As regards married women in industry, the situation is much the same

as the situation with regard to children. They should stay out wholly

because it is disastrous to the family for them to go in wholly and

unreservedly, because their subsidized competition is likely to be

injurious, and finally because the conditions of work are apt to be

ruinous to their health. And yet for women after marriage to abstain

from all employment outside the household is often wasteful and

altogether undesirable. If married women could work some hours a day,

or some days a week, or some months a year, or some years and not

others, as circumstances indicated (as they conceivably might do under

a more elastic and adaptable organization of employment), and if they

could do so without damage to wage standards or workshop discipline,

it would seem advantageous, in more ways than one, for them not to

drop out of industry at marriage. Both marriage and employment might

become sufficiently universal to make it usual to train every girl

for both, at least in a general way. If marriage did not appear to

girls (quite fallaciously in most cases) as a way of getting supported

without working, their interest in increasing their earning power

would be greater; if wives were normally and properly contributors in

some degree to the money income of the family, marriage would be more

general and, above all, earlier, especially if the giving of allowances

to mothers, of which Mr. Wells dreams, ever came into practice.

All this troubling of the waters of life is so familiar that it is

perhaps not possible for us fully to appreciate or understand it.

The conditions can doubtless be much ameliorated, but no reforms can

make right a system that sins in its foundations. As has been said,

the system sins because it puts production before people, with the

results, so far as women are concerned, that we have seen. Two of the

fundamental parts of their activity are made almost incompatible, so

that we have unmarried workers and unworking wives, and workers and

wives alike untrained because of the paralyzing uncertainty of the

future. Moreover, men and women alike suffer from the separation of

education and work, which makes work dull and education unreal and

gives to the boy and girl more lessons than they can digest and to the

man and woman too few; they both suffer also, if not equally, from the

industrial system which shapes all the conditions of industrial life to

ends extraneous to the welfare of the workpeople.

That our lives are made thus to fit the convenience of industry, not

industry to fit the convenience of human lives, is historically

explicable and even justifiable. So long as there is difficulty in

getting the bare necessities of living every other consideration

must give way. The overriding object must be the amount of product,

not comfort or development by the way. Health and happiness are

then a necessary sacrifice to mammon. They are luxuries which the

poverty-stricken do not afford themselves. Moreover, to do things

pleasantly, or even to do them in the way that is most economical

and effective in the long run requires not only capital but a social

direction of capital that can be the fruit only of a long and painful

evolution. Because our industry is conducted piecemeal by dividend

hunters it is carried on, if we regard it as a whole, in a near-sighted

and extravagant way. Above all, it wastes talent and physical stamina,

beside devastating the private happiness of employes, and nowhere is it

more uneconomical than in its use of women’s strength and capacity and,

above all, in its wastage of her health.

We are just on the eve of being socially conscious enough to perceive

these things and prosperous enough to afford a different policy. Is it

insane to hope that in the fulness of time industry will be so arranged

as to advance human life by its process as well as by its produce; to

hope that we shall have, as one might say, a maternal government acting

on the principles of the mother of a great and busy household who makes

education and work coöperate throughout, who cares for her family

and economizes and develops their powers and makes their complete

welfare her controlling object? My contention is that while we cannot

make women efficient in any complete sense under conditions which so

militate against their efficiency, we can make them less and less

inefficient as we shape education to that end, and as we get increasing

control of industrial conditions in the interests of human life in its

wholeness.

FOOTNOTES:

[36] A paper presented at the meeting of the Academy of Political

Science, December 3, 1909.

STANDARDS OF LIVING AND THE SELF-DEPENDENT WOMAN

SUSAN M. KINGSBURY

Simmons College, and Women’s Educational and Industrial Union, Boston

An investigation of the cost of living may look ultimately toward

minimum wage laws, or it may aim at the creation of opportunities

for industrial education which shall result in ability to earn a

certain desired wage; but the immediate object of all such study is to

determine a desirable standard, and every consideration of the cost of

living is prefaced by a discussion of the importance and difficulty of

fixing standards. The method must be to discover what expenditure the

average family or individual under normal conditions finds actually

necessary; but heretofore essential study of the habits and needs of

self-supporting women has been lacking.

