The church historian Calderwood notes the occurrence of three fires in
Edinburgh in one day as being regarded by the people as ‘foretokenings
of some mischief.’ ‘About the same time,’ he adds, ‘there came in a
great whale at Montrose; which was also apprehendit to be a forerunner
of some trouble.’
* * * * *
[Sidenote: MAR. 1.]
On a complaint that coal had risen to eight shillings the load, the
Privy Council had interfered in the usual rash manner, and dictated
a certain maximum price to be exacted for the article; namely,
seven shillings the load--that is, horse-load; for coal was borne
at this time, and for a long time after, on horseback. Certain
coal-proprietors--Alexander, Master of Elphinstone; Samuel Johnston
of Elphinstone; Sir James Richardson of Smeaton; Robert Richardson
of Pencaitland; Jonet Lawson, Lady Fawside; and David Preston of
Whitehall--now petitioned, setting forth that the cost of mining coal
had greatly risen of late years, and that the dearth of the article to
the public was much owing to the base fellows who act as carriers of
coals. It was represented that some of the proprietors of ‘coal-heughs’
were £10,000, and some even £20,000 out of pocket. The Master of
Elphinstone’s coal of Little Fawside had been on fire for several
years; another mine of the same owner had caused an outlay of £8000.
The Smeaton pits had been so unproductive for some years as scarcely
to supply the laird’s house. The coal of Elphinstone had proved for
nine years barren, and 20,000 merks had been sunk upon it, being more
than it promised ever to repay. The coal of Mickle Fawside had undone
the late laird’s estate, and ‘made him to sell ane part of his auld
heritage:’ what with fire on the one hand and water on the other, it
was a hopeless case. As for the coal of Pencaitland, it was wasted
and decayed, past hope of recovery, but at such extraordinary charges
as it was not worth having bestowed upon it. The basis of the evils
complained of lay with the coal-carriers, who dealt fraudulently with
the public. Had the particulars been rightly known, the lords, it was
assumed, would never have given a decreet against the complainers, ‘who
are gentlemen of grit charge and burden,’ overlooking the faults of
those base fellows who carry coals.
[Sidenote: 1621.]
The lords appointed a commission to inquire into the matter, and report
what prices they thought ought to be fixed for this necessary article.
In consequence of a report soon after given in by this commission, it
was ordained that the price of coal at ‘the hill’ should be 7s. 8d.
(7-2/3d. sterling) per load; and it was at the same time agreed that
a measure for the load and a charge for carriage should afterwards be
appointed.--_P. C. R._
On the 23d April 1623, an act of Privy Council was passed in favour of
Samuel Johnston, laird of Elphinstone, in consideration of his having
super-expended 20,000 merks on his coal-heughs, ‘to his great hurt and
apparent wrack.’ It was stated that he had entertained forty families
of men, wives, and children at the work, whose weekly charges exceeded
two hundred merks. His coal would be lost, and these work-people thrown
on the world, if some remedy were not provided, as he could no longer
strive with the adverse circumstances in which he was placed. On the
other hand, if the work could be held forward, and got into proper
order, it might be ‘a gangand coal’ for a hundred years to come.
The Council, in consideration of the losses sustained by the laird,
and to save so many poor people from being thrown out of employment,
granted him what he asked as a remedy--namely, a licence to export coal
for seven years.
It follows from the laird’s statement that the average weekly gains of
a collier’s family reached five merks, or about 5s. 6d. sterling.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: MAY 12.]
A small private war between the Lairds of Drumlanrig and Cashogle came
to a bearing this day at the Moss of Knockonie. This moss belonged to
David Douglas, brother to Drumlanrig; but Cashogle had always been
allowed to raise peats from it for his winter fuel. The two lairds
having fallen into a coldness, Cashogle would not ask this any longer
as a favour, but determined to take it as a right. Twice his servants
were interrupted in their operations; so he himself came one day to
the moss, with his son Robert and thirty-six men or thereby, armed
with swords, hagbuts, lances, corn-forks, and staves. Hereupon, the
Laird of Mousewald, a brother of the proprietor of the moss (who was
absent), sent a friend to remonstrate, and to urge upon Cashogle the
propriety of his asking the peats ‘out of love,’ instead of taking them
in contempt. The Cashogle party returned only contemptuous answers,
‘declaring they sould cast their peats there, wha wald, wha wald not.’
