CHAPTER XIII

Orthodoxy

_Philosophy is either eternal or it is not philosophy. . . . A cosmic

philosophy is not constructed to fit a man; a cosmic philosophy is

constructed to fit a cosmos. A man can no more possess a private

religion than he can possess a private sun and moon_.

_Introduction to the Book of Job_.

BECAUSE _Orthodoxy_ is supremely Chesterton's own history of his mind

more must be said of it than of his other published works. For "This

book is the life of a man. And a man is his mind." The Notebook shows

him thinking and feeling in his youth exactly on the lines that he

recalls--but they were only lines--in fact an outline. The richness

of life was needed, the richness of thought, to turn the outline into

the masterpiece. No man, not even Chesterton, could have written

_Orthodoxy_ at the age of twenty. It was sufficiently remarkable that

he should have written it at thirty-five: but only a man who had been

thinking along those lines at twenty and much earlier could have

written it at all. For the book is as he says "a sort of slovenly

autobiography." It is not so much an argument for Orthodoxy as the

story of how one man discovered Orthodoxy as the only answer to the

riddle of the universe.

In an interview, given shortly after its publication, Gilbert told of

a temptation that had once been his and which he had overcome almost

before he realized he had been tempted. That temptation was to become

a prophet like all the men in _Heretics_, by emphasizing one aspect of

truth and ignoring the others. To do this would, he knew, bring him a

great crowd of disciples. He had a vision--which constantly grew

wider and deeper--of the many-sided unity of Truth, but he saw that

all the prophets of the age, from Walt Whitman and Schopenhauer to

Wells and Shaw, had become so by taking one side of truth and making

it all of truth. It is so much easier to see and magnify a part than

laboriously to strive to embrace the whole:

. . . a sage feels too small for life,

And a fool too large for it.

Not that he condemned as fools the able men of his generation. For

Wells he had a great esteem, for Shaw a greater. Whitman he had in

his youth almost idolized. But increasingly he recognized even

Whitman as representing an idea that was too narrow because it was

only an aspect. There was not room in Whitman's philosophy for some

of the facts he had already discovered and he felt he had not yet

completed his journey. He must not, for the sake of being a prophet

and of having a following, sacrifice--I will not say a truth already

found, but a truth that might still be lurking somewhere. He could

not be the architect of his own intellectual universe any more than

he had been the creator of sun, moon and earth. "God and humanity

made it," he said of the philosophy he discovered, "and it made me."

He had begun in boyhood, as we have seen, by realizing that the world

as depicted in fairy tales was saner and more sensible than the world

as seen by the intellectuals of his own day. These men had lost the

sense of life's value. They spoke of the world as a vast place

governed by iron laws of necessity. Chesterton felt in it the

presence of will, while the mere thought of vastness was to him about

as cheerful a conception as that of a jail that should with its cold

empty passages cover half the county. "These expanders of the

universe had nothing to show us except more and more infinite

corridors of space lit by ghastly suns and empty of all that was

divine."

These people professed that the universe was one coherent thing;

but they were not fond of the universe. But I was frightfully fond of

the universe and wanted to address it by a diminutive. I often did

so; and it never seemed to mind. Actually and in truth I did feel

that these dim dogmas of vitality were better expressed by calling

the world small than by calling it large. For about infinity there

was a sort of carelessness which was the reverse of the fierce and

pious care which I felt touching the pricelessness and the peril of

life. They showed only a dreary waste; but I felt a sort of sacred

thrift. For economy is far more romantic than extravagance. To them

stars were an unending income of halfpence; but I felt about the

golden sun and the silver moon as a schoolboy feels if he has one

sovereign and one shilling.

These subconscious convictions are best hit off by the colour and

tone of certain tales. Thus I have said that stories of magic alone

can express my sense that life is not only a pleasure but a kind of

eccentric privilege. I may express this other feeling of cosmic

cosiness by allusion to another book always read in boyhood,

"Robinson Crusoe," which I read about this time, and which owes its

eternal vivacity to the fact that it celebrates the poetry of limits,

nay, even the wild romance of prudence. Crusoe is a man on a small

rock with a few comforts just snatched from the sea: the best thing

in the book is simply the list of things saved from the wreck. The

greatest of poems is an inventory. . .

I really felt (the fancy may seem foolish) as if all the order and

number of things were the romantic remnant of Crusoe's ship. That

there are two sexes and one sun, was like the fact that there were

two guns and one axe. It was poignantly urgent that none should be

lost; but somehow, it was rather fun that none could be added. The

trees and the planets seemed like things saved from the wreck: and

when I saw the Matterhorn I was glad that it had not been overlooked

in the confusion. I felt economical about the stars as if they were

sapphires (they are called so in Milton's Eden): I hoarded the hills.

For the universe is a single jewel, and while it is a natural cant to

talk of a jewel as peerless and priceless, of this jewel it is

literally true. This cosmos is indeed without peer and without price:

for there cannot be another one.*

[* _Orthodoxy_, Chapter IV, pp. 112-5.]

