Very soon after Morton had demitted the regency, he partly recovered
his power, and this he continued for some time to exercise. The young
king remained in Stirling Castle, under considerable restraint.
With a view to acquire some control over him, as the only means of
resisting the English or Protestant interest, his mother and French
grand-uncles sent to his court a young gentleman of engaging manners,
in whom they had confidence. This was Esme Stuart, usually called
Monsieur d’Aubigné, a member of the Lennox family, being nephew
of the late Regent, but who had been brought up in France. It was
believed that he carried with him forty thousand pieces of gold, to
be employed in winning favour with the Scottish nobility. ‘He was,’
says a contemporary, ‘a man of comely proportion, civil behaviour,
red-beardit, honest in conversation, weel likit of by the king and a
part of his nobility at the first.’[107] To aid him in his purpose,
he brought with him one called Monsieur Mombirneau, ‘a merry fellow,
able in body and quick in spirit.’[108] The young king readily opened
his heart to this pleasant relative, who took care to accommodate
himself to his tastes, and to assist, above all, in making his time
pass agreeably. About the same time, another but more distant relative,
James Stuart, of the Ochiltree family, a captain in the royal guard,
began to acquire favour with the king. This was altogether a less
worthy person than D’Aubigné, being arrogant, domineering, and vicious.
D’Aubigné, however, being a Catholic, and suspected of designs in
favour of popery, was perhaps the least liked of the two.
It was in September 1579, when little more than thirteen years of
age, that James was for the first time so far liberated from the
control of Morton and other councillors, as to be able to leave his
castle of Stirling. Accompanied by D’Aubigné, then newly arrived, he
made a formal visit to Edinburgh, where the citizens gave him a most
affectionate reception.
This was a more important crisis of British history than is generally
supposed. It was now that a commencement was made of that struggle
for authority which we see going on through the remainder of this
and the whole of the ensuing century. James had been reared as the
creature of the zealous Presbyterian party. When he began to judge
for himself, and to become conversant with minds beyond the range of
his earlier associations, his affections led him to prefer those who
had been his mother’s friends, and he soon came to believe that they
and such as they were likely to be his own warmest supporters. What
was most important of all, he found that the Presbyterian clergy,
while professing respect for him as the chief-magistrate of the land,
and disposed to obey him in civil matters, claimed to be, in things
ecclesiastical, not merely independent of him, but his superiors.
Restricting the idea of the church to those ‘exercising the spiritual
function among the congregations of them that profess the truth,’ they
asserted that it had ‘a certain power granted by God,’ having ‘ground
in the word of God,’ and ‘to be put into execution by them unto whom
the government of the kirk by lawful calling is committed.’ And, ‘as
the ministers and others of the ecclesiastical state are subject to the
magistrate civil, so aucht the person of the magistrate to be subject
to the kirk spiritually and in ecclesiastical government.’ In their
view, as far as his own religious and moral practice was concerned,
King James was only a parishioner of the Canongate. On the other hand,
when one of their order interfered with politics in his sermon, he was
only liable to be challenged by his presbytery. The claim was presented
by men of whose disinterestedness there can be no more doubt than of
their religious zeal; that it might have worked satisfactorily if it
had ever found a monarch who would cordially accept and submit to it,
cannot be denied, for we have had no experience on the subject, the
final settlement of the Scotch church at the Revolution having left it
in a doubtful state. The compromise which was attained at the end of a
century-long struggle, was unattainable in the days of King James. The
pretension only set him upon looking up scriptural texts too, texts
which could be interpreted as setting the royal authority equally
above human challenge; and such were not difficult to be found. Hence
arose the celebrated doctrine of the divine right of kings--a sort of
antithesis to a doctrine which would have made kings in one important
respect the subjects of a set of church-courts. And so commenced
that unfortunate course of things in our national history, which has
presented this king as in constant antagonism to the ecclesiastical
forms and order of worship preferred by the great bulk of his people,
as seeking by all arts to thrust hated systems upon them, and as
founding a policy which, becoming a deadly and obstinate struggle
with his descendants, alternately gave us anarchy and despotism, till
it ended in the total overthrow of the main line of the House of
Stuart. Such were the natural fruits of the earnestness, beautiful
but terrible, with which men then seized and worked out principles
which they found, or thought they found, in the Bible--arguing on the
religion of peace and good-will to men, with swords in their hands,
and laws as cruel as swords, till a sense of the inconsequentiality of
such reasoning for any good at length came over most of them with the
sickening effect of a wind from a field of battle, and disposed them
to rest content with the sulky mutual protest in which they have since
lived.
