Journey--Corruption in the Sudan--Appointed Governor of

Dara--Gordon in Darfur--He suppresses the Slave-trade--Zubeir

Pasha and his Son Suleiman--The Gellabas, Jaalin, and

Danagla--Retrospect of the First Causes of the Revolt in Bahr el

Ghazal--Gessi's Campaigns--The Flight of Rabeh--Execution

of Suleiman Zubeir--Effect of the Campaign on the Local Arabs 1

CHAPTER II.

RESIDENCE IN DARFUR, AND EARLY HISTORY OF

THE PROVINCE.

Arrival at Om Shanga--Matrimonial Difficulties--A Sudanese

Falstaff--Description of El Fasher--The Furs and the Tago--A Tale

of Love and Perfidy--Founding of the Tungur Dynasty--Conquest of

Darfur by Zubeir Pasha--The Rizighat Tribe--Quarrel between

Zubeir Pasha and the Governor-General--Both recalled to

Cairo--Gordon Governor-General of the Sudan--I take up my Duties

at Dara--Zogal Bey the Sub-Governor--I undertake a Campaign

against Sultan Harun--Niurnia, Harun's Stronghold in Jebel

Marra--I defeat the Sultan at Rahad en Nabak--Death of Harun--My

Meeting with Dr. Felkin and the Rev. Wilson--My Boy

Kapsun--Gordon's Letter from Abyssinia 30

CHAPTER III.

THE GOVERNMENT OF DARFUR.

Government Administration in Dara--My Difficulties with the

Gellabas--Manners and Customs of the Arabs--Arrival at

Shakka--Madibbo Bey Sheikh of the Rizighat--My Visit to

Khartum--Arrival of Gessi in Khartum--I return West with Bishop

Comboin and Father Ohrwalder--Am appointed Governor-General of

Darfur--Hostilities between the Maharia and Bedeyat Arabs--I

proceed to the Bedeyat Country--Strange Manners and Customs of

the Bedeyat--Saleh Donkusa and Heglik Tree--The Ceremony of

Taking the Oath of Fidelity--Return to El Fasher--Troubles at

Shakka and Death of Emiliani--I leave for Dara 90

CHAPTER IV.

THE KHALIFA'S PERSONAL ACCOUNT OF THE RISE

OF THE MAHDI.

Early Life of Mohammed Ahmed, the Mahdi--The Religious

Tarikas--Mohammed Ahmed quarrels with his Religious Superior--He

is refused Forgiveness, and joins a Rival Sheikh--He is joined

by Abdullahi et Taaishi--The Mahdi secretly tells Abdullahi of

his Divine Mission--The Failure to seize Mohammed Ahmed

on Abba Island--The Mahdi's Hejra to Jebel Gedir--He nominates

his Khalifas--The Defeat of Rashed Bey and Yusef Pasha

Shellali--Effect of the Mahdi's Victories in Kordofan--The

Mahdi's Intrigues with the Inhabitants of El Obeid--Futility of

the Steps taken by the Government to cope with the Revolt 122

CHAPTER V.

SPREAD OF THE REVOLT IN SOUTHERN DARFUR.

I arrive at Dara--Despatch of an Officer to Shakka--Character of

Zogal Bey--Return to El Fasher--Causes of my Unpopularity

with the Officers--Disturbances at Om Shanga--The Southern

Tribes join the Revolt--I make Dara my Headquarters--The

Power of a Woman's Tongue--Immorality of the Maalia Tribe--Sheikh

Madibbo threatens Shakka--Cowardly Conduct of Mansur

Helmi--I proceed to his Assistance--I commence my Campaign

against the Southern Arab Tribes--The Night Attack on

Madibbo's Camp--Mansur Helmi's Cowardly Retreat from Shakka--He

deserts his own Men--Courageous Conduct of Ali Agha

Juma--I decide to retake Dara at all Costs--Difficulty of

enforcing my Orders 148

CHAPTER VI.

THE SIEGE AND FALL OF EL OBEID.

Said Pasha, Governor-General of Kordofan, prepares to defend El

Obeid--The Mahdi attacks the Town, but is repulsed with Great

Loss--The Missionaries at Delen fall into the Mahdi's Hands--The

Siege and Fall of Bara--The Horrors of the Siege of El

Obeid--Said Pasha is forced to surrender--His Interview with the

Mahdi--The Search for Treasure--The Mahdi's Miracles--Effect

of the Fall of El Obeid on the General Situation 171

CHAPTER VII.

VAIN EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM

IN DARFUR.

I advance on Shakka--The Battle of Om Waragat--Besieged in

the Zariba--My Retreat on Dara through the Enemy's Country--The

Illness and Death of Gottfried Rott--I despatch Secret Emissaries

to Kordofan--My Difficulties with the El Fasher Garrison--The

Revolt of the Mima Arabs--I learn of the Fall of El Obeid--The

Death of Sheikh Afifi--My Campaign against the Mima and

Khawabir Arabs--Discovery of a Plot amongst the Troops in Dara--My

Officers and Men ascribe our Defeats to the Fact that I am

a Christian--I decide to nominally adopt the Mohammedan Religion--I

decide to send Zogal Bey to El Obeid--My Campaign against the

Beni Helba--Beshari Bey seeks Death and finds it--Gravity of the

Situation in Darfur 181

CHAPTER VIII.

HICKS PASHA'S EXPEDITION.

The Execution of Said Pasha and the Brave Defender of El

Obeid--Spread of Belief in the Mahdi's Divinity--Sheikh Sennusi is

offered, but refuses, the Position of Mahdi's Khalifa--The Mahdi

begins to organise his Government--The Spread of the Revolt in

the Gezira--Criticisms on the Attitude of the Egyptian

Government--The Despatch of Osman Digna to the Eastern

Sudan--Hicks Pasha's Expedition enters Kordofan--Incidents on

the March--Gallantry of Colonel Farquhar--The Diaries of Farquhar

and Vizetelly--The Desertion of Gustav Klootz--The

Mahdists harass the Expedition--The Final Attack on the

Doomed Square--Incidents after the Battle--Extracts from

O'Donovan's Diary--The Mahdi's Triumphal Entry into El Obeid 228

CHAPTER IX.

THE FALL OF DARFUR.

Dara besieged by Madibbo--I make a Successful Counter-Attack--The

Overthrow of Darho--I decide to remain at Dara--The Defeat of

Kuku Agha--A Strange Expedient for concealing Letters--An

Armistice proposed and accepted between Myself and the

Besiegers--I resort to Stratagem to gain Time--Zogal writes from

El Obeid, and describes the Annihilation of the Relief

Expedition--I review the Situation and decide to

surrender--Interview with Zogal at Shieria--The Mahdists enter

Dara--Madibbo and his War-drums--Horrible Tortures inflicted on

the Inhabitants who had concealed Money--The Siege and Fall of El

Fasher--Letters from Egypt--The Dreadful Fate of Major

Hamada--The Fall of Bahr el Ghazal--I leave for El Obeid 244

CHAPTER X.

THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM.

Gordon returns to the Sudan--The Siege of Khartum--I join the

Mahdi at Rahad--Interviews and first Impressions of the

Mahdi--The Oath of Allegiance--Description of the Khalifa--The

Arrival of Hussein Pasha--Criticisms on Gordon's Mission--The

Abandonment of the Sudan proclaimed--Incidents in Various Parts

of the Sudan--The Arrival of Olivier Pain--His Mission, Illness,

and Death--Arrival outside Khartum--I write to Gordon--I am

arrested and thrown into Chains--Incidents during my

Imprisonment--The Surrender of Omdurman--The Delay of the British

Expedition--Khartum is attacked and taken--Gordon's Head is

brought to me--Account of the last Days of Khartum--Massacres and

Atrocities after the Fall--The Retreat of the British

Expedition--The Rigours of my Imprisonment increased--My Comrade

in Captivity, Frank Lupton--We are both released--I enter the

Khalifa's Body-guard--Illness and Death of the Mahdi--Khalifa

Abdullahi succeeds him--The Rules and Ordinances of the Mahdi 279

CHAPTER XI.

EARLY RULE OF KHALIFA ABDULLAHI.