Some further remonstrances being ineffectual, Drumlanrig himself,
accompanied with friends and servants, came upon the scene, shewing
that he had the royal authority to command Cashogle to desist. But even
this reference failed to induce submission. At length, the Laird of
Mousewald, losing temper, exclaimed: ‘Ye are ower pert to disobey the
king’s majesty’s charge--quickly pack you and begone.’
[Sidenote: 1621.]
‘Immediately, ane of Cashogle’s servants, with ane great kent [staff],
strak Captain Johnston behind his back, twa great straiks upon the
head, whilk made him fall dead to the grund with great loss of blood.
Then Robert Douglas [son of Cashogle] presentit ane bended hagbut
within three ells to the Laird of Drumlanrig’s breast, whilk at the
pleasure of God misgave. Immediately thereafter, Robert of new morsit
the hagbut, and presented her again to him, whilk shot and missed him
at the pleasure of God. Robert Dalyell, natural son to the Laird of
Dalyell, was struck through the body with ane lance, who cried that
he was slain; and some twa or three men was strucken through their
clothes with lances, sae that the haill company thought that they
had been killed, and then thought it was time for them to begin to
defend themselves; whereupon Robert Douglas and three or four of his
folk being hurt, was put to flight, and in flying, the said Robert
fell, where the Laird of Drumlanrig chancit to be nearest him; wha,
notwithstanding the former offer Robert made to him with the hagbut,
not only spared to strike him with his awn hands, but likewise
discouraged all the rest under pain of their lives to steir him.’ One
of the Cashogle party was slain.
Such an occurrence as this in the south of Scotland, and amongst men of
rank and property, shews strikingly that the wild blood of the country
was yet by no means quieted. There was a mutual prosecution between the
parties; but they contrived to make up the quarrel between themselves
out of court, and, private satisfaction being, as usual, deemed enough,
the law interfered no further.[398]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: AUG. 2.]
[Sidenote: 1621.]
Amongst other symptoms of advancing civilisation proper to this period,
was an effort towards the correction of unauthorised medical practice.
‘Persons without knowledge of the science of medicine’ were everywhere
practising, ‘to the great and evident hazard of the lives and healths
of many of our subjects;’ so declared the king. Drugs were also sold by
ignorant persons. Another document refers to the judicatories of the
kingdom for an account of ‘the frequent murders committed by quacks,
women, gardeners, and others.’ The king, desiring to put a check on
these evils, ordered the parliament to frame an act for the erection of
a College of Physicians in Edinburgh, to be composed of seven doctors
and professors of medicine, who should be incorporated, and without
whose warrant no one should practise medicine in or near the city;
three of their number to have the duty of superintending the sale of
drugs. From various causes, this good design did not take practical
effect till a later age.--_An. Scot._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: MAY.]
‘About this time there was a great earthquake in the town of Montrose
and thereabouts, to the great terror of the inhabitants, so that many
fled out of the town. Some was slain with the thunder there.’--_Cal._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: JUNE.]
Some foreign vessels trading for coal and salt having been shipwrecked,
during the severe storms of the past winter, on the ‘blind craigs’
(that is, concealed rocks) in the Firth of Forth, it was proposed,
by the enterprising coal and salt proprietor, Sir George Bruce, that
he should be allowed to erect beacons at those dangerous spots, and
reimburse himself by a small tax on the foreign vessels frequenting
the Firth during the ensuing year. Hearing of this proposal, the other
coal-proprietors in Fife and the Lothians felt that they were much
concerned, seeing that ‘no stranger-ships come that way but either
for coal or salt,’ and they considered that ‘the payment of this duty
wald carry with it a very great reproach and scandal to the country,
as if such a small piece of work in the most eminent river in the
kingdom could not be gotten done without the contribution and help of
strangers.’ For these reasons, they themselves undertook to set up the
required beacons.--_M. S. P._
[Sidenote: 1621.]