Notwithstanding a strenuous opposition from Elizabeth and the
Presbyterian clergy, D’Aubigné, whom James made Earl, and finally Duke
of Lennox, succeeded in greatly advancing the French interest. It was
in vain that the ministers railed at him as a papist: he coolly came
before them and abjured popery. A confession of faith, condemning the
pope and all his pretensions and works, was brought forward: James and
his councillors, including the Earl of Lennox, unhesitatingly signed
it (January 28, 1580-1). Morton, who alone possessed the personal
character that could effectually stand for the English interest and the
kirk, had, by his cruel and avaricious conduct, lost the support of all
classes, the clergy included. It was even found possible to effect the
ruin of this great man. On the last of December 1580, the adventurer
Stuart came into the council-chamber, and, falling on his knees,
accused the ex-Regent of being concerned in the murder of his majesty’s
father. To the general surprise, he fell without a struggle, and after
a few months’ confinement, he perished on the scaffold (June 2, 1581).
Under Lennox and Stuart--the latter now created Earl of Arran--a
movement was made for bringing an episcopate into the church. Arran is
said to have put the idea of absolute power into the king’s mind, and a
French alliance was threatened. The clergy, in general assembly, shewed
their usual courage in protesting against the court proceedings. The
conduct of their moderator, Andrew Melville, was specially remarkable.
When he and his fellow-commissioners came before the council with their
_grieves_, Arran, according to a contemporary narration, ‘begins to
threaten, with thrawn brow and boasting language. “What!” says he,
“wha dar subscryve thir treasonable articles?” Mr Andrew answers: “We
dar, and will subscryve them, and give our lives in the cause!” And
withal starts to, and taks the pen fra the clerk and subscryves, and
calls to the rest of his brethren with courageous speeches; wha all cam
and subscryvit.’ Such were the men who faced the king in behalf of an
independent rule for the kirk of Scotland.
At length there was a reaction against the dominion of the two court
favourites. A combination of nobles of the ultra-Protestant party--the
Earl of Gowrie, the Earl of Mar, Lord Glammis, and others, laid a
gentle compulsion on the young king while he was staying at Ruthven
House near Perth (August 1582), and his councillors Lennox and Arran
were debarred from his presence. After this event, known in our history
as the _Raid of Ruthven_, the king remained under the control of his
new councillors for a year, during which a pure Presbyterianism was
again encouraged, and the English alliance was cultivated. The Duke of
Lennox was forced to withdraw to France, where, to the great grief of
the king, he soon after contracted a sickness, and died.
Regaining his liberty by stratagem, James once more put himself
under the guidance of the profligate but energetic Arran. A modified
episcopate was established in the church, under a subordination to
the state, and a restraint was imposed on the tongues of the clergy
in the pulpit. The Earl of Gowrie was brought to the block. Several
ministers, including Melville, had to take refuge in England. But the
general tendency of things in Scotland was inconsistent with the rule
of a man possessing the genius of Arran. Elizabeth, too, deemed it
best for her interests that others should have the control of Scottish
affairs. Accordingly, a new and more formidable combination was formed.
Joined by Lord John Hamilton, the head of the long proscribed house of
Hamilton, and by Lord Maxwell, whom Arran had offended, they advanced
with an army of 5000 men to Stirling, then the seat of the court.
