John Innes, of that Ilk, being childless, entered, in March 1577, into
a mutual bond of _tailyie_ with his nearest relation, Alexander Innes,
of Cromy, conveying to him his whole estate, failing heirs-male of
his body, and taking the like disposition from Cromy of his estate.
There was a richer branch of the family represented by Robert Innes,
of Innermarky, who pined to see the poorer preferred in this manner.
So loud were his expressions of displeasure, that ‘Cromy, who was the
gallantest man of his name, found himself obliged to make the proffer
of meeting him single in arms, and, laying the tailyie upon the grass,
see if he durst take it up--in one word, to pass from all other
pretensions, and let the best fellow have it.’
[Sidenote: 1580.]
This silenced Innermarky, but did not extinguish his discontent. He
began to work upon the feelings of the Laird of Innes, representing
how Cromy already took all upon himself, even the name of Laird,
leaving him no better than a masterless dog--as contemptible, indeed,
as a beggar--a condition from which there could be no relief but by
putting the usurper out of the way. This he himself offered to do
with his own hand, if the laird would concur with him: it was an
unpleasant business, but he would undertake it, rather than see his
chief made a slave. By these practices, the weak laird was brought
to give his consent to the slaughter of an innocent gentleman, his
nearest relation, and whom he had not long before regarded with so much
good-will as to admit him to a participation of his whole fortune.
‘There wanted nothing but a conveniency for putting their purpose
in execution, which did offer itself in the month of April 1580. At
which time Alexander, being called upon some business to Aberdeen,
was obliged to stay longer there than he intended, by reason that his
only son Robert, a youth of sixteen years of age, had fallen sick at
the college, and his father could not leave the place till he saw
what became of him. He had transported him out of the Old Town, and
had brought him to his own lodgings in the New Town. He had also sent
several of his servants home from time to time, to let his lady know
the reason of his stay.
‘By means of these servants, it came to be known perfectly at Kinnairdy
in what circumstances Alexander was at Aberdeen, where he was lodged,
and how he was attended, which invited Innermarky to take the occasion.
Wherefore, getting a considerable number of assistants with him, he and
Laird John ride to Aberdeen; they enter the town upon the night, and
about midnight came to Alexander’s lodging.
‘The outer gate of the close they found open, but all the rest of the
doors shut. They were afraid to break up the doors by violence, lest
the noise might alarm the neighbourhood; but choiced rather to raise
such a cry in the close as might oblige those who were within to open
the doors and see what it might be.
‘The feuds at that time betwixt the families of Gordon and Forbes were
not extinguished; therefore they raised a cry as if it had been upon
some outfall among these people, crying, “_Help a Gordon--a Gordon!_”
which is the gathering-word of the friends of that family. Alexander,
being deeply interested in the Gordons, at the noise of the cry started
from his bed, took his sword in hand, and opening a back-door that led
to the court below, stepped down three or four steps, and cried to
know what was the matter. Innermarky, who by his word knew him, and by
his white shirt discerned him perfectly, cocks his gun, and shoots him
through the body. In an instant, as many as could get about him fell
upon him, and butchered him barbarously.
[Sidenote: 1580.]
‘Innermarky, perceiving, in the meantime, that Laird John stood by, as
either relenting or terrified, held the bloody dagger to his throat,
that he had newly taken out of the murdered body, swearing dreadfully
that he would serve him in the same way if he did not as he did, and
so compelled him to draw his dagger, and stab it up to the hilt in the
body of his nearest relation, and the bravest that bore his name. After
his example, all that were there behoved to do the like, that all might
be alike guilty. Yea, in prosecution of this, it has been told me, that
Mr John Innes, afterwards of Coxton, being a youth then at school, was
raised out of bed, and compelled by Innermarky to stab a dagger into
the dead body, that the more might be under the same condemnation--a
very crafty cruelty.
‘The next thing looked after was the destruction of the sick youth
Robert, who had lain that night in a bed by his father, but, upon the
noise of what was done, had scrambled from it, and by the help of one
John of Coloreasons, or rather of some of the people of the house,
had got out at an unfrequented back-door into the garden, and from
that into a neighbour’s house, where he had shelter, the Lord in his
providence preserving him for the executing of vengeance upon these
murderers for the blood of his father.
