THE FORTY-NINTH CONGRESS.
The first session of the Forty-ninth Congress was commenced on the
7th of December, 1885. The Republicans had a majority in the
Senate, but it was understood that they would not oppose the
Administration in a factious way, but would insist upon having the
reasons for the removals of Republican officials and the appointment
of Democrats in their places. The President, on the other hand,
intimated that he should assert all his prerogatives. A number of
the Democratic Senators were not happy, and asked each other whether
they had dragged their weary way out of the wilderness to the top
of a civil service Mount Pisgah only to gaze upon the promised
land, there to see the pleasant pastures and shady groves of official
life, without being permitted to enjoy them.
John Sherman was elected President _pro tempore_ of the Senate.
Although he had twice lost the Republican nomination for the
Presidency by the treachery of Ohio politicians, he had not "sulked
in his tent," but had done all in his power to carry that State
for Garfield and then for Blaine. It was understood that Senator
Edmunds had resigned in his favor all claims to the Presidency of
the Senate, and he was elected by the full party vote, thirty-four
against twenty-nine. He stated in his brief inaugural speech that
he should endeavor to enforce the rules with impartiality,
ascertaining, if possible, the sense of the majority, and giving
to the minority its full constitutional rights and protection.
There was a prolonged and acrimonious debate in the Senate, called
the third battle of Bull Run, as it related to the conduct of Fitz
John Porter in the second battle. One day Senator Plumb, of Kansas,
declared that the attempt to reinstate Porter was the beginning of
an attempt to re-write the history of the Union army, and to put
that which was disloyal and unfaithful above that which was loyal
and faithful. "This," said Mr. Plumb, "was our quarrel, if quarrel
it was, and the other side ought to refrain from voting on it."
This roused Senator Butler, of South Carolina, who had served as
a Brigadier-General in the Confederate army, and he, in sharp tones,
protested against what Mr. Plumb had said, denouncing it as
"absolutely and entirely and unqualifiedly untrue. And, sir," he
went on to say, "if it were in another form I would pronounce it
as false and cowardly." He concluded by declaring that he did not
believe Fitz John Porter was a traitor. He did not believe that
he deserted his colors, and believing that, he should vote to
reinstate him. "Ah!" quietly remarked Mr. Plumb, "I knew all that
before the Senator arose." "Then," retorted Mr. Butler, "I hope
the Senator will stop his insinuations." To this Mr. Plumb replied,
"As the Senator has not restrained himself from making a somewhat
lively speech here, I hope he will not feel under any restraint
elsewhere."
Senator Butler was by that time thoroughly enraged, and, advancing
toward the Senator from Kansas, he exclaimed: "I can say this to
the Senator, that if he were to indulge in just such sentiments
and expressions elsewhere as he has, he would be very likely to
hear from me." "Oh! Mr. President," cooly remarked Mr. Plumb, "we
hear a great many things in these days. There are signs and
portents, and all that sort of thing. It is just what the Senator
has said that I was commenting upon; that, while the men who served
in the Union army and the Northern people were divided to some
extent on this question affecting the honor, the good name, the
faithfulness, and the loyalty of one of their own soldiers, no
Confederate soldier had any doubt upon the subject, but voted _nem.
con._ that he was not guilty."
A few moments later, Mr. Plumb said he has just been informed that
the President had vetoed a bill giving a pension of fifty dollars
a month to the widow of Major-General Hunter, who had been presiding
officer of the court-martial that had tried Fitz John Porter. That
seemed a fitting accompaniment for the passage of the Fitz John
Porter Bill. But the loyal people of the country would see to it
that Mrs. Hunter did not suffer. The debate then lagged, and in
a few minutes the vote was reached and the bill was passed.
The champion of President Cleveland in the Senate was Arthur P.
Gorman, of Maryland, the son of a respectable citizen of Washington
and the grandson of an Irishman. Educated at the public schools
in Howard County, Maryland, he was appointed, when thirteen years
of age, a page in the Senate of the United States. Prompt, truthful,
and attentive to whatever was entrusted to him, he was gradually
promoted until he became the Senate Postmaster. Among his warmest
friends was Andrew Johnson, and when he was removed from office
because he always spoke well of the President, Mr. Johnson appointed
him Collector of Internal Revenue for the Fifth District of Maryland,
which place he held until the Grant Administration came into power.