Arran, unable to resist, fled, and was allowed to fall into obscurity.
The king with great placidity put himself into the hands of his new
councillors (November 1585). This _coup d’état_ was followed by the
restoration of the Hamilton family to its titles and estates.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 1579.]
The young king having now assumed the government, and being about to
make his first visit to Edinburgh, the magistrates and citizens were
anxious to give him an honourable reception. There was immediately a
great bustle regarding the preparation of a silver cupboard and other
pieces of plate to be presented to him, as well as the getting of
dresses suitable to be worn by the chief men at the royal entry. There
was even a deputation to the High School, ‘to vesie the maister of the
Hie Schule tragedies to be made by the bairns, and to report;’ besides
another ‘to speak the Frenchman for his opinion in device of the
triumph.’
All merchants stented to above ten pounds were enjoined to have
‘everilk ane of them ane goune of fine black camlet of silk of serge,
barrit with velvet, effeiring his substance.’ All stented to sixteen
pounds, ‘to have their gounes of the like stuff, the breists thereof
linit with velvet, and begairit with coits of velvet, damas, or
sattin.’ The thirteen city-officers were to have each a livery composed
of three ells of English _stemming_ to be hose, six quarters of Rouen
canvas to be doublets, with 13s. 4d. for passments, and a black hat
with a white string.
[Sidenote: 1579.]
Another preparative was an edict, that all manner of persons having
_cruives_ for swine under their stairs or in common vennels, ‘and sic
like as has middings and fulyie collectit, or has tar barrels on the
Hie Street, as also ony redd[109] stanes or timber on the said Hie
Street or common vennels, remove the same.’ Pioneers, too, ‘to shool
in the muck outwith the West Port.’ The inhabitants to hang their
stairs with tapestry and arras wark.[110] The Privy Council, on their
part, proclaimed penalties against all who should come with firearms,
or any other armour than their swords and whingers.
[Sidenote: SEP. 30.
1579.]
The boy-king came from Stirling attended by about two thousand men on
horseback, and his reception in the city was quaintly magnificent.
‘At the West Port he was receivit by the magistrates under a pompous
pall of purple velvet. That port presentit unto him the wisdom of
Solomon, as it is written in the thrid chapter of the first book of
Kings; that is to say, King Solomon was representit with the twa women
that contendit for the young child. This done, they presented unto
the king, the sword for the one hand, and the sceptre for the other.
And as he made further progress within the town, in the street that
ascends to the Castle there is an ancient port [the West Bow], at the
whilk there hang a curious globe that openit artificially as the king
came by, wherein was a young boy that descendit craftily, presenting
the keys of the town to his majesty, that were all made of fine massy
silver; and these were presently receivit by ane of his honourable
council at his awn command. During this space, Dame Music and her
scholars exercisit her art with great melody. Then in his descent
[along the High Street], as he came fornent the house of Justice, there
shew themselves unto him four gallant vertuous ladies; to wit, Peace,
Justice, Plenty, and Policie; and either of them had ane oration to his
majesty. Thereafter, as he came toward the chief collegiate kirk, there
Dame Religion shew herself, desiring his presence, whilk he then obeyit
by entering the kirk; where the chief preacher for that time made a
notable exhortation unto him for the embracing of religion and all her
cardinal vertues, and of all other moral vertues. Thereafter he came
forth, and made progress to the Mercat Cross, where he beheld Bacchus
with his magnifick liberality and plenty distributing of his liquor to
all passengers and beholders, in sic appearance as was pleasant to see.
A little beneath is a mercat place of salt, whereupon was paintit the
genealogy of the kings of Scotland, and a number of trumpets sounding
melodiously, and crying with loud voice, _Welfare to the King!_ At the
east port was erectit the conjunction of the planets, as they were in
their degrees and places the time of his majesty’s happy nativity, and
the same vively representit by the assistance of King Ptolemy. And
withal the haill streets were spread with flowers, and the fore-houses
of the streets, by the whilk the king passit, were all hung with
magnifick tapestry, with paintit histories and with the effigies of
noble men and women. And thus he passed out of the town of Edinburgh,
to his palace of Halyroodhouse.’--_H. K. J._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: OCT. 20.]