‘Then Innermarky took the dead man’s signet-ring, and sent it to his
wife, as from her husband, by a servant whom he had purchased to
that purpose, ordering her to send him such a particular box, which
contained the bond of tailyie and all that had followed thereupon
betwixt him and Laird John, whom, the servant said, he had left with
his master at Aberdeen, and that, for dispatch, he had sent his best
horse with him, and had not taken leisure to write, but sent the ring.
‘Though it troubled the woman much to receive so blind a message, yet
her husband’s ring, his own servant, and his horse, prevailed so with
her, together with the man’s importunity to be gone, that she delivered
to him what he sought, and let him go.
[Sidenote: 1580.]
‘There happened to be then about the house a youth related to the
family, who was curious to go the length of Aberdeen, and see the young
laird who had been sick, and to whom he was much addicted. This youth
had gone to the stable, to intercede with the servant that he might
carry him behind him; and in his discourse had found the man under
great restraint and confusion of mind, sometimes saying he was to go
no further than Kinnairdy (which indeed was the truth), and at other
times that he behoved to be immediately at Aberdeen. This brought him
to jalouse [suspect], though he knew not what; but further knowledge
he behoved to have, and therefore he stepped out a little beyond the
entry, watching the servant’s coming, and in the by-going suddenly
leaped on behind him, or have a satisfying reason why he refused him.
The contest became such betwixt them, that the servant drew his dirk to
rid him of the youth’s trouble, which the other wrung out of his hands,
and downright killed him with it, and brought back the box, with the
writs and horse, to the house of Innes (or Cromy, I know not which).
‘As the lady is in a confusion for what had fallen out, there comes
another of the servants from Aberdeen, who gave an account of the
slaughter, so that she behoved to conclude a special hand of Providence
to have been in the first passage. Her next course was to secure her
husband’s writs the best she could, and fly to her friends for shelter,
by whose means she was brought with all speed to the king, before whom
she made her complaint.’
The son of the murdered man was taken under the care of the Earl of
Huntly, who was his relation; but so little apprehension was there of
a prosecution for the murder, that Innermarky, five weeks after the
event, obtained from his chief a disposition of the estate in his own
favour. Two or three years after, however, the young Laird of Cromy
came north with a commission for the avenging of his father’s murder,
and the Laird of Innes and Innermarky were both obliged to go into
hiding. For a time, the latter skulked in the hills, but, wearying
of that, he got a retreat constructed for himself in the house of
Edinglassie, where he afterwards found shelter. Here young Cromy
surprised him in September 1584. The same young man who had killed
his servant was the first to enter his Patmos, for which venturesome
act he was all his life after called _Craig-in-peril_. Innermarky’s
head was cut off, and, it is said, afterwards taken by Cromy’s widow
to Edinburgh, and cast at the king’s feet. The Innermarky branch
being thus set aside, young Cromy succeeded in due time as Laird of
Innes.--_Hist. Acc. Fam. Innes._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: JUNE 25.]
‘... being Saturday, betwixt three o’clock afternoon and Sunday’s
night thereafter, there blew such a vehement tempest of wind, that it
was thought to be the cause that a great many of the inhabitants of
Edinburgh contracted a strange sickness, which was called _Kindness_.
It fell out in the court, as well as sundry parts of the country, so
that some people who were corpulent and aged deceased very suddenly. It
continued with every one that took it three days at least.’--_Moy. R._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: JULY.
1580.]
The king being at St Andrews, on a progress with the Regent Morton,
the gentlemen of the country had a _guise_ or _fence_ to play before
him. ‘The play was to be acted in the New Abbey.[113] While the people
is gazing and longing for the play, Skipper Lindsay, a phrenitic man,
stepped into the place which was kept void till the players came, and
paceth up and down in sight of the people with great gravity, his hands
on his side, and looking loftily. He had a manly countenance, but was
all rough with hair. He had great tufts of hair upon his brows, and
also a great tuft upon the neb of his nose. At the first sight, the
people laughed loud; but when he began to speak he procured attention,
as if it had been to a preacher. He discoursed with great force of
spirit, and mighty voice, exhorting men of all ranks and degrees to
hear him, and take example by him. He declared how wicked and riotous
he had been, what he had done and conquest [acquired] by sea, how he
had spended and abased himself on land, and what God had justly brought
upon him for the same. He had wit, he had riches, he had strength
and ability of body, he had fame and estimation above all others of
his trade and rank; but all was vanity that made him misken his God.