This movement may be regarded as another mark of the enlightened
attention now beginning to be paid to things in which the material
interests of the people were concerned. How far the proposal of Sir
George Bruce was carried out we do not learn; but the probability is
that he did not allow his plan to fall asleep. It bears out our view
of the spirit beginning to manifest itself in Scotland, that the royal
burghs, a few years later (September 1631), contemplated having lights
erected on the Isle of May in the mouth of the Firth of Forth, and on
‘the Skairheids’ (_P. C. R._), and soon after one was actually put upon
the May, being the first known to have been formed in connection with
the Scottish coasts, and for generations a solitary example on those of
the island generally. A Fife laird, Alexander Cunningham of Barns--a
relative, it would appear, of the wife of the poet Drummond--had the
merit of establishing this useful protection for shipping. Obtaining
the proper authority from Charles I., he, in 1635, erected on the
isle ‘a tower forty feet high, vaulted to the top, and covered with
flag-stones, whereon all the year over,’ says Sir Robert Sibbald,
writing in the reign of Charles II., ‘there burns in the night-time a
fire of coals for a light; for which the masters of ships are obliged
to pay for each ton two shillings [twopence sterling]. This sheweth
light,’ he adds, ‘to all the ships coming out of the Firths of Forth
and Tay, and to all places between St Abb’s Head and Redcastle near
Montrose.’
Through a natural antagonism, we may suppose, between the powers of
darkness and the interest here concerned, the architect of the May
light-tower was drowned on his return from the isle in a storm believed
to have been raised by witches, who were in consequence burnt.[399]
The fire was duly kept burning by the successors of Cunningham till
the erection of a regular light-house on modern principles by the
Commissioners of Northern Lights. It required three hundred and eighty
tons of _Wemyss coal_ annually, that kind being selected on account
of the clearness of its flame. In 1790, the tack or lease of this
privileged light, with its tax of three-halfpence a ton on Scottish,
and threepence on foreign shipping, rose from £280 to £960, and in 1800
it was let at £1500, ‘a striking proof,’ as Mr Adamson justly remarks,
‘of the increase of the trade of this country’ during the period.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: AUG. 4.]
This was a day of great concern and sorrow to the earnest Presbyterians
of Scotland, as on it the parliament sitting at Edinburgh ratified
the Five Articles introducing Episcopalian fashions into the church.
At the moment when the commissioner, the Marquis of Hamilton, rose
to apply the sceptre to the bills, thus giving them symbolically the
royal assent, a flash of lightning burst into the house, followed by a
second and a third, and these by loud thunder. A heavy darkness ensued.
The discharge of rain was so great, that the ceremonial return to
Holyroodhouse could not be effected, and all rushed home in confusion.
The people, affected by these signs and wonders, called the day _Black
Saturday_.
[Sidenote: 1621.]
The weather had been bad during the whole summer, and the harvest was
likely to be late and meagre. A Presbyterian historian, after relating
what happened at the ratification of the Five Articles, adds: ‘That
very day made the greatest alteration of prices of victual within
eight days, that ever was heard of in so short a space in Scotland,
except the _ill-windy Bartle-day_ in anno 159-.’--_Row._ It appears
that wheat rose to £12 per boll, and the price might have been higher
but for the coming in of foreign grain. The autumn was distinguished
by heavy rains, carrying away the crops of extensive haughs or
meadows. And of such as were preserved, scarcely any was ‘won’--that
is, secured--before Hallowmass. The wetness of the season was also
unfavourable to the winning of peat-fuel. ‘Never was greater fear
of famine, nor scarcity of seed to sow the ground. Every person was
careful to ease himself of such persons as he might spare, and to live
as retiredly as possibly he might. Pitiful was the lamentation not only
of vaiging beggars, but also of honest persons.’--_Cal._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: AUG. 28.]