Entering into Maryland politics, and thoroughly acquainted with
parliamentary law, he was elected Speaker of the House of Delegates,
and afterward State Senator. When forty years of age he was elected
United States Senator, defeating William Pinckney Whyte, who was
the representative of the aristocratic element in Maryland. This
element at once commenced a merciless warfare against Mr. Gorman,
but he was in no wise daunted, and he has been re-elected by a
large majority. He is rather an under-sized, squarely built man,
with jet-black hair, a Roman nose, a clean-shaven face, very dark
blue eyes, and a decisive manner. He is noted for his fidelity to
his friends, and at the same time he often forgives those who have
shamefully treated him, but who come to ask favors of him. He did
much toward securing the election of Mr. Cleveland as President,
and he has had the satisfaction of seeing that what he did has been
fully appreciated at the White House.
Senator Kenna, of West Virginia, another stanch defender of President
Cleveland, was the youngest Senator when he took his seat, but he
had served three terms in the House of Representatives and was
chosen for a fourth term when he was elected to the seat formerly
occupied by Henry G. Davis. He is a tall, thick-set man, with a
full, clean-shaven face, blue eyes, chestnut hair, rather inclined
to curl. He is negligent in his dress and rather slow in the
utterance of his sentences, as he speaks extemporaneously, what he
says, however, is always to the point at issue.
General Charles F. Manderson is one of the ablest among the younger
Senators on the Republican side of the Chamber. A native of
Pennsylvania, he commenced the practice of law in Ohio, but went
into the Union army, where he fought gallantly, receiving severe
wounds. After peace was declared he migrated to the young State
of Nebraska, whose interests he carefully looks after while he
participates in general legislation, especially military affairs
and printing. He is of medium height, compactly built, with bright
eyes and a well-modulated voice.
Senator Spooner, of Wisconsin, is the young orator of the Senate.
Slender in form, and not of commanding presence, he has a well-
modulated voice, and his words are always well chosen. Whatever
he says is characterized by depth of reflection and purity of style,
and he is fearlessly independent in the expression of his ideas.
General McCook, the Secretary of the Senate, taking a wife, it
became necessary, in accordance with the traditions of that body,
to make him a wedding present. The Quaker Senator, Jonathan Chace,
of Rhode Island, was one of a committee appointed to collect the
contributions for a gift to General McCook, and he began to solicit
donations while the Senate was in session, which made it necessary
for him to speak low, and, perhaps, somewhat indistinctly. No
sooner had be interviewed Mr. Dolph, of Oregon, than that Senator,
leaving his seat, went out into the cloak-room, where sat several
of the upper house, enjoying their cigars and a chat. "Well," said
Mr. Dolph, as he joined them, "I have been called upon, since I
have been in public life, to contribute to all sorts of enterprises
and for all sorts of purposes, but I just had a request that beats
any demand I have ever had made upon my pocket-book." "What was
it?" asked the Senators, in a body. "Why," replied Mr. Dolph,
"Friend Chace just came to me, and in a mysterious way said that
his cook was about to be married, and that he wanted to have me
subscribe to a testimonial to her. What in--" but here his auditors
broke out in roars of laughter, in which Mr. Dolph joined when he
saw his mistake. It was not the cook of Friend Chace who was to
receive a wedding testimonial, but handsome Aaron McCook, the
Secretary of the Senate.
The House of Representatives, in which the Democrats had a good
working majority, re-elected Mr. Speaker Carlisle, with nearly all
of the old officers. The only real contest was over the Chaplainship.
Mr. Morrison, of Illinois, presented as his candidate the Rev. W.
H. Milburn, known as the blind preacher, who received ninety votes
against eighty-two for all the other candidates, and was elected.
John Griffin Carlisle, Speaker of the House, is a thorough
parliamentarian, who rises above party lines in his rulings and is
the model of courtesy in the chair. The clearness and the fairness
with which he states a question to the House has never been equaled,
and his ready recollection of precedents is wonderfully accurate.