Success of Khaled's Stratagem to entrap Darho--Execution of

Darho--Sieges of Sennar and Kassala--Fall of Ahmed Wad

Suleiman--The Khalifa and the Black Troops--Execution of the

Mudir of Kassala--My Journey to Abu Haraz--My Plans of Escape

impracticable--The Khalifa presents me with a Wife--Mutiny of

Black Soldiers at El Obeid--Death of the Emir Mahmud--Abu Anga

seizes Khaled and throws him into Chains--Campaign in the Nuba

Mountains--Lupton in Difficulties--He works in the Khartum

Dockyard--Revolt of the Kababish--Difficulties begin with

Abyssinia--Death of Klootz--Organisation of the Beit el

Mal--The Khalifa's System of Jurisdiction 376

CHAPTER XII.

EVENTS IN VARIOUS PARTS OF THE SUDAN.

Karamalla's Expedition to the Bahr el Ghazal--Madibbo's Quarrel

with Karamalla--Affairs in Darfur--Execution of Madibbo--Defeat

and Death of Sheikh Saleh el Kabbashi--Capture of Charles

Neufeld--My Interview with him--Arrival of Abu Anga's Army in

Omdurman--Destruction of the Gehéna Tribe--The Conspiracy of

"Saidna Isa"--Abu Anga's Campaign in Abyssinia--Sack of

Gondar--Terrible Fate of the Captives--Osman Adam's Campaign in

Darfur--Death of Sultan Yusef--Instances of the Khalifa's

Tyranny--Building of the Mahdi's Tomb--Letters from Home--Death

of my Mother--Death of Lupton--Nejumi ordered to invade Egypt 411

CHAPTER XIII.

THE ABYSSINIAN CAMPAIGN.

Battle of Gallabat--Death of King John--The Revolt of Abu

Gemmaiza--Defeats of the Mahdists--Death of Abu

Gemmaiza--Preparations for the Invasion of Egypt--Execution of

Sixty-seven Batahin Arabs--More Letters from Home--My Family send

the Khalifa a Dressing-bag from Vienna--Immigration of the

Taaisha Tribe--They settle in the Nile Valley--Nejumi advances

into Egypt--Battle of Toski--Incidents during the Great

Famine--The Fall of Ibrahim Adlan--His Execution--The Khalifa

mistrusts me--I fall into Serious Danger--I become the Unwilling

Recipient of the Khalifa's Favours 439

CHAPTER XIV.

MAHDIST OCCUPATION OF THE SOUTHERN PROVINCES.

The Mahdist Expedition to Equatoria--The Fate of the Remnant of

Emin's Garrison--The Campaign against the Shilluks--Tokar

re-captured--Death of Osman Wad Adam--Dissensions in Dongola--The

Fall of Khaled 468

CHAPTER XV.

DISSENSION AND DISCORD.

The Revolt of the Ashraf--Flight of Father Ohrwalder and the Two

Sisters--The Khalifa revenges himself on the Ashraf--The Seizure

and Execution of the Mahdi's Uncles--Zeki Tummal's Return to

Omdurman laden with Booty--Khalifa Sherif arrested--"Where there

is no Fire there is no Smoke"--I change my Quarters--Sad News

from Austria--The Khalifa falls ill--The Story of the

Bird-messenger--The Fall of Zeki Tummal--The Battle of

Agordat--The Capture of Kassala--The Fate of Kadi Ahmed--The

Congo Free State in Equatoria and Bahr el Ghazal--I refuse to

marry the Khalifa's Cousin 479

CHAPTER XVI.

MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS.

The Person and Characteristics of Khalifa Abdullahi--The

Fate of the Mahdist Chronicler--The Princesses of Darfur--The

Khalifa's Family Life--His Harem--The Organisation of his

Body-guard--Enforced Attendance at the Mosque--The Postal

System--Military Parades--Elevation of the Western Arabs and

Oppression of the River Tribes--The Military Situation and

Strength--Guns and Ammunition--Revenue and Expenditure--Courage 514

CHAPTER XVII.

MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS (_continued_).

Administration of Justice--The Kadi el Islam--Religion

in the Sudan--The Khalifa's Sermons--Enforced Pilgrimage

to the Mahdi's Tomb--Limits of the Mahdist Empire--Natural

Produce--Caravan Roads--Ostrich Hunting--Trade and Commerce--The

Slave-trade--The Slave Market--Industries--Immorality--Unpopularity

of the Khalifa--His Ignorance and Cruelty--His Private

Apartments--Principal Buildings in Omdurman--Description of the

City--The Prison and its Horrors--Death of Zeki Tummal and Kadi

Ahmed 544

CHAPTER XVIII.

PLANS FOR ESCAPE.

European Captives in Omdurman--Artin, the Watchmaker--Friends in

Cairo--Efforts of my Family to help me--Difficulties of

Communication--Babakr Abu Sebiba's failure--Efforts of Baron

Heidler and the Egyptian Intelligence Department--Constant

Failures--Osheikh Karrar--Abderrahman matures his Plans--Hopes

and Fears--My Plan to gain Time--I quit my Hut never to return 576

CHAPTER XIX.

MY FLIGHT.

I escape from the Town by Night--My Guides Zeki Belal and

Mohammed--A Scare--130 Miles in 24 Hours--Our Camels break

down--Hiding in the Gilif Mountains--Precautions against

Surprise--Arrival of Fresh Camels--Our Journey to the Nile--The

Crossing--Friendly Sheikhs--Narrow Escape from a Large Armed

Party of Mahdists--Difficulties with my Guides--Hamed Garhosh the

Amrabi--Out of Danger--Assuan at last--Congratulations and

Welcome--Arrival in Cairo--Meeting with Old Friends 591

CHAPTER XX.

CONCLUSION.

Africa, Past and Present--The Sudan, Past and Present--Rise,

Progress, and Wane of Mahdism--How long will it last?--The

Khalifa's Present Position--European Encroachment--"Whites" in

the Bahr el Ghazal--Important Strategical Position of the

Province--Time and Tide wait for no Man--I recover my Long-lost

Sword--A Last Word 620

INDEX 631

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

PAGE

Slatin Pasha _Frontispiece_

Gessi Pasha's Troops advancing to the Attack on}

"Dem Suleiman" } To face 18

Zubeir Pasha " 48

A Rizighat Warrior " 52

Bedayat praying to the Sacred Tree " 114

Surrender of the Bedayat to Slatin " 116

Fight between the Rizighat and Egyptian Troops " 188

A Dervish Emir " 238

The Death of Hicks Pasha " 240

Bringing Gordon's Head to Slatin " 340

An Abyssinian Scout " 424

A Slave Dhow on the Nile " 430

The Mahdi's Tomb, Omdurman " 432

The Execution of the "Batahin" " 446

Famine-stricken " 454

The Khalifa inciting his Troops to attack Kassala " 504

The Khalifa and Kadis in Council " 528

In the Slave Market, Omdurman " 558

Coming from Market, Omdurman " 570

Slatin Pasha's flying from Omdurman " 592

Slatin in hiding in the hills " 598

A Camel Corps Scout " 616

Plan of Khartum and Omdurman.

Map showing Extent of Mahdist Influence in 1895.

FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN.

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTORY.

My First Journey to the Sudan--Return to Austria--My Second

Journey--Corruption in the Sudan--Appointed Governor of

Dara--Gordon in Darfur--He suppresses the Slave-Trade--Zubeir

Pasha and his Son Suleiman--The Gellabas, Jaalin, and

Danagla--Retrospect of the First Causes of the Revolt in Bahr el

Ghazal--Gessi's Campaigns--The Flight of Rabeh--Execution of

Suleiman Zubeir--Effect of the Campaign on the Local Arabs.

In July, 1878, when serving as lieutenant in H. I. H. the Crown Prince

Rudolph's regiment, the 19th Foot, on the Bosnian frontier, I received a

letter from General Gordon, inviting me to come to the Sudan and take

service with the Egyptian Government, under his direction.