The following significant differences between wage-earning women and

men have become apparent from an examination of census returns and a

study of more than a thousand working women in and around Boston, in

connection with the promotion of savings-bank insurance:

1. A large majority of wage-earning women are under thirty years of

age. In our cities the average age is below twenty-five.

2. The larger part are living at home, or in the families of relatives,

friends or acquaintances.

3. A very large proportion of those living at home turn in all their

earnings to the family purse and receive back only so much as is

necessary, without knowing whether their contribution is above or below

the expenditure on their account. The young men of the family, on the

other hand, are not expected to contribute to the family income, unless

it be to pay board.

4. A woman is not usually responsible for the support of a family, nor

is she looking forward to the carrying of such a burden.

5. She often has obligations for the full or partial support of

members of the family, but these obligations decrease or cease as she

grows older.

6. She enters a gainful occupation with a different point of view from

that of a man. It may be that she has obligations to meet, or it may be

that she is a “pin-money girl”; but in most cases she is not looking

forward to continuous self-support.

How, then, is the standard for women to be set? To attain a certain

standard they may spend much less money, or with a given expenditure

they may reach a much higher standard than would be the case if their

conditions and outlook were the same as men’s. On the other hand, the

obligations resting on women may be, and often are, much greater than

the demands on men of similar age. The income necessary to maintain

a given standard of living may therefore be much less than we should

anticipate, or it may be much greater. One thing seems evident--that

the burdens will probably decrease rather than increase. Therefore

the necessity for advancement and the responsibility for saving is

recognized neither by the worker nor by the public.

These difficulties make intensive investigation the more essential, in

order to discover the actual present cost of living of self-dependent

women and to find out the significance of variations in this cost.

Modern tendencies to reduce wages to the minimum cost of living or to

force them up to meet the demands of increasing luxury may mean too

serious results to permit of continued ignorance. The danger of setting

the standard according to the needs of one group, thus working injury

to another, must be averted.

The studies upon which this paper is based fall into two groups. One,

of college graduates, members of the Association of Collegiate Alumnae,

mostly teachers (317 in number), is easiest to interpret, because it

is the result of study by persons of the same class or thoroughly

conversant with the needs of that class.[37] The material for this

study was secured from schedules filled out by 413 women, who are

graduates of about forty colleges, and who are at present residing

in almost every state in the union. It is furthermore representative

in that it includes women whose homes are in large, medium and small

towns, and whose experience ranges from one to forty-one years of

service.

The other two studies are of women engaged in industrial and commercial

pursuits. One of these is the result of a year’s experience in

preaching the gospel of saving to thirteen hundred women through

savings bank insurance.[38] The women are engaged in unskilled

industries such as laundering, in the semi-skilled industry of

making knitted underwear, and in the skilled industry of straw-hat

manufacture. Naturally in this study the cost of living is approached

through a consideration of ability or inability to save. Savings should

of course be included as a necessary part of living expenses, and where

pay is insufficient to make saving possible, the wage received is

certainly not a living wage. The general responsibility for the support

of the family, whether the girl is living at home or boarding, the

tendency to give all earnings to the mother, the effort to save and its

success or failure--all these conditions are portrayed in this study.