He is the fourth Kentuckian who has wielded the Speaker's gavel,
Henry Clay having been elected again and again, while Linn Boyd,
a veteran Representative, occupied the Speaker's chair for four
years. John White, of Kentucky, was also Speaker for one term,
but when it was ascertained that an eloquent address delivered by
him at the close of a session had been pirated from one delivered
by Aaron Burr on vacating the chair of the Senate, he was mercilessly
ridiculed and committed suicide.
Another able Kentuckian in the House is William C. P. Breckinridge,
of Lexington, who has inherited the brilliant oratorical powers of
his father, the Rev. Dr. Robert C. Breckinridge, and of his uncle,
Vice-President John C. Breckinridge. He is a model of venerable,
manly beauty, his snow-white hair and beard bringing out in strong
relief his ruddy complexion, while his large blue eyes gleam with
forensic fire.
In the "gift enterprise" of seats, a New York Representative, Mr.
Stahlnecker, drew the first prize and selected a seat in the third
row from the front. Mr. Hiscock, who is always observed by all
observers, had, with Mr. Hewitt, to content themselves with seats
in the outside row. The seat of the patriarchal Judge Kelley was
protected by his hat, and no one appropriated it until his name
was called, when he again resumed his old place. General Robert
Smalls, the coal-black Representative from South Carolina, was the
object of much interest as he stepped forward to select his seat,
and all necks were craned to get a view of New York's Republican
standard-bearer when a scholarly, refined-looking gentleman responded
to the name of Ira Davenport. Of course, all strangers wanted to
see the indefatigable Randall, the economical Holman, the free-
trader Morrison, the Greenback Weaver and the argentive Bland, the
eloquent McKinley, the sarcastic Reed, the sluggish Hiscock, and
the caustic-tongued Butterworth. Old stagers who remembered the
shrunken, diminutive form of Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia,
could but smile when they saw his successor, Major Barnes, who
weighs at least three hundred pounds.
The lobby is a quiet but efficient part of Congressional machinery.
Scores of bills are considered and passed during every session,
each involving thousands of dollars, and those having them in charge
do not feel like turning a deaf ear to any one who can promise
support. An occasional investigation reveals the work of ex-
Congressmen, who hover about the Capitol like birds of prey, and
of correspondents so scantily paid by the journals with which they
are connected that they are forced to prostitute their pens. But
the most adroit lobbyists belong to the gentler sex. Some of them
are the widows of officers of the army or navy, other the daughters
of Congressmen of a past generation, and others have drifted from
home localities, where they have found themselves the subjects of
scandalous comments. They are retained with instructions to exert
their influence with designated Congressmen. Sometimes the
Congressmen are induced to vote aye on a certain measure; sometimes
to vote no, and it often occurs that where the lobbyist cannot make
an impression on them, one way or the other, they will endeavor to
keep them away from the House when the roll is called.
To enable them to do their work well, they have pleasant parlors,
with works of art and bric-a-brac donated by admirers. Every
evening they receive, and in the winter their blazing wood fires
are often surrounded by a distinguished circle. Some treat favored
guests to a game of euchre, and as midnight approaches there is
always an adjournment to the dining-room, where a choice supper is
served. A cold game pie, broiled oysters, charmingly mixed salad,
and one or two light dishes generally constitute the repast, with
iced champagne or Burgundy at blood heat. Who can blame the
Congressman for leaving the bad cooking of his hotel or boarding-
house, with the absence of all home comforts, to walk into the
parlor web which the cunning spider-lobbyist weaves for him?
[Facsimile]
Fredk T. Frelinghuysen
FREDERICK T. FRELINGHUYSEN was born at Millstown, New Jersey, August
4th, 1817; graduated at Rutgers College in 1836; was Attorney-
General of the State of New Jersey, 1861-1866; was United States
Senator, 1866-1869, and again 1871-1877; was Secretary of State
under President Arthur, December 12th, 1881 - March 4th, 1885; died
at Newark, N. J., May 20th, 1885.