‘Because there was a new brood and generation of the Clan Gregor risen
up, who are begun to go in troops and companies about the country,
armed with offensive weapons, there was a proclamation published
that none who carry the name of Macgregor shall wear any armour,
but ane pointless knife to eat their meat with, under the pain of
death.’--_Bal._
The _Chronicle of Perth_ notes the holding of a justice court there,
May 10, 1624, by the chancellor Sir George Hay, ‘where many compeirit
and were clengit by assize; only three hangit--_Macgregors_!’ A
few months later, the same authority tells us of ‘Robert Abroch,
ane Macgregor, ane great limmer,[400] wha had been ance or twice
forgiven and remitted by his majesty, for his oppression, upon hope of
amendment, yet continued still in his knaveries; after there was mickle
searching made for him in the Highlands, and all his friends chargit
to apprehend [him], [he] came to Perth this day, being Tuesday, ane
preaching-day, after sermon, and fell down on his knees, and ane tow
about his neck, and offerit his sword by the point to the Chancellor
of Scotland, wha refusit to accept of it, and commanded the bailies to
ward him; like as they instantly warded him, and put baith his feet on
the gaud,[401] where he remainit.’--_Chron. Perth._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 1621.]
‘This year, Sir William Alexander of Menstrie undertook a plantation in
a part of America, which was then called New Scotland [Nova Scotia],
where he intended to send a colony. Sir Robert Gordon, Tutor of
Sutherland, joined himself in this enterprise, and did indent and
contract with Sir William to send thither some men out of Sutherland,
weel provided with corns, cattle, weapons, and other provision fit and
sufficient for that journey, who should have a good portion of that
country allotted them to inhabit. The Earl Marischal of Scotland, the
Earl of Melrose, the Earl of Nithsdale, the Viscount of Dupplin, Sir
Robert Gordon of Lochinvar, Sir Alexander Gordon of Cluny, James Gordon
of Lesmoir, with divers other nobles and gentlemen, were likewise
partners in this plantation. And for further advancement of this
plantation, his majesty concluded to make heritable knights-baronets
in Old Scotland; which honour should be bestowed upon the choicest
undertakers of that enterprise, and upon such as were of best quality
for vertue, birth, and means among the gentry.’--_G. H. S._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: OCT. 12.]
This day, Friday, commenced a remarkable flood in the Tay, which lasted
for three or four days, and caused extensive destruction. The beautiful
bridge, newly completed across the river at Perth, was swept away,
excepting one arch only. In the middle of the second night, the water
had risen so high, that the people living in low houses near the Castle
Gavel Port in Perth, were obliged to remove to higher houses. The town
was so environed with water, that no one could enter or leave it for
several days. Children were let down from upper windows into boats,
in order to be carried to places presumably safer. Household stuff
and provisions were destroyed. The rain was accompanied by a violent
wind from the east, which would somewhat help to maintain the waters
of the river at a high elevation. The water flowed in the High Street
and the Speygate ‘like mill-sluices;’ and one Charles Rollock became a
distinguished public benefactor by going about in a boat through those
streets, and rescuing people who were in danger of drowning--a service
for which he afterwards received a double angel in recompense.
[Sidenote: 1621.]
The people were thrown into a state of extreme consternation, looking
for nothing but the entire destruction of their fair city. ‘Whereupon
Mr John Malcolm, minister, powerfully endued with God’s spirit, caused
ring the preaching-bell on Sunday at seven hours in the morning,
and the haill inhabitants came to the kirk. And there he exhorted
them to repent of their sins, which had provoked the said judgment
of God to come upon the city; assuring them that if they were truly
penitent therefor, and would avow to God to amend their lives in time
coming, God would avert his judgment, and give them deliverance.