I had previously, in 1874, undertaken a journey to the Sudan, travelling

by Assuan, Korosko, and Berber, and had reached Khartum in the month of

October of that year; thence I had visited the Nuba mountains, and had

remained a short time at Delen, where a station of the Austrian Roman

Catholic Mission had just been established. From here I explored the

Golfan Naïma and Kadero mountains, and would have made a longer stay in

these interesting districts, but the revolt of the Hawazma Arabs broke

out, and, being merely a traveller, I received a summons to return

forthwith to El Obeid, the chief town of Kordofan. The Arab revolt,

which had arisen over the collection of the excessively high taxes

imposed by the Government, was soon suppressed; but, under the

circumstances, I did not think it worth while returning to the Nuba

districts, and therefore decided to travel in Darfur.

At that time the Governor-General of the Sudan, Ismail Pasha Ayub, was

staying at El Fasher, the capital of Darfur; and on reaching Kaga and

Katul, I found, to my great disappointment, that an order had just been

issued prohibiting strangers from entering the country, as it had been

only recently subjugated, and was considered unsafe for travellers. I

returned therefore, without further delay, to Khartum; where I made the

acquaintance of Emin Pasha (then Dr. Emin), who had arrived a few days

previously from Egypt in company with a certain Karl von Grimm.

At that time General Gordon was Governor-General of the Equatorial

Provinces, and was residing at Lado; so to him we wrote asking for

instructions. Two months afterwards the reply came inviting us to visit

Lado; but in the meantime letters had reached me from my family in

Vienna urging me to return to Europe. I had been suffering considerably

from fever, and besides I was under the obligation of completing my

military service the following year. I therefore decided to comply with

the wishes of my family.

Dr. Emin, however, accepted Gordon's invitation, and he started soon

afterwards for the south, while I left for the north. Before parting, I

begged Emin to recommend me to General Gordon, which he did; and this

introduction eventually resulted in my receiving the letter to which I

have already referred, three years later.

Emin, it will be remembered, was, soon after his arrival at Lado,

granted the rank of Bey, and appointed Governor of Lado; and on Gordon's

departure he was nominated Governor-General of Equatoria, in which

position he remained until relieved by Mr. Stanley, in 1889.

I returned to Egypt by the Bayuda Desert, Dongola, and Wadi Haifa, and

reached Austria towards the close of 1875.

Gordon's letter, received in the midst of the Bosnian campaign,

delighted me; I longed to return to the Sudan in some official capacity;

but it was not till December, 1878, when the campaign was over and my

battalion had gone into quarters at Pressburg, that I received

permission, as an officer of the Reserve, to set out once more for

Africa.

My brother Henry was still in Herzegovina; so, remaining only eight days

in Vienna, to bid the rest of my family farewell, I left for Trieste on

21st December, 1878, little dreaming that nearly seventeen years would

elapse, and that I should experience such strange and terrible

adventures, before I should see my home again. I was then twenty-two

years of age.

On arrival in Cairo, I received a telegram from Giegler Pasha, from

Suez; he had just been appointed Inspector-General of Sudan Telegraphs,

and was on his way to Massawa, to inspect the line between that place

and Khartum; he invited me to travel with him as far as Suakin, and I

gladly availed myself of his kind offer. We parted at Suakin, he

proceeding by steamer to Massawa, while I made preparations to cross the

desert to Berber on camels. I received every assistance from Ala ed Din

Pasha, who was then Governor, and who subsequently, as Governor-General

of the Sudan, accompanied Hicks Pasha, and was killed with him when the

entire Egyptian force was annihilated at Shekan, in November, 1883.

On reaching Berber, I found a dahabia awaiting me there by General

Gordon's orders, and, embarking immediately, I arrived at Khartum on

15th January, 1879. Here I was shown every kindness and consideration;

Gordon placed at my disposal a house situated not far from the palace,

and a certain Ali Effendi was directed to attend to all my wants. In the

course of our daily meetings, General Gordon used often to talk of the

Austrian officers whom he had met at Tultcha, when on the Danube

Commission, and for whom he entertained a genuine friendship. I remember

his saying to me that he thought it was such a mistake to have changed

our smart white jackets for the blue uniform we now wear.

Early in February, Gordon appointed me Financial Inspector, and I was

instructed to travel about the country and examine into the complaints

of the Sudanese who objected to the payment of the taxes, which were not

considered unreasonably heavy. In compliance with these orders, I

proceeded _via_ Mesallamia to Sennar and Fazogl, whence I visited the

mountain districts of Kukeli, Regreg, and Kashankero, in the

neighbourhood of Beni Shangul; and then I submitted my report to General

Gordon.

In this report I pointed out that, in my opinion, the distribution of

taxes was unjust, and resulted in the bulk of taxation falling on the

poorer landed proprietors, whilst those who were better off had no

difficulty in bribing the tax-gatherers, for a comparatively small sum,

to secure exemption. Thus enormous quantities of land and property

entirely escaped taxation, whilst the poorer classes were mercilessly

ground down, in order to make up the heavy deficit which was the result

of this most nefarious system.

I further pointed out that much of the present discontent was due to the

oppressive and tyrannical methods of the tax-gatherers, who were for the

most part soldiers, Bashi-Bozuks, and Shaigias. These unscrupulous

officials thought only of how to enrich themselves as quickly as

possible at the expense of the unfortunate populations, over whom they

exercised a cruel and brutal authority.

In the course of my journey, I frequently observed that the property of

the Sudan officials--for the most part Shaigias and Turks--was almost

invariably exempted from taxation; and, on inquiry, I was always told

that this privilege had been procured, owing to the special services

they had rendered the Government. When I remarked that they received pay

for their services, they appeared greatly offended and annoyed. However,

on my arresting some of the principal delinquents, they admitted that

their taxes were justly due. In Mesallamia, which is a large town

situated between the Blue and White Niles, and a considerable trade

centre, I found an immense collection of young women, the property of

the wealthiest and most respected merchants, who had procured them and

sold them for immoral purposes, at high prices. This was evidently a

most lucrative trade; but how were the establishments of these merchants

to be taxed, and what action was I to take? I confess that ideas and

experience on this point quite failed me; and feeling my utter inability

under these circumstances to effect any reform, and having at the same

time little or no financial experience, I felt it was useless to

continue, and therefore sent in my resignation. Meanwhile, Gordon had

gone off to Darfur, with the object of inquiring into the circumstances

connected with the campaign against Suleiman, the son of Zubeir Pasha;

but before leaving he had promoted Giegler to the rank of Pasha,

intrusting him with the position of acting Governor-General during his

absence. I therefore took the occasion to send him my report and

resignation by the same post, and soon afterwards received a telegram

from Gordon, approving my resignation of the position of Financial

Inspector.

It was an immense relief to me to be free from this hateful task; I had

no qualms of conscience, for I felt my utter inability to cope with the

situation, such as I found it,--radically wrong, and corrupt through and

through.

A few days later, I received a telegram from Gordon, appointing me Mudir

of Dara, comprising the southwestern districts of Darfur, and ordering

me to start at once, as I was required to conduct military operations

against Sultan Harun, the son of a former Sultan, and who was bent on

endeavouring to wrest back his country from its Egyptian conquerors.

Gordon further instructed me to meet him, on his return journey,

somewhere between El Obeid and Tura el Hadra, on the White Nile. Having

despatched my camels to this spot, where Gordon's steamer was waiting

for him, I embarked without further delay, and on landing at Tura el

Hadra, I proceeded west, and after two hours' ride reached the

telegraph station of Abu Garad, where I learnt that Gordon was only four

or five hours distant, and was on his way to the Nile. I therefore

started off again, and in a few hours found him halted under a large

tree. He was evidently very tired and exhausted after his long ride, and

was suffering from sores on his legs. I had fortunately brought some

brandy with me from the stock on board his own steamer, and he was soon

sufficiently revived to continue his journey. He asked me to come back

with him to Tura el Hadra, to discuss the Darfur situation with him, and

to give me the necessary instructions. He also introduced me to two

members of his suite, Hassan Pasha Helmi el Juwaizer, formerly

Governor-General of Kordofan and Darfur, and to Yusef Pasha esh

Shellali, who was the last to join Gessi in his campaign against

Suleiman Zubeir and the slave hunters. We were soon in the saddle; but

Gordon shot far ahead of us, and we found it impossible to keep up with

his rapid pace. We soon reached Tura el Hadra, where the baggage camels,

which had previously been sent on ahead, had already arrived. As the

steamers were anchored in mid-stream, we were rowed out in a boat. I

found myself sitting in the stern, next Yusef Pasha esh Shellali, and,

as a drinking-cup was near him and I was thirsty, I begged him to dip it

into the river, and give me a drink. Gordon, noticing this, turned to

me, smiling, and said, in French, "Are you not aware that Yusef Pasha,

in spite of his black face, is very much your senior in rank? You are

only the Mudir of Dara, and you should not have asked him to give you a

drink." I at once apologised in Arabic to Yusef Pasha, adding that I had

asked him for the water in a moment of forgetfulness; to which he

replied that he was only too pleased to oblige me or any one else to

whom he could be of service.