But God would not be miskenned by the highest. Turning himself to
the boss [empty] window, where the king and Aubigné was above, and
Morton standing beneath, gnapping upon his staff, he applied to him in
special, as was marvellous in the ears of the hearers; so that many
were astonished and some moved to tears, beholding and hearkening
to the man. Among other things, he warned the earl, not obscurely,
that his judgment was drawing near and his doom in dressing. And in
very deed at the same time was his death contrived. The contrivers
would have expected a discovery, if they had not known the man to be
phrenitic and bereft of his wit. The earl was so moved and touched at
the heart, that, during the time of the play, he never changed the
gravity of his countenance, for all the sports of the play.’--_Cal._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: SEP. 9.
1580.]
One Arnold Bronkhorst, a Fleming, had found his way into Scotland,
as one of a group of adventurers who were disposed to make a new
effort for the successful working of the gold-mines of Lanarkshire.
The account we have of the party is obscure and traditional.[114]
One Nicolas Hilliard, goldsmith in London, and miniature-painter
to Queen Elizabeth, is said to have belonged to it, and to have
brought Bronkhorst as his servant or assistant. The story is, that,
being disappointed of a patent for the mines from the Regent Morton,
Bronkhorst was glad at last to remain about the Scottish court as
portrait-painter to the king. He certainly did serve the king in that
capacity, as we have an account of his paid at this date, to the amount
of £64, for three specimens of his art--namely, ‘Ane portrait of his
majesty fra the belt upward,’ ‘ane other portrait of Maister George
Buchanan,’ and ‘ane portrait of his majesty full length,’ besides a
gift of a hundred merks, ‘as ane gratitude for his repairing to this
country.’ A twelvemonth later, King James constituted him his own
painter for his lifetime, ‘with all fees, duties, and casualties, usit
and wont.’[115]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: SEP. 20.]
In the midst of the strange phantasmagoria of rudeness and murderous
violence on the one hand, and exalted religious zeal on the other,
which now passes before us, we find that industrious men were
prosecuting useful merchandise at home and abroad, but under painful
risks imposed by the general neglect of the laws of health. Witness
the following little episode. John Downie’s ship, the _William_, on
her return with a cargo from Danskein [Dantzig], enters the Firth of
Forth. Seven merchants of Edinburgh, and some from other towns, are in
this vessel, returning from foreign parts, where they have been upon
their lawful business. All are doubtless full of pleasant anticipations
of the home-scenes which they expect to greet them as soon as they
once more set foot on their native soil. Alas! the pest breaks out
in the vessel, and sundry of these poor citizens are swept off. The
captain dare not approach the shore, but must wait the orders which
the authorities may send him. There is immediately a meeting of the
Privy Council, at which an order goes forth that the survivors in John
Downie’s ship shall land on the uninhabited island called St Colm’s
Inch in the Firth of Forth, and there remain till ‘cleansed,’ on pain
of death, and no one to traffic with them under the same penalty.
The chief chapter of this sad story, so characteristic of the time, is
told in few words by Moysie: ‘There were forty persons in the ship,
whereof the most part died.’
[Sidenote: 1580.]
On the 27th of November we have a pendant to the tale of the
plague-ship. Downie the skipper is dead, leaving a widow and eleven
children. James Scott and David Duff, mariners, are also dead, the
former leaving a widow and seven children. Several of the passengers
are also dead, while the others are pining on the lonely islands of
Inchkeith and Inch Garvie. The ship, with its cargo unbroken, is riding
at St Colm’s Inch, and beginning to leak, so that much property is
threatened with destruction. In these circumstances, the Privy Council,
on petition, enacted that orders should be taken, as far as consistent
with the public safety, for the preservation of the vessel.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: OCT.]
Lord Ruthven and Lord Oliphant were at feud, in consequence of a
dispute about teinds. The former, on his return from Kincardine, where
he had been attending the Earl of Mar’s marriage, passed near Lord
Oliphant’s seat of Dupplin, near Perth. This was construed by Oliphant
into a bravado on the part of Ruthven. His son, the Master of Oliphant,
accordingly came forth with a train of armed followers, and rode
hastily after Lord Ruthven. The foremost of Ruthven’s party, taking a
panic, fled in disorder, notwithstanding their master’s call to them
to stay. He was then obliged to fly also; but his kinsman, Alexander
Stewart, of the house of Traquair, stayed to try to pacify the Oliphant
party. He was shot with a harquebuss by one who did not know who he
was, to the great grief of the Master.