The most important contribution, however, is that which comes from the

research department of the Women’s Educational and Industrial Union,

through its fellow, Miss Louise Marion Bosworth,--a study commenced

under Miss Mabel Parton, director.[39] This study by Miss Bosworth

contains a discussion of the general economic history, the income, and

the expenditures for rent, food, clothing, health, savings, and other

purposes, of four hundred fifty working women, thirty of whom kept

account books for Miss Bosworth for a year or more, and two hundred

twenty of whom Miss Bosworth interviewed personally. One hundred fifty

were interviewed by Miss Jane Barclay, a fellow of the department, and

fifty by other research fellows. Miss Bosworth’s study deals with

three hundred fifty women living independently, and presents also the

standards of one hundred living at home. The Women’s Educational and

Industrial Union, working for the betterment of industrial conditions

among self-supporting women by both direct and indirect educational

methods, has unusual opportunities for continuous study of the actual

expenses and the standards of living of such women, together with the

effect of those standards on their efficiency.

A study of the budgets of self-dependent women has a twofold

object: first, to enable the public to know in how far women are

self-supporting; and second, to discover what income is required to

make a woman self-supporting. In other words, such study should show

what income is necessary for each group in order to maintain and

increase its efficiency. Merely to state that a certain number actually

live on a certain income is to neglect the essential question of how

they live. The less educated woman cannot be expected to use the same

ability in spending as her more highly trained sister; nor can the

latter be satisfied with the taste of the less educated woman. The

average demands of the average woman in each group must always be kept

in mind.

It may be well first to present briefly the more pertinent conclusions

of the study of professional women, since the general standards are

more familiar to us. The expenditures reported by college women are

arranged in three groups, minimum, medium and maximum. The total

expenditures of the first group range from $550 to $725, in which an

allowance of $200 to $350 is made for “living expenses,” and $150 to

$175 for clothing. A woman whose income is at this minimum cannot

save; it represents the cost of living of an apprentice. The medium

expenditures are from $785 to $1,075 exclusive of savings, and the

maximum $1,225 to $1,750 exclusive of savings. The medium figures

include $300 to $450 for living, and $200 to $250 for clothing; the

maximum, $500 to $700 for living, and $275 to $350 for clothing.

A woman of experience voices the general opinion that the medium

range of expenditure in the teaching profession today is too low for

thorough efficiency; for in such a budget no account can be made of

many of the essentials of life. Thus it omits:

1. Any peculiar demands upon one’s purse through obligations to one’s

family.

2. Expenses of the vacation season like extra board, extra laundry

bills, railroad fares and extra sundries.

3. Expenses which come from social convention and social relations,

such as Christmas, birthday and wedding gifts, even small ones,

occasional lunching with friends, possible college class reunions, and

the like.

4. Expression of one’s esthetic tastes in concerts and pictures.

5. Recreation of any sort during the working year.

6. Miscellaneous trifling but accumulating expenses which are sure to

occur.

At the present time 72% of the women prepared for teaching by college

training are earning the medium salary or less. Grouping this class

by years of experience, salaries do not reach the medium figure until

a woman has been at work ten to fifteen years. If we accept these

expenditures as a standard, then we find only a small proportion of

college women able to attain it. The unfortunate method of determining

necessary expenditure by estimate is well illustrated by the returns

from these college women. The cost of actual living and clothing is

often accepted as covering the essentials; but in fact the items for

incidentals, carfares, professional expenses and sundries sum up

to almost the same amount as the cost of sustenance, especially in

the smaller budgets. Such an allowance would usually be considered

excessive, but a careful review of the items indicates that this

proportion of expenditure for sundries is legitimate.

In addition to this general but important conclusion that the standard

of living based on the returns quoted above is too low in most cases to

secure efficiency, and hence promotion and advancement, the following

significant conditions must be faced by those concerned with the

problem of salaries:

1. To maintain and increase efficiency and earning capacity in the

teaching profession, women must be prepared to give from two to five

years to graduate study.

2. Independent income ought not to be counted on to supplement earned

income.

3. The relation of cost of living to efficiency should be better

understood in order to lead teachers to insist upon advancement, even

at sacrifice of personal preference for locality and conditions of

living.