On reaching the steamers, Gordon and I went on board the "Ismaïlia,"

while Yusef Pasha and Hassan Pasha went on the "Bordein." Gordon

explained to me in the fullest detail the state of Darfur, saying that

he hoped most sincerely the campaign against Sultan Harun would be

brought to a successful close, for the country for years past had been

the scene of continuous fighting and bloodshed, and was sorely in need

of rest. He also told me that he believed Gessi's campaign against

Suleiman Zubeir would soon be over; before long, he must be finally

defeated or killed, for he had lost most of his Bazinger troops

(rifle-bearing Blacks), and it was impossible for him to sustain the

continual losses which Gessi had inflicted on him. It was past ten

o'clock when he bade me "Good-bye." He had previously ordered the fires

to be lighted, as he was starting that night for Khartum, and, as I

stepped over the side, he said, in French, "Good-bye, my dear Slatin,

and God bless you; I am sure you will do your best under any

circumstances. Perhaps I am going back to England, and if so, I hope we

may meet there." These were the last words I ever heard him utter; but

who could have imagined the fate that was in store for both of us? I

thanked him heartily for his great kindness and help, and on reaching

the river-bank, I stopped there for an hour, waiting for the steamer to

start. Then I heard the shrill whistle, and the anchor being weighed,

and in a few minutes Gordon was out of sight--gone for ever!

On the following morning, mounted on the pony which Gordon had given me,

and which carried me continuously for upwards of four years, I started

off for Abu Garad, and, travelling thence by Abu Shoka and Khussi,

reached El Obeid, where I found Dr. Zurbuchen, the Sanitary Inspector.

He was about to start for Darfur, and we agreed to keep each other

company as far as Dara. We hired baggage camels through the assistance

of Ali Bey Sherif, the Governor of Kordofan; and just as we were about

to set out, he handed me a telegram which had been sent from Foga,

situated on the eastern frontier of Darfur; it was from Gessi,

announcing that Suleiman Zubeir had fallen at Gara on 15th July, 1879:

thus was Gordon's prediction verified that Suleiman must soon submit or

fall.

It may not be out of place here to give a brief account of this

campaign; its principal features are probably well known, but it is

possible I may be able to throw fresh light on some details which,

though almost twenty years have now elapsed, still possess an interest,

inasmuch as it was this campaign which was the means of bringing to the

front a man whose strange exploits in the far west of Africa are now

exercising the various European Powers who are pressing in from the west

coast, towards the Lake Chad regions. I refer to Rabeh, or, as I find he

is now called, Rabeh Zubeir.

After the conquest of Darfur, Zubeir, who had by this time been

appointed Pasha, was instructed by the then Governor of the Sudan,

Ismail Pasha, to reside in the Dara and Shakka districts. At this

particular period relations between Ismail and Zubeir were strained; the

latter had complained of the unnecessarily heavy taxation, and had

begged the Khedive's permission to be allowed to come to Cairo to

personally assure His Highness of his loyalty and devotion. Permission

had been granted, and he had left for Cairo. Soon afterwards Ismail

Pasha Ayub also left Darfur, and Hassan Pasha el Juwaizer succeeded him

as Governor; while Suleiman, the son of Zubeir, was nominated as his

father's representative, and was instructed to proceed to Shakka.

Gordon, it will be remembered, had also succeeded Ismail Ayub as

Governor-General, and had paid a visit of inspection to Darfur with the

object of quieting the country, and introducing, by his presence and

supervision, a more stable form of government.

On 7th June, 1878, Gordon arrived at Foga, and from there sent

instructions to Suleiman Zubeir to meet him at Dara. Previous to this,

information had reached him that Suleiman was not satisfied with his

position, and was much disturbed by the news that his father was

detained in Cairo by order of the Government.

It is said that Zubeir had sent letters to his son urging on him and his

followers that, under any circumstances, they should be independent of

the Egyptian Government; and as it was well known that Suleiman's object

was to maintain his father's authority in the country, his discontent

was a factor which it was not possible to ignore.

From Foga, Gordon proceeded by Om Shanga to El Fasher, where he

inspected the district and gave instructions for a fort to be built; and

after a few days' stay there he came on to Dara, where Suleiman, with

upwards of four thousand well-armed Bazingers, had already arrived, and

was encamped in the open plain lying to the south of the fort.

Conflicting opinions prevailed in Suleiman's camp in regard to the order

that they were to move to Shakka. Most of his men had taken part in the

conquest of Darfur, and consequently imagined that they had a sort of

prescriptive right to the country, and they did not at all fancy handing

over these fertile districts to the Turkish and Egyptian officials;

moreover, Suleiman and his own immediate household were incensed against

what they considered the unjust detention of Zubeir Pasha in Cairo, and

it was evident they were doing all in their power to secure his return.

It must also be borne in mind that most of Zubeir's chiefs were of his

own tribe--the Jaalin--and had formerly been slave-hunters. By a

combination of bravery and good luck they had succeeded in taking

possession of immense tracts of land in the Bahr el Ghazal province, and

here they had exercised an almost independent and arbitrary authority;

nor was this a matter of surprise when the uncivilised condition of both

the country and its inhabitants is taken into consideration. They had

acquired their position by plundering and violence, and their authority

was maintained by the same methods. When, therefore, they learnt that

Gordon was coming, they discussed amongst themselves what line of action

they should take. Some of the more turbulent members were for at once

attacking Dara, which would have been a matter of no difficulty for

them; others advised seizing Gordon and his escort, and then exchanging

him for Zubeir: should he resist and be killed in consequence, then so

much the better. A few, however, counselled submission and compliance

with the orders of the Government.

In the midst of all this discussion and difference of opinion, Gordon,

travelling by Keriut and Shieria, had halted at a spot about four hours'

march from Dara, and, having instructed his escort to follow him as

usual, he and his secretaries, Tohami and Busati Bey, started in advance

on camels. Hearing of his approach, Suleiman had given instructions to

his troops to deploy in three lines between the camp and the fort; and

while this operation was being carried out, Gordon, coming from the rear

of the troops, passed rapidly through the lines, riding at a smart trot,

and, saluting the troops right and left, reached the fort.

The suddenness of Gordon's arrival left the leaders no time to make

their plans. They therefore ordered the general salute; but even before

the thunder of the guns was heard, Gordon had already sent orders to

Suleiman and his chiefs to appear instantly before him. The first to

comply with this peremptory summons was Nur Angara; he was quickly

followed by Said Hussein and Suleiman. The latter was not slow to

perceive that the favourable moment had passed, and, therefore, at the

head of a number of his leaders, presented himself before the ubiquitous

Governor-General. After the usual compliments, Gordon ordered cigarettes

and coffee to be handed round, and he then inquired after their affairs,

and promised that he would do all in his power to satisfy every one; he

then dismissed them, and told them to return to their men. But he

motioned Suleiman to remain; and when alone, told him that he had heard

there was some idea amongst his men of opposing the Government: he

therefore urged him not to listen to evil counsellors. He gave him

clearly to understand that it would be infinitely more to his advantage

to comply with the orders of Government than to attempt offensive

measures, which must eventually end in his ruin; and after some further

conversation, in which Gordon to some extent excused the enormity of

Suleiman's offence on account of his extreme youth, he forgave him, and

allowed him to return to his troops, with the injunction that he should

strictly obey all orders in the future.

Meanwhile the escort which had been following behind from El Fasher

arrived at the fort, and Gordon, after a short rest, sent for one of

Suleiman's leaders, Said Hussein, with whom he discussed the situation.