Whose powerful exhortations moved the people to cry to God with tears,
clamours, and cries, and to hold up their hands to God, [promising that
they would] amend their lives, and every one of them to abstain from
their domestic sins. The like humiliation of men and women has not been
seen within Perth before. Fasting, preaching, and praying continued
all that week.... The waters began somewhat to decrease after noon on
Sunday; but after daylight passed, there arose a greater tempest of
wind and rain than at any time before, which so affrighted the people
that night, that they looked for nothing but [that] the waters should
have arisen to greater height [than] they were before. Notwithstanding
thereof, miraculously, through the mercy of God, by [past] all men’s
expectation, the waters greatly in the meantime decreased, which in
the morning moved the people in the kirk and all other places to give
hearty thanks to God for his mercy toward them.’[402]
One of the remarks current among the more serious class of people
on this occasion, was that the inundation was sent as a judgment on
Perth, on account of the five Episcopalian articles passed there by
the General Assembly three years before, though how this vengeance
should have fallen on the innocent people living in the place of that
assembly, and not upon the churchmen who passed the articles, or
rather the majority of them as apart from the minority, it is not easy
to reconcile to a sense of either Divine wisdom or Divine justice.
It chances that Perth is built on the meadow or _haugh_ close to a
river--namely, what is properly its flood-course; a kind of situation
where no human habitations should ever be built. It is of course
more or less inundated at every considerable flood, and thus exposed
to no small inconvenience, as well as damage. These evils may be
considered as the natural punishment inflicted on the people for the
solecism against nature which they have committed. It may be safely
presumed that, while their town stands there, it will be liable to such
disasters as that here described, whether general assemblies reform
upwards or downwards within its walls, and in whatever spirit the
inhabitants may regard their consequent sufferings. They are, however,
not alone in this respect, as, unfortunately, the low banks of rivers
are the seats of many towns and parts of towns in all parts of the
world.
[Sidenote: 1621.]
It is remarkable that, though there had been a bridge across the
Tay at Perth so early as the beginning of the thirteenth century,
the structure now destroyed was not replaced till the erection of
the present beautiful fabric in 1771, the intercourse during the
intermediate hundred and fifty years being maintained by ferry-boats.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: NOV.?]
The Record of Privy Council at this time gives an example of the
conduct of a north-country gentleman under ban of the law. George
Meldrum of Haltoun had been put to the horn and denounced rebel for
some failure of duty towards James Crichton of Frendraught and other
persons; and it became necessary for the Marquis of Huntly, as sheriff
of Aberdeen, to send a force for the capture of his person. James
Gordon of Knockespock and George Gordon of Gowie went with a band for
this purpose.
At their approach, Meldrum was out in the fields; but he no sooner saw
them, than, surmising their design, he fled to his house, closed the
gates, and prepared to stand a siege. They, anxious to vindicate the
royal authority, beleaguered the house, resolved not to leave it till
they should have reduced the occupant to his majesty’s obedience. They
had lain about the place forty-eight hours, when John Innes of Crombie,
hearing of what was going on, came to them in the utmost possible
haste, mounted on his best horse, declaring to them his desire to deal
with George for the purpose of inducing him to submit. ‘He entreated
the deputies that, with their allowance, he might go and confer with
the said George thereanent; whereunto they very gladly yielded,
seeing they sought nought but obedience.... The Laird of Crombie in
the meantime seemed very busy in going and coming to and frae the
said George, feeding the deputies with false conceits and hopes, and
sometimes with vain promises that he himself wald be cautioner for the
said George, for the satisfaction of all his creditors ... and so,
under this false pretext, having abused the ... deputies their sincere
and upright meaning making them to believe all that he spak, and sae to
be so much the more careless of looking to the house, he then brought
the said George out of the house, set him upon his best horse, and
put him away, to the great contempt and mocking of justice.’ For this
conduct, the Laird of Crombie was denounced as a rebel.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 1622.