4. Although there is no prevailing standard of living, and the relation

between expenditure and income or between the various phases of

expenditure does not seem to be set, college women should try to set a

standard as quickly as possible.

In the study of wage-earning girls made by the research department

of the Women’s Educational and Industrial Union, the cost of living

of girls who reside with their families is considered separately.

Since the aim is primarily to discover the cost of living of the

self-dependent girl, the number of the other class studied is small,

consisting chiefly of immigrant girls and girls in the suburbs earning

a good salary and living at home or with relatives.

On the other hand, the study of the savings bank insurance committee

deals very largely with girls living at home, so that the two studies

supplement each other. The low contributions to the family reported

by Miss Bosworth show that the girl earning three to five dollars

is barely able to live, but her evidence that the higher-paid girl

contributes a larger sum (about four dollars and a half a week) to the

family, and supplements her payments by labor in the home indicates

that she is really self-supporting, because she is living practically

under a coöperative system. What she thus saves over the girl who

spends five or six dollars a week for sustenance results in a higher

standard of living or an opportunity to save. It is doubtless due to

this lower cost of board and room while living at home that the girl

who in Miss Bosworth’s study does not receive a living wage is in

Miss French’s experience able to begin to save. Here, furthermore, is

doubtless the explanation of the fact that while a girl living alone is

generally not able to live on a satisfactory standard under a wage of

nine dollars a week, the girl living at home, or coöperatively, begins

to save on a six to nine-dollar wage.

Taking up simply the woman living alone, we find ourselves confronted

with a study of factory workers, waitresses, clerks, saleswomen and

kitchen workers. A standard of housing is far easier to determine than

one of food. Size of room and location naturally affect rents; but it

is hard to reach satisfactory conclusions concerning number of windows,

sunlight, heat, bathroom accommodations, and number of roommates.

Provision for food is made in the following ways:

1. Cooking in one’s own room.

2. Basement dining rooms.

3. Working girls’ homes.

4. Meals included for service in restaurants and hotels.

They are presented in order of excellence. “Home cooking” means serious

danger to health; over-fatigue results in cold meals or no meals rather

than expenditure of the energy necessary for preparation. The basement

dining room serving twenty-one meals for $3 is “invariably poor,”

says Miss Bosworth. Strictly speaking, the subsidized working girls’

home should not be considered in a discussion of the standards of

independent working girls. To calculate a “living wage” on such a basis

does injustice to thousands of girls who could not if they would find

accommodation in working girls’ homes.

What standard, then, are these girls able to attain? Miss Bosworth

says: “Between the three, four and five-dollar woman and the next

higher division there is a big increase in food expenditures,

corresponding to the jump in rent found at this same point. Also

corresponding to the rent, the difference between the six, seven and

eight-dollar group and the next higher is less marked. Either, then,

the increase in wage up to eight dollars goes at once into food and

rent, or as is probable, this marks the point of departure from the

intolerably crowded share in a tenement dweller’s home to the perhaps

equally comfortless but more independent room in a lodging house. In

paying the increased amount of room rent the three advantages the girl

on higher wages gains are a room to herself, heat of some sort, and

sunshine. These advantages come to the majority only when the wage

has reached at least $9.” In securing food, the girl on the higher

wage patronizes the $4 dining rooms, which are “so attractive in

appearance, and so adequate in food as to be thoroughly satisfactory.”

The subject of clothing brings at once two great problems. Here

the measure of the standard of living is apparent. A girl may make

sacrifices in room and board without immediate effect upon her

opportunities to secure employment: but a sacrifice in dress may mean

the loss of position--such is the consensus of opinion. The custom

of instalment buying follows as a natural result. It is in the field

of dress that the individual ability of the girl is most apparent.