The latter declared that his chief, in spite of pardon, was even then

ready to fight in order to secure his father's return and to get back

his own power and authority. Gordon now appointed Said Hussein Governor

of Shakka, and ordered him to start the following day with the troops he

required; but he asked him to say nothing about his nomination for a few

hours.

No sooner had he left Gordon than Nur Angara was summoned; and on being

upbraided for the want of loyalty that evidently existed amongst the

men, he replied that Suleiman was surrounded by bad advisers, who were

driving him to his ruin, and that whenever he ventured to express a

contrary opinion, Suleiman took not the smallest heed of what he might

say. Gordon, convinced of his loyalty, appointed him Governor of Sirga

and Arebu, in western Darfur, and instructed him to start the following

day with Said Hussein and to take any men he liked with him.

When it came to Suleiman's ears that his two chiefs had been made

governors by Gordon, he reproached them bitterly, and called to their

minds how they owed all they possessed to his father's generosity; to

this they replied that had it not been for their faithful services to

his father, he would never have become so celebrated and successful.

With these mutual recriminations the two new Governors quitted Suleiman,

and started at daybreak the following morning for their destination.

When they had gone, Gordon again sent for Suleiman and his chiefs. He at

first refused to come; but on the earnest entreaties of the others, who

urged that further resistance to Gordon's orders was out of the

question, he yielded with a bad grace, and once more found himself face

to face with him. On this occasion Gordon treated him with the greatest

consideration, pointing out that he had come expressly to advise

Suleiman against the folly of thinking that he could attempt to thwart

the Government by trusting in the bravery and loyalty of his Bazingers;

he assured him that loyal service under Government would bring him into

a position which could not fail to satisfy his ambitions, and, that,

further he had no reason to be concerned about his father's detention in

Cairo, that he was treated with the greatest respect and honour there,

and that he had only to exercise a little patience. Finally Gordon

instructed him to proceed to Shakka with his men, and await his arrival

there.

The following morning Suleiman received orders that on his arrival at

Shakka the new Governor had been instructed to make all provision for

the troops, and that therefore he should start without delay,--an order

which he at once carried into effect. Thus had Gordon, by his amazing

rapidity and quick grasp of the situation, arrived in two days at the

settlement of a question which literally bristled with dangers and

difficulties. Had Suleiman offered resistance at a time when Darfur was

in a disturbed state, Gordon's position and the maintenance of Egyptian

authority in these districts would have been precarious in the extreme.

Gordon then returned to El Fasher and Kebkebia; already the disturbances

which had been so rife in the country showed signs of abatement, and by

his personal influence he succeeded in still further quieting the

districts and establishing a settled form of government. Leaving El

Fasher in September, 1877, he again visited Dara and Shakka, where he

found that Suleiman had quite accepted the situation and was prepared to

act loyally; he therefore appointed him Governor of the Bahr el Ghazal

province, which had been conquered by his father; he further gave him

the rank of Bey, with which Suleiman appeared much gratified, and

expressed great satisfaction at Gordon's confidence in him. A number of

slaves, with their masters, who, when Suleiman was in disgrace at Dara,

had deserted him, and had gone over to Said Hussein, now returned to

him; and thus, with a considerable acquisition to his strength, he left

for Dem Zubeir, the chief town of his new province, which had been

founded by his father.

Arrived here, he issued circulars to all parts of the country to the

effect that he had been appointed Governor; and at the same time he sent

a summons to a certain Idris Bey Ebtar to present himself forthwith

before him. This Idris Bey Ebtar had, on Zubeir Pasha's departure for

Cairo, been appointed by him as his agent in the Bahr el Ghazal. He was

a native of Dongola, and in this fact lies, I think, the secret of the

subsequent deplorable events.

The Bahr el Ghazal province is inhabited by an immense variety of negro

tribes, who were more or less independent of each other until the

Danagla and Jaalin Arabs, advancing from the Nile valley in their

slave-hunting expeditions, gradually settled in the country and took

possession of it. The Jaalin trace their descent back to Abbas, the

uncle of the Prophet. They are very proud of it, and look down with the

greatest contempt and scorn on the Danagla, whom they regard as

descended from the slave Dangal. According to tradition, this man,

although a slave, rose to be the ruler of Nubia, though he paid tribute

to Bahnesa, the Coptic Bishop of the entire district lying between the

present Sarras and Debba. This Dangal founded a town after his own name,

Dangala (Dongola), and gradually the inhabitants of the district were

known as Danagla. They are, for the most part, of Arab descent, but,

having mixed freely with the natives of the country, have somewhat lost

caste. Of course they too insist on their Arab descent, but the Jaalin

continually refer to their Dangal origin, and treat them with contempt

and derision. The relations between these two tribes must be fully

recognised in order to understand what follows.

The friends of Idris Ebtar, who were for the most part Danagla, strongly

urged him to disobey Suleiman's summons; and, in consequence, a

situation arose which was entirely after the slave-hunter's own heart.

To play off one chief against another, and thereby serve his own

interest and derive personal benefit, is the Arab's delight; and in

this instance it was not long before Idris Ebtar's defiance of

Suleiman's authority developed into terror of being taken prisoner, and

he fled the country to Khartum. Arrived here, he reported that Suleiman

was now acting as if the country were entirely his own; that instead of

performing his duties as a governor, he had usurped the position of his

father, who was rather a king than a governor; that he had given the

best positions to his own Jaalin followers, to the exclusion of all the

other tribes, more especially the Danagla, who were being tyrannized

over and oppressed in every possible way,--indeed, according to Idris

Ebtar's story, Suleiman was about to declare himself an independent

ruler; and in support of his statement he produced quantities of

petitions, purporting to have been received from merchants,

slave-dealers, and others in the Bahr el Ghazal, all urging the

Government to dismiss Suleiman at once, and replace him by another

governor. Assisted by his numerous relatives, Idris Ebtar made such a

good case of it to the Khartum authorities that they offered him the

post of governor in succession to Suleiman, on condition that he would

supply a regular annual revenue of ivory and india-rubber, and that he

would also provide annually a contingent of Bazinger recruits, trained

to the use of fire-arms, for incorporation in the Egyptian army.

In order to give full effect to his new appointment, he was given an

escort of two hundred regular troops under a certain Awad es Sid

Effendi, to whom instructions were given to comply absolutely with his

orders.

Idris, leaving Khartum, proceeded by steamer up the White Nile, and

thence by the Bahr el Ghazal to Meshra er Rek, eventually reaching

Ganda, whence he wrote to Suleiman informing him that he had been

dismissed. The receipt of this document was naturally the signal for a

general commotion. Suleiman instantly summoned his relatives and friends

to his side, and informed them in the most resolute manner that he would

utterly refuse to comply with such an unfair order, pointing out with a

certain amount of justice that since his arrival in Bahr el Ghazal he

had had practically no dealings with the Government, and that it was

very unjust of them to act on mere suspicion, without giving him a

chance of defending himself. He urged, moreover, that Government was not

dealing fairly in discharging him from a position which was his by

right. But here Suleiman was to a certain extent incorrect in claiming

territory which, though conquered by his father, was now the actual

property of the Government. The meeting over, he wrote a letter in the

above sense to Idris Ebtar, protesting in the strongest terms against

his interference, accusing him of base ingratitude, and of acting in

defiance of every law of honour and justice in having recourse to such

means to gratify his personal ambitions. He further reminded him of the

assistance and support ever accorded to him by his absent father,

Zubeir, who, on being obliged to leave Darfur, had appointed him his

agent; and he finally upbraided him for having gone to Khartum as he did

and intrigued to be made governor, instead of coming and seeing him as

he had ordered, after Gordon had appointed him (Suleiman) governor; and

he wound up his letter by an emphatic refusal to pay the smallest

attention to Idris Bey's summons.

In answer to this letter, Idris sent Suleiman an ultimatum, calling on

him to either submit instantly, or take the consequences of being

proceeded against as a rebel; to which Suleiman replied that he was

quite prepared to let the sword decide between them.