The Estates passed an act against ‘strang and idle beggars,’ and ‘sic
as make themselves fules and are bards;’ likewise against ‘the idle
people calling themselves Egyptians, or any other that feigns them to
have knowledge of charming, prophecy, or other abused sciences, whereby
they persuade the people that they can tell their weirds, deaths, and
fortunes, and sic other fantastical imaginations.’ The act condemns
all sorts of vagrant idle people, including ‘minstrels, sangsters, and
tale-tellers, not avowed in special service by some of the lords of
parliament or great burghs,’ and ‘vagabond scholars of the universities
of St Andrews, Glasgow, and Aberdeen.’ The same act made some provision
for the genuine poor, enjoining them all to repair to their native
parishes and there live in almshouses: a very nice arrangement for
them, it must be owned; only there were not any almshouses for them to
live in.
Two poets hanged in August, and an act of parliament against bards and
minstrels in October; truly, it seems to have been sore times for the
tuneful tribe!
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 1579.]
By this time, Arbuthnot’s edition of the Bible was completed and in
circulation. The gratification of the clergy on seeing such a product
of the native press, found eloquent expression in an address of the
General Assembly to the king (June 1579), when they took occasion to
praise the printer as ‘a man who hath taken great pains and travel
worthy to be remembered;’ and told how there should henceforth be a
copy in every parish kirk, to be called the Common Book of the Kirk,
‘as the most meet ornament for such a place.’ ‘Oh what difference,’
exclaimed these devout men, ‘between thir days of light, when almost
in every private house the book of God’s law is read and understood
in our vulgar language, and the age of darkness, when scarcely in a
whole city, without the cloisters of monks and friers, could the book
of God once be found, and that in a strange tongue of Latin, not good,
but mixed with barbarity, used and read by few, and almost understood
and exponed by none.’ All worldly wealth seemed vain and poor compared
with this fountain of spiritual comfort. ‘We ought,’ they said, ‘with
most thankful hearts to praise and extol the infinite goodness of God,
who hath accounted us worthy to whom He should open such an heavenly
treasure.’--_B. U. K._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: NOV. 10.]
In that unmistrusting reliance on force for religious objects which
marked the age, it was enacted in parliament, that each householder
worth three hundred merks of yearly rent, and all substantious yeomen
and burgesses esteemed as worth five hundred pounds in land and goods,
should have a Bible and psalm-book in the vulgar tongue, under the
penalty of ten pounds. A few months later (June 16, 1580), one John
Williamson was commissioned under the privy seal to visit and search
every house in the realm, ‘and to require the sicht of their Bible and
psalm-buke, gif they ony have, to be marked with their awn name, for
eschewing of fraudful dealing in that behalf.’[111]
* * * * *
The zeal of the clergy, their self-denying poverty, their resoluteness
in advancing their views of church polity against court influence, have
all been touched upon. Little more than six hundred in number--for
hundreds of the parishes had no minister--they were indefatigable in
their efforts to moralise the rude mass of the community; although it
was, by their own account, such as might have appeared hopeless to
other men; there being now, as they said, an ‘universal corruption in
the whole realm,’ ‘great coldness and slackness’ even in the professors
of religion, and a ‘daily increase of all kinds of fearful sins and
enormities, as incest, adulteries, murders, ... cursed sacrilege,
ungodly sedition and division, ... with all manner of disorders and
ungodly living.’[112]
[Sidenote: 1579.]