Lord Ruthven prosecuted the Master for this outrage. The Earl of
Morton, out of regard to Douglas of Lochleven, whose son-in-law
Oliphant was, gave his influence on that side, and thus incurred some
odium, which probably helped to bring about his destruction soon
after.--_Cal._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: OCT. 20.
1580.]
In a General Assembly held at Edinburgh, an order was issued to execute
the acts of the kirk upon _apostates_, and let them be punished as
_adulterers_; ‘perticularly that the Laird of Dun execute this act upon
the Master of Gray, an apostate now returned to Scotland. It being
reported to the king that the Master of Gray his house did shake and
rock in the night as with an earthquake, and the king [then fourteen
years old] interrogating David Fergusson [minister of Dunfermline],
“What he thought it could mean that that house alone should shake and
totter?” he answered: “Sir, why should not the devil rock his awn
bairns?”’[116]
An earthquake, noted in Howes’s _Chronicle_ as having been experienced
in Kent at midnight of the 1st of May this year, was probably the cause
of the rocking felt at the Master of Gray’s house. In Kent it made ‘the
people to rise out of their beds and run to the churches, where they
called upon God by earnest prayers to be merciful to them.’
* * * * *
George Auchinleck of Balmanno had been one of the confidants of the
Regent in the days of his power. It being well known that he had
influence in bringing about the decision of lawsuits, the highest
nobility were glad at that time to pay court to him. As an illustration
of the nature of his position--Coming one day from the Regent’s house
at Dalkeith to Edinburgh, and walking up the High Street, he met one
Captain Nesbit, with whom he had some slight quarrel, and drawing his
sword, instantly thrust him through the body, so that he was left for
dead. So far from seeking concealment after this violence, Auchinleck
held straight on to the Tolbooth, where the Court of Session sat, as
though he had done no wrong; after which he coolly made his way back to
the Regent’s court at Dalkeith. It does not appear that he was in any
way punished for stabbing Nesbit.
On another occasion, as Auchinleck stood within the bar of the
Tolbooth, an old man of unprosperous appearance made his way through
the crowd, asking permission to speak with him. When Auchinleck turned
to ask what he wanted, the old man said: ‘I am Oliver Sinclair!’
and without another word, turned and went away. It was the quondam
favourite of James V., now a poor and dejected gentleman, albeit
connected by near ties with some of the greatest men in the country.
Men talked much of this proceeding of Sinclair: it seemed to them
equivalent to his saying: ‘Be not too proud of your interest at court.
I was once as you are; you may fall to be as I am.’--_H. of G._
[Sidenote: DEC. 12.
1580.]
The prediction was now verified, for, Morton being now out of power and
in danger of his life, Auchinleck no longer had influence at council
or in court. He, moreover, stood in no small personal danger from his
many enemies. As he was walking on the High Street of Edinburgh, he
was beset at a passage near St Giles’s Church by William Bickerton of
Casch, and four other gentlemen, who assailed him with bended pistols,
by one of which he was shot through the body, after which he was left
for dead. This was thought to be done in revenge for an attack by
him upon Archibald, the brother of William Bickerton. The assailants
were all found guilty of the slaughterous attempt, but without the
aggravation of its being done within three-quarters of a mile of
the king’s person, seeing that ‘the king’s majesty was furth at the
hunting, the time of the committing thereof.’--_Pit._
Auchinleck survived this accident, and we find him in the ensuing March
in the hands of the Earl of Arran, and put to the torture, in order
to extort from him a confession of certain crimes with which he was
charged, but which he denied. He took a part in the affair of the Raid
of Ruthven in August 1582. When the Earl of Arran on that occasion,
hearing of the king’s being secluded in Ruthven House, came to try if
he could gain access to him, ‘the Earl of Gowrie met him at the gate,
and had straightway killed him, if George Auchinleck had not held his
hand as he was about to have pulled out his dagger to have stabbed
him.’--_H. of G._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 1580-1.