It was now clear that war must inevitably result, and the merchants

began to be alarmed for their lives and property. The Jaalin, of course,

wished Suleiman to remain their chief, whilst the other tribes,

considerably in the minority, sided with Idris, who, on assuring himself

that a resort to arms was inevitable, despatched his brother, Osman

Ebtar, with two hundred regulars and a number of Bazingers under Awad es

Sid Effendi, to garrison Ganda, whilst he himself, with a small party of

Bazingers, proceeded to collect some followers, with a view to making a

sudden onslaught on Suleiman. The latter, however, incited by the

intense hatred of his tribe for their Danagla enemies, did not hesitate

to risk arbitration by the sword. Secretly collecting a number of his

followers at Dem Zubeir, he made a sudden attack on the zariba at Ganda;

and although Osman Ebtar and his men made a gallant stand, the zariba

was soon reduced to ashes, the houses and huts, in accordance with

Suleiman's orders, being completely destroyed, and the dead and wounded

thrown into the flames. After this bloody encounter, all attempts at

arriving at a peaceful settlement were out of the question; it was now

war to the knife between Suleiman and Idris, and the latter, learning of

the disaster at Ganda, lost no time in returning to Khartum and

reporting that Suleiman had revolted in the Bahr el Ghazal, and had

declared his independence, which was, in fact, the case. Indeed, no time

was lost by Suleiman in informing the principal Bahr el Ghazal

merchants, such as Genawi Abu Amuri, Zubeir Wad el Fahl, and others,

that he had resolved to take up arms against the Government, and he

begged them to co-operate with him. It was thus quite clear that

Suleiman did not doubt the Government would not give up a province like

Bahr el Ghazal without making a final effort to hold it. The Danagla

also, knowing that they had no mercy to expect from the Jaalin, set to

work to strengthen their own positions; but the principal merchants,

such as Ali Amuri and Zubeir Wad el Fahl, who were very anxious to do

nothing which would jeopardise their relations with the Government,

stood aloof.

Meanwhile the news came that Romolo Gessi had reached Khartum, and had

been appointed commander of the expedition against Suleiman and the

slave-hunters. Accompanied by Yusef Pasha esh Shellali and forty

officers and men, he proceeded in the first instance to Fashoda, where

he secured the services of two companies of troops and further

reinforcements of regulars and irregulars from Lado and Makaraka. At

Gaba Shamba he found a considerable store of Remington rifles and

ammunition and a number of Bazingers, which raised his force to upwards

of two thousand five hundred rifles.

It was now (July, 1878) the rainy season, and operations against

Suleiman were for the moment impossible. Gessi, therefore, proceeded to

Rumbek, and from thence sent a summons to Genawi and Wad el Fahl to join

him. With this order they at once complied, bringing with them a further

reinforcement of some two thousand five hundred men, while Gessi

received continual additions to his strength from the smaller merchants

and others, so that when the wet season was over he found himself at the

head of upwards of seven thousand men, besides two guns and a number of

rockets, with which he prepared to march to Ganda. Meanwhile, doubts

being entertained of Said Hussein's loyalty, Gordon despatched Mustafa

Bey Abu Kheiran to replace him; and on the arrival of the latter at

Shakka, Said Hussein was sent to Khartum under escort. His arrest was

the signal for all Zubeir Pasha's old chiefs, such as Osman Wad Tayalla,

Musa Wad el Haj, and others, to join Suleiman, who had in the meantime

been concentrating his troops, and had been joined by thousands of minor

slave-hunters, mostly Rizighat and Habbania Arabs, who were ever ready

to side with the winners, in the hope of plunder. Thus Suleiman's force

was numerically far superior to that of Gessi Pasha, who by this time

had reached Ganda.

Arrived here, he at once proceeded to construct a zariba and entrench

himself. Yusef Pasha and the others who had no knowledge of

fortification, laughed at Gessi's precautions; but it was not long

before they were fully convinced of their efficacy. Suleiman advanced to

attack Ganda, on 25th December, 1878; and after a terrific onslaught, in

which both sides lost heavily, he was forced to retire. In spite of this

heavy defeat, Suleiman, in the course of the next three months, made

four other unsuccessful attacks on Ganda; and at length, in March, 1879,

Gessi, having procured ammunition and reinforcements, prepared to take

the offensive against Suleiman, who had by this time suffered heavily,

and had lost many of his best leaders.

On 1st May an action was fought, which was, comparatively speaking,

insignificant in regard to losses, but resulted in Suleiman being forced

to beat a precipitate retreat from Dem Zubeir; the large stock of slaves

and booty falling into the hands of Gessi's Danagla followers, who,

apparently without his knowledge, shared the plunder amongst themselves.

Suleiman's power was thoroughly broken, and he had now to decide between

unconditional surrender to Government, or flight into the interior of

Africa. The Danagla had become possessors of all his property, including

his enormous harem of some eight hundred women, besides those of his

various chiefs, whose respective households could not have numbered less

than one hundred women each,--indeed, every Bazinger, who was

practically a slave, was also the possessor of one or two wives; and now

all this immense amount of human loot had fallen into the hands of his

enemies. Moreover, his scattered forces, which were now roaming about

the country in search of work, made no secret of the quantities of gold

and silver treasure which Suleiman had amassed, and which were now, no

doubt, in the hands of Gessi's men. When it is remembered that

Suleiman's treasury included the masses of gold and silver jewellery

captured by his father at Dara, at Manawashi,--where Sultan Ibrahim had

ruled, and had fallen on the capture of Darfur,--at El Fasher, at

Kebkebia, etc., it can be readily understood what riches must have

fallen into the hands of the Government levies, and--perhaps unknown to

their commander, who was ignorant of the language--had been divided up

amongst them.

Gessi now quartered the bulk of his troops in the entrenched camp

vacated by Suleiman, and with a comparatively small force proceeded to

follow him up in pursuit. In order to conceal his whereabouts, Suleiman

had scattered his men throughout the western districts; but Gessi came

across one of his armed bands, under Rabeh, and dispersed it without

much difficulty. Rabeh, however, escaped, and just at this period Gessi

received orders from Gordon to meet him in Darfur; he therefore

collected all his troops in Dem Suleiman, where they rested after their

fatiguing campaign, whilst he himself, accompanied by some of his

officers, amongst whom was Yusef Pasha esh Shellali, proceeded to Et

Toweisha, where the caravan routes from Om Shanga, El Obeid, and Dara

join, and here he met Gordon.

[Illustration: Gessi Pasha's Troops advancing to the attack on "Dem

Suleiman."]

In this his second visit to Darfur, Gordon had ascertained that the

Sudanese merchants of El Obeid had been selling arms and powder to the

rebel Suleiman, with whom they naturally sympathised for their own

selfish purposes; this contraband of war had been secretly despatched to

Bahr el Ghazal through the intermediary of the Gellabas (petty traders),

who obtained enormous prices from Suleiman: for instance, six to eight

slaves would be exchanged for a double-barrelled gun, and one or two

slaves was the price of a box of caps. The officials at El Obeid made

some attempt to check this trade, but the difficulties were great. The

districts between Kordofan and Bahr el Ghazal were inhabited principally

by nomad Arab tribes such as the Rizighat, Hawazma, Homr, and Messeiria;

it was, moreover, an easy matter for small parties of Gellabas to

traverse, without fear of detection, the almost uninhabited forests,

with which the country abounds; and even if an Egyptian official came

across them, he was, as a rule, quite amenable to a small bribe.

Gordon was fully cognisant of all this, and therefore gave the order

that trade of every description was to be stopped between El Obeid and

Bahr el Ghazal. The merchants were, in consequence, ordered to quit all

districts lying to the south of the El Obeid, Et Toweisha, and Dara

caravan road, and to confine their trade entirely to the northern and

western countries, whilst active operations were going on in Bahr el

Ghazal. But, in spite of the strictness with which these orders were

enforced, the chances of gain were so enormous and so enticing that the

merchants grew almost insensible to the risk of discovery; and, in fact,

the Government had not at hand the means of checking the trade in an

adequate manner,--indeed, in spite of the Government restrictions, the

trade rather increased than decreased. Gordon, therefore, had to resort

to very drastic measures. He ordered the Sheikhs of the Arab tribes to

seize all Gellabas in their districts, and forcibly drive them to Dara,

Toweisha, Om Shanga, and El Obeid, and at the same time held them

responsible for any Gellabas found in their countries, after a certain

date. This order was welcomed by the greedy Arabs, who seized the

occasion to pillage, not only the wandering traders, but even those who

had been settled amongst them for years, and who had nothing to do with

this illicit commerce; they gathered the wheat and the tares together,

and cast out both indiscriminately, making considerable profit over the

transaction. Gordon's order was now the signal for a wholesale campaign

against the traders, who not only lost their goods, but almost every

stitch of clothing they possessed, and were driven like wild animals in

hundreds, almost naked, towards Dara, Toweisha, and Om Shanga. It was a

terrible punishment for their unlawful communication with the enemies of

the Government.