The picture which James Melville gives of the four ministers of
Edinburgh, then living in one house--where the Parliament House now
stands--is very interesting: ‘God glorified himself notably,’ says he,
‘with that ministry of Edinburgh in these days. The men had knawledge,
uprightness, and zeal; they dwelt very commodiously together, as in a
college, with a wonderful concert in variety of gifts; all strake on ae
string, and soundit a harmony. John Durie was of small literature, but
had seen and marked the great warks of God in the first Reformation,
and been a doer baith with tongue and hand. He had been a diligent
hearer of Mr Knox, and observer of all his ways. He conceivit the
best grounds of matters weel, and could utter them fairly, fully, and
fearfully, with a mighty spreit, voice, and action. The special gift I
marked in him was haliness, and a daily and nightly careful, continual
walking with God in meditation and prayer. _He was a very gude
fallow_, and took delight, as his special comfort, to have his table
and house filled with the best men. These he wald gladly hear, with
them confer and talk, professing he was but a book-bearer, and wald
fain learn of them; and getting the ground and light of knawledge in
any guid point, then wald he rejoice in God, praise and pray thereupon,
and urge it with sae clear and forcible exhortation in assemblies and
pulpit, that he was esteemed a very furthersome instrument. There
lodgit in his house at all these assemblies in Edinburgh for common,
Mr Andrew Melville, Mr Thomas Smeaton, Mr Alexander Arbuthnot, three
of the learnedest in Europe; Mr James Melville, my uncle, Mr James
Balfour, David Ferguson, David Home, ministers; with some zealous,
godly barons and gentlemen. In time of meals was reasoning upon guid
purposes, namely matters in hand; thereafter earnest and lang prayer;
thereafter a chapter read, and every man about [in turn] gave his note
and observation thereof; sae that, gif all had been set down in write,
I have heard the learnedest and best in judgment say, they wald not
have wished a fuller and better commentary nor [than] sometimes wald
fall out in that exercise. Thereafter was sung a psalm; after the whilk
was conference and deliberation upon the purposes in hand; and at
night before going to bed, earnest and zealous prayer according to the
estate and success of matters. And oft times, yea almost daily, all the
college was together in ane or other of their houses, &c.’
[Sidenote: 1579.]
The picture which the same writer gives of his uncle Andrew is full
of fine touches. Andrew was principal of the theological college (St
Mary’s) at St Andrews; deeply learned, logical, not arrogant for
himself, but possessed of all that disinterestedness and integrity
which form the peculiar glory of Knox’s character; to crown all,
strenuous and fearless in the advocacy of his views of religion and
church-discipline. James describes him as remarkable for patience and
equal temper, where others were hot. Yet--‘this I ever marked to be Mr
Andrew’s manner: Being sure of a truth in reasoning, he wald be extreme
hot, and suffer nae man to bear away the contrair, but with reason,
words, and gesture, he wald carry it away, caring for nae person, how
great soever they were, namely in matters of religion. And in all
companies at table and otherways, as he understood and took up the
necessity of the persons and matter in hand to require, he wald _freely
and bauldly hald their ears fu’ of the truth_; and, take it as they
wald, he wald not cease nor keep silence; yea, and not only anes or
twice, but at all occasions, till he fand them better instructed, and
set to go forward in the good purpose.’
His ‘heroic courage and stoutness’ in advancing his own views, and
resisting persons of authority set upon establishing what he thought
error, was equally remarkable. For example--‘The Regent [Morton],
seeing he could not divert him by benefits and offers, calls for him ae
day indirectly, and after lang discoursing upon the quietness of the
country, peace of the kirk, and advancement of the king’s majesty’s
estate, he breaks in upon sic as were disturbers thereof by their
conceits and ower-sea dreams, imitation of Geneva discipline and laws;
and after some reasoning and grounds of God’s word alledgit, whilk
irritat the Regent, he breaks out in choler and boasting [threatening]:
“There will never be quietness in this country till half a dozen of you
be hangit or banishit the country.” “Tush, sir,” says Mr Andrew, “I
have been ready to give my life where it was not half sae weel wared
[spent], at the pleasure of my God. I lived out of your country ten
years as weel as in it. Let God be glorified, it will not lie in your
power to hang or exile his truth.”’
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 1580.