Innate taste, knowledge of materials, physical strength and opportunity

to hunt bargains, readiness to forfeit sleep in order to get time

to remodel or make clothes--all these things tell. Home and school

training may help raise standards. Miss Bosworth concludes: “The

average working woman, with only the average ability to manage her

wardrobe economically, with the average trade demands on it, and with

the average amount of time for sewing and mending, cannot dress on less

than $1 a week as a minimum, and does not need as a dress allowance

more than $2 a week.” Elsewhere she states: “The severest strain of

providing clothes comes on incomes under $9; when an income of $12 is

reached, the strain is perceptibly lessened.”

Apparently a satisfactory standard--one which affords a room meeting

reasonable requirements, nourishing food, respectable clothing, medical

attendance, and incidentals of simple type, requires a wage of not less

than $9.

I regret that the shortness of space prevents a glance at the

contributions of the working girl to church, charity and the support

of others, or her expenditures for self-education and recreation.

Suffice it to say that the amount which goes for charity, for necessary

incidentals and for education bears a creditable relation to that

expended for recreation.

The savings bank insurance study is most significant in its

confirmation of the inadequacy of a three to five-dollar or even a six

to eight-dollar wage. Even though the girls whose records were thus

secured came largely from the group living at home, it was only in the

nine to twelve-dollar wage group that real savings became possible.

One scarcely dares accept the conclusion suggested by these facts,

that the minimum wage should be not less than $9, there are so many

modifying circumstances. Nor dares one assert that certain sums

represent the “cost of living”, it is so hard to determine a standard

of living. How can we fix the minimum or average of rent? How can

we place a limit on expenditure for food and clothing? How can we

tell how much of inefficiency is due to inadequacy of food, clothing

and shelter, how much to lack of training, how much to youth? All

results thus far obtained are only indicative; intensive scientific

investigation and cautious interpretation are needed to establish

conclusions that shall command general assent.

FOOTNOTES:

[37] See report on “The Economic Efficiency of College Women,” by the

writer of this paper, published in the _Magazine of the Association of

Collegiate Alumnae_, February, 1910.

[38] Miss Davida C. French was director of the savings bank insurance

committee of the Women’s Educational and Industrial Union, 1909-1910,

under which this study was made.

[39] The results of the investigation will be published this year.

Information with regard to this publication may be secured from the

Women’s Educational and Industrial Union, 264 Boylston St., Boston,

Mass.

A NEW SOCIAL ADJUSTMENT[40]

MARY KINGSBURY SIMKHOVITCH

Greenwich House, New York City

The entrance of women into industry means that they are going out from

the home. Closely related to the new economic status of women is a new

social adjustment to a larger world. I shall not attempt in this paper

to go beyond the consideration of what is happening before our eyes in

New York.

It is very interesting to see how much more concerned people are about

growing boys in great cities than they are about girls. This is really

illogical, for what is happening to girls is happening in a very

special way to the race. Everyone says glibly enough that the position

of woman in any society is an index of that society’s civilization.

This fact seems to be perceived, however, rather as some sort of

bookish generalization than as a subject of social concern, which ought

to be connected with a positive social purpose.

It would be idle to claim that the situation of the young girl entering

industry in New York to-day is in any way socially satisfactory.

It is not. There is a social--or as some prefer to call it,

moral--instability at the present time that is very serious. The purity

of the working girl is under a terrific strain, and it is criminal to

close our eyes to the fact. Those who know this to be the case seem

almost committed to a policy of silence. While they realize the gravity

of the facts, they are also among the sincerest admirers and friends of

the working girl, and they do not want to create the impression that

there is anything inherently debased about this army of youthful women

workers. It would, in fact, be a total misrepresentation to picture the

working girl as in any way different from any other girl. She is, of

course, the same sort of person as the society girl or the so-called

middle-class girl, but her position at just this juncture is a more

difficult one than that of any other young woman, for she is stepping

out from the most old-fashioned type of family into the newest type

of industry. This new social adjustment is just as inevitable as the

economic adjustments that followed the industrial revolution.

The economic position of women · 第 6 / 17 段