Many of these traders had been residing amongst the Arabs for years.

They had got wives, children, concubines, and considerable quantities of

property, which in turn fell into the hands of the Arabs. The fates,

indeed, wreaked all their fury on these wretched slave-hunters, and the

retribution--merited as it undoubtedly was, on the principle of an eye

for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth--was painful enough to witness, and

had consequences which were more far-reaching; for it must be remembered

that the majority of these petty traders were Jaalin from the Nile

valley, and between them and their Arab oppressors there now arose the

most implacable hatred, which has continued up to the present time, and

which shows signs of increase rather than of diminution.

In point of humanity, this attack on the Gellabas may be open to

question; but on closer investigation it will be apparent to all that

it was not possible to deal with an anomalous situation, such as then

existed, by political or philanthropic methods,--drastic and violent

measures could alone be effective. The Arab himself says, "Nar el ghaba

yelzamha el harika" (Against a prairie-fire, fire must be used); and the

proverb was peculiarly applicable in this case.

Now, these traders being for the most part Jaalin, Shaigias and Danagla

had, of course, relations and friends in the Nile valley; and, indeed,

many of the latter were their intermediaries in the commercial and slave

transactions which took place. Gordon's orders, therefore, were scarcely

less unpopular amongst these Nile-dwellers, who could not understand why

such severe measures were necessary, merely to prevent Gessi from being

defeated in Bahr el Ghazal.

But to return to Gessi's movements. Having met Gordon at Toweisha, and

explained the situation to him, he was instructed to proceed to Dara,

while Gordon returned to Khartum, and with him Yusef Pasha Shellali, who

during the entire campaign had served Gessi most loyally, but who had

been told, by some of the numerous intriguers, that his chief was

against him; he therefore begged Gordon to allow him to return with him

to Khartum,--a request which was at once granted, while his services

were further recognised by his promotion to the rank of Pasha.

On his arrival at Dara, Gessi received information that Suleiman had

quitted Bahr el Ghazal, and, having collected his forces, was somewhere

in the southwest of Darfur. It was thought that he intended to unite

with Sultan ben Seif ed Din, a direct descendant of the old Darfur

kings, who was said to have collected a force with the object of

opposing the Government and driving out the foreigners. It is impossible

to say whether this was really Suleiman's intention; but there is no

doubt that Sultan Harun had never concluded an alliance with Suleiman,

who, being the son of the conqueror of Darfur, by whom the dynasty had

been destroyed, was hated by the Darfur people even more than were the

Egyptians; the latter, in comparison with Zubeir's lawless gangs of

Bazingers, had a slightly higher reputation, but both seemed to consider

the Darfurians their legitimate prey, and both were guilty of acts of

cruelty and oppression.

At this time the principal Government official at Dara was Zogal Bey

(Mohammed Bey Khaled); and Gessi, having left almost all his troops in

Bahr el Ghazal, now begged him to place at his disposal two companies of

regular troops, under the command of Saghkolaghasi Mansur Effendi Helmi;

with these, and a certain Ismail Wad el Barnu,--an Egyptian born in

Darfur, and well known for his bravery, and knowledge of the

country,--Gessi set off for Kalaka, the headquarters of the Habbania

Arabs. Here he was joined by Arifi Wad Ahmed, head Sheikh of the

Habbania, and by Madibbo Bey, chief of the Rizighat, who was loyal to

Government, and could place several hundred horsemen in the field.

Suleiman's star was now declining. Abandoned by most of his own

tribesmen, who had secretly made off through the forests to the Nile

valley; deserted by the greater part of his trusted Bazingers, whom

hunger, fatigue, and aimless wandering in pathless regions had

hopelessly scattered; his footsteps dogged by Gessi, who was kept

informed of his every movement,--he was, indeed, in sorry plight when

Ismail Wad Barnu, despatched by Gessi with a summons to surrender,

appeared before him at Gharra.

Ismail was well known to Suleiman, and had been instructed by Gessi to

inform him that, should he submit, his life and the lives of his chiefs

would be spared, and his women and children should not be touched, on

condition that he handed over to him his Bazingers, with their arms, and

made a solemn vow of loyalty to the Egyptian Government. Ismail pointed

out to Suleiman that all hope of successful resistance was now at an

end, and, as a native of the country, he gave it as his private opinion

that Sultan Harun would never be induced to enter into alliance with

him.

Suleiman now convened a meeting of his principal men to discuss the

terms of peace offered by Gessi. Most of them were heartily tired of

this constant fighting, in which they had been almost invariably

defeated, but there were some who doubted the sincerity of the

conditions proposed; Ismail, however, asserted in the strongest terms

that he would guarantee the sincerity of Gessi, who himself longed to

put an end to this useless bloodshed, and further stated that he had

been authorised by him to take a solemn oath in his name that the

conditions of surrender would be faithfully observed.

Suleiman and all his chiefs, with the exception of Rabeh, agreed to

accept; but the latter pointed out, with a prescience, which subsequent

events justified, that Suleiman had been warned, before he took up arms,

of the danger he was incurring, and that once in the hands of his

captors he could not hope for mercy. As regards himself, Rabeh declared

that it would be pain and grief to him to separate from men who had been

his companions in joy and sorrow all these years, but he gave them

distinctly to understand that he would never place himself in the power

of Gessi, whose success had been due to the Danagla, and who, though an

European, was really in their hands. He begged his companions to

remember the bitter animosity which existed between the Jaalin and

Danagla, and recalled the merciless manner in which the former had

treated the latter when Osman Ebtar had been defeated at Ganda. He

therefore had two proposals to make, viz., to collect their entire force

and march west into the Banda countries, which had hitherto been

untouched by foreign intruders, and which could offer no resistance to

the thousands of well-armed Bazingers they still had at their command.

He then went on to say, that once the Black tribes had been subjugated,

they could enter into relations with the kingdoms of Wadai, Baghirmi,

and Bornu, and that it was most unlikely that Gessi and his men, who

were tired of fighting, would follow them into distant and unknown

regions, over which the Government had no control, and from which it was

not likely they could reap any benefit.

Should this proposal not meet with their approbation, then he would

suggest that as they wished now to lead quiet lives with their

fellow-tribesmen in the Nile valley, they should send a special

deputation either to His Highness the Khedive or to Gordon Pasha,

begging for pardon and peace; but that they should never do so through

Gessi, whose only object was to secure their arms and Bazingers, and

who, at the capture of Dem Suleiman, had unhesitatingly taken everything

they possessed. If, therefore, they wished to save their lives and avoid

the intrigues of the Danagla, all they had to do was to leave the

Bazingers with their arms behind, and themselves proceed by Kalaka and

Shakka and through the uninhabited forests of Dar Hamar to Foga, the

western telegraph station on the Darfur frontier, whence they could wire

their submission and ask for pardon, which would undoubtedly be granted.

Or they might, added Rabeh, proceed from Shakka through Dar Homr, and,

skirting the northern Janghé country, reach El Obeid, where they could

make their submission through the intermediary of the Governor and their

relative, Elias Pasha Wad Um Bereir. He concluded his speech by saying

that should none of these proposals meet with approval, then he was

prepared, with the greatest reluctance, to quit his lifelong friends,

and, taking those who wished to join him, he would march west and take

his chance; but, he added most emphatically, he would never place

himself in the hands of Gessi and his Danagla.

These proposals were made by Rabeh to Suleiman and the others in the

presence of Ismail Wad Barnu, who again urged that they should submit to

Gessi, arguing that as the latter had been originally entrusted with the

campaign, it would naturally be a point of honour with him to see to

Suleiman's safety and to write favourably to Government in regard to

him; but, on the other hand, added Ismail, should Suleiman attempt to

obtain pardon without Gessi's intermediary, then the latter would

naturally be very angry, and would probably be the means of injuring him

in the eyes of the Government.

Musa Wad el Haj, one of Suleiman's best leaders, and who also had some

influence with Gessi, now addressed Rabeh as follows: "You have made

certain proposals in the hearing of Ismail Wad Barnu, who is Gessi's

messenger. Should we concur with your proposals, what do you consider we

should do with him?" To this question Rabeh answered, "Ismail is our

friend, and was trusted by Zubeir; far be it from me to wish him any

harm. Should we decide on flight, then, in self-preservation, we must

take him with us a certain distance and when we are out of reach of

pursuit, let him go." A long discussion now ensued, which resulted in a

division of opinions: Suleiman, Hassan Wad Degeil (Zubeir's uncle), Musa

Wad el Haj, Ibrahim Wad Hussein (the brother of Saleh Wad Hussein, the

former Governor of Shakka, who had been arrested and sent to Khartum),

Suleiman Wad Mohammed, Ahmed Wad Idris, Abdel Kader Wad el Imam, and

Babakr Wad Mansur, all of the Gemiab section of the Jaalin tribe; also

Arbab Mohammed Wad Diab of the Saadab section, agreed to accept Gessi's

conditions and submit. But Rabeh, Abu el Kasim (of the Magazib section),

Musa Wad el Jaali, Idris Wad es Sultan, and Mohammed Wad Fadlalla, of

the Gemiab section, and Abdel Bayin, a former slave of Zubeir Pasha,

decided not to submit under any circumstances, but to march west.

Ismail, being of course most anxious to inform Gessi of Suleiman's

submission, urged him to break up the meeting and to give him a written

document that the conditions were acceptable. Suleiman complied, and

with eight of his chiefs signed the compact and handed it to Ismail, who

at once returned to Gessi at Kalaka with presents of several male and

female slaves.

No sooner had he gone than Rabeh again came to Suleiman, and in the most

earnest terms begged him to reconsider the matter; but Suleiman was

obdurate, and Rabeh, therefore, retired heart-broken, beat his war-drums

to collect his Bazingers and followers, sorrowfully bade his old

companions farewell, and marched off in a southwesterly direction, to

the sound of the ombeÿa, or elephant's tusk (the Sudan war-horn, which

can be heard at an immense distance).

Several of Suleiman's men, seeing that Rabeh was determined not to

submit, joined him, preferring the uncertainty of a life of adventure in

the pathless forests to the risk of giving themselves up to the hated

Danagla. But the five chiefs who had been his main supporters took the

occasion to desert him at his first camping-station, intending to

conceal themselves by the help of the Arab chiefs whom they knew, and

eventually to make their way back to the Nile when all danger was over.

On receipt of Suleiman's letter of submission, Gessi set out with all

speed for Gharra, accompanied by Ismail, who feared that Rabeh's

counsels might after all prevail and that they had no time to lose; they

took with them a considerable number of men, and were reinforced by

contingents supplied by the Rizighat and Habbania chiefs. Arrived near

Gharra, Gessi sent on Ismail to tell Suleiman that he had received the

signed conditions, with which he was satisfied, and that he had come to

personally accept his submission. In a short time Ismail returned,

reporting Rabeh's flight with a considerable number of Bazingers and

arms, and that Suleiman was quite prepared to surrender. Gessi therefore

advanced to Gharra with his troops and met Suleiman, whose men had piled

their arms. He verbally gave them the pardon for which they asked, and

then ordered the Bazingers to be distributed between Sheikh Arifi and

Madibbo Bey, while instructions were given to put the chiefs under a

guard until the Government officials appointed to take charge of them

should have been selected.

These orders were executed with great promptitude, and in two hours, out

of the entire camp, only Suleiman and the chiefs, with their wives and

families, remained, and over these a small guard was placed.

Now, as Rabeh had truly foretold, the intrigues of the Danagla against

Suleiman began. They told Gessi that Suleiman's servants had reported

that he already regretted having submitted, and that had he known that

he was to be received in such a way, he would rather have died fighting.

Gessi, although a man of an open and honourable disposition, was

somewhat susceptible to such insinuations; he trusted his own men, and

as they had risked their lives for him, he did not doubt their words.

But he neither knew nor realised that his men were bent on Suleiman's

destruction. The loot which they had taken in Dem Suleiman and in many

other engagements was enormous, besides male and female slaves, gold and

silver jewellery, and an immense amount of cash, all of which they had

distributed amongst themselves, unknown to Gessi. What they now feared

was that Suleiman, being admitted to Gessi's favour, would inform him of

what had occurred, and that he would enter a claim against the

Government. Moreover, it will be remembered how Idris Ebtar had by his

intrigues given the authorities the impression that the Bahr el Ghazal

revolt was entirely due to the Zubeir faction, while they showed

themselves in the light of faithful adherents and martyrs to the

Government cause. They dreaded lest Suleiman might be sent to Khartum,

whence he would probably obtain permission to visit his father in Cairo,

and they knew that Zubeir possessed sufficient influence to institute

claims against them for the seizure of his property, and would moreover

do his utmost to show that Suleiman was not responsible for the revolt.

The Danagla, therefore, now resorted to the following base expedient:

they informed Gessi that Suleiman had sent messengers to recall Rabeh,

that he had given him instructions to make an attack on Gessi, who had

only an insignificant force, and to whom they had surrendered under the

impression that his force was much larger, but that Rabeh was

sufficiently strong to easily overcome him, and thus completely turn the

tables.

Mansur Effendi Helmi also came forward and corroborated these tales,

adding that he was convinced Suleiman was just as hostile as before, and

that on the smallest chance being given him he would not hesitate to

revolt once more against the Government.

Gessi was now fully convinced that their statements were true, and in

consequence of their urgent declamations against Suleiman he went back

on the promise he had made that their lives should be safe. In the

course of the day he had Suleiman and the nine chiefs brought into his

tent, and reproached them very severely for their traitorous conduct. To

proud and uncivilised men these reproaches were unbearable, and they

replied in an equally abrupt tone. Gessi, stung to anger, quitted the

tent and ordered the Danagla, who were lurking about, to shoot them. In

a moment the tent was pulled down over their heads, they were secured,

their hands were tied behind their backs, and they were driven to the

place of execution. With the most bitter imprecations on their lips

against the treacherous Danagla, they fell, shot through the back by the

rifles of a firing party of Mansur Helmi's regulars, on the 15th July,

1879. Thus did fate overtake Suleiman and his friends. Death had come

upon them treacherously, it is true; but they had abused the authority

with which they had been vested, by their cruelty and ambition they had

wrecked the provinces of Bahr el Ghazal and Darfur, and had reduced the

inhabitants to an unparalleled state of misery and wretchedness.

Gessi lost no time in sending a telegram to the station at Foga

reporting Suleiman's death and the conclusion of the campaign to Gordon.

This news, as already related, reached me through Ali Bey Sherif the day

I left El Obeid for Darfur.

Gessi now called on the Shaigias to hand over the Bazingers in their

charge; but they reported that owing to an insufficient guard they had

escaped; and as the story seemed credible, Gessi collected the remainder

of his men, with the intention of proceeding to Bahr el Ghazal, where he

wished to establish a settled form of government, in place of the

constant warfare which had decimated this fertile province. Just before

leaving, he received information that the five chiefs who had left

Rabeh, viz., Abdel Kasim, Musa Jaali, Idris Wad es Sultan, Mohammed

Fadlalla, and Abdel Bayin; were in hiding amongst the Arabs; he

therefore left orders for the Shaigia to search for them, and when

found, to bring them for punishment before the Governor of El Fasher.

Zogal Bey, the Governor of Shakka, was also ordered to do his utmost to

catch these men, with the result that they were discovered without much

difficulty, and brought, with shebas round their necks, to El Fasher,

where Messedaglia Bey, without further ado, had them instantly shot.

Thus, with the exception of Rabeh, the entire Zubeir gang was destroyed,

and the power of the slave-hunters crippled.

The campaign had resulted in a considerable loss to Government of arms

and ammunition, and in a corresponding acquisition of strength to the

great southern Arab tribes, such as the Baggara, Taisha, Habbania, and

Rizighat, who both before and after the fall of Suleiman had captured

numbers of Bazingers and immense quantities of loot; the subsequent

effects of which were not long in showing themselves.