A fragment of an essay on Hans Anderson that cannot be later than the

age of seventeen shows Gilbert trying to shape part of what he calls

here, "The Ethics of Elfland," but a large part was, as he says,

"subconscious." In this chapter he sums up the results of musings

about the universe begun so long ago--small wonder that he had seemed

to sleep over his lessons while he was seeing these visions and

dreaming these dreams which after every effort to tell them he still

knows remains half untold:

. . . the attempt to utter the unutterable things. These are my

ultimate attitudes towards life; the soils for the seeds of doctrine.

These in some dark way I thought before I could write, and felt

before I could think; that we may proceed more easily afterwards, I

will roughly recapitulate them now. I felt in my bones; first, that

this world does not explain itself. It may be a miracle with a

supernatural explanation; it may be a conjuring trick, with a natural

explanation. But the explanation of the conjuring trick, if it is to

satisfy me, will have to be better than the natural explanations I

have heard. The thing is magic, true or false. Second, I came to feel

as if magic must have a meaning, and meaning must have some one to

mean it. There was something personal in the world, as in a work of

art; whatever it meant it meant violently. Third, I thought this

purpose beautiful in its old design, in spite of its defects, such as

dragons. Fourth, that the proper form of thanks to it is some form of

humility and restraint: we should thank God for beer and Burgundy by

not drinking too much of them. We owed, also, an obedience to

whatever made us. And last, and strangest, there had come into my

mind a vague and vast impression that in some way all good was a

remnant to be stored and held sacred out of some primordial ruin. Man

had saved his good as Crusoe saved his goods; he had saved them from

a wreck. All this I felt and the age gave me no encouragement to feel

it. And all the time I had not even thought of Christian theology.*

[* Ibid., pp. 155-6.]

This theology came with the answers to all the tremendous questions

asked by life. Here the convert has one great advantage over the

Catholic brought up in the Faith. Most of us hear the answers before

we have asked the questions: hence intellectually we lack what G.K.

calls "the soils for the seeds of doctrine." It is nearly impossible

to understand an answer to a question you have not formulated. And

without the sense of urgency that an insistent question brings, many

people do not even try. All the years of his boyhood and early

manhood Chesterton was facing the fundamental questions and hammering

out his answers. At first he had no thought of Christianity as even a

possible answer. Growing up in a world called Christian, he fancied

it a philosophy that had been tried and found wanting. It was only as

he realized that the answers he was finding for himself always fitted

into, were always confirmed by, the Christian view of things that he

began to turn towards it. He sees a good deal of humour in the way he

strained his voice in a painfully juvenile attempt to utter his new

truths, only to find that they were not his and were not new, but

were part of an eternal philosophy.

In the chapter called "The Flag of the World" he tells of the moment

when he discovered the confirmation and reinforcing of his own

speculations by the Christian theology. The point at which this came

concerned his feelings about the men of his youth who labelled

themselves Optimist and Pessimist. Both, he felt, were wrong. It must

be possible at once to love and to hate the world, to love it more

than enough to get on with it, to hate it enough to get it on. And

the Church solved this difficulty by her doctrine of creation and of

Original Sin. "God had written not so much a poem, but rather a play;

a play he had planned as perfect, but which had necessarily been left

to human actors and stage-managers who had since made a great mess of

it."

As to that mess the Christian could be as pessimist as he liked, as

to the original design he must be optimist, for it was his work to

restore it. "St. George could still fight the dragon . . . if he were

as big as the world he could yet be killed in the name of the world."

And then followed an experience impossible to describe. It was as

if I had been blundering about since my birth with two huge and

unmanageable machines, of different shapes and without apparent

connection--the world and the Christian tradition. I had found this

hole in the world: the fact that one must somehow find a way of

loving the world without trusting it; somehow one must love the world

without being worldly. I found this projecting feature of Christian

theology, like a sort of hard spike, the dogmatic insistence that God

was personal, and had made a world separate from Himself. The spike

of dogma fitted exactly into the hole in the world--it had evidently

been meant to go there--and then the strange thing began to happen.

When once these two parts of the two machines had come together, one

after another, all the other parts fitted and fell in with an eerie

exactitude. I could hear bolt after bolt over all the machinery

falling into its place with a kind of click of relief. Having got one

part right, all the other parts were repeating that rectitude, as

clock after clock strikes noon. Instinct after instinct was answered

by doctrine after doctrine. Or, to vary the metaphor, I was like one

who had advanced into a hostile country to take one high fortress.

And when that fort had fallen the whole country surrendered and

turned solid behind me. The whole land was lit up, as it were, back

to the first fields of my childhood. All those blind fancies of

boyhood which in the fourth chapter I have tried in vain to trace on

the darkness, became suddenly transparent and sane. I was right when

I felt that I would almost rather say that grass was the wrong colour

than say that it must by necessity have been that colour: it might

verily have been any other. My sense that happiness hung on the crazy

thread of a condition did mean something when all was said: it meant

the whole doctrine of the Fall. Even those dim and shapeless monsters

of notions which I have not been able to describe, much less defend,

stepped quietly into their places like colossal caryatides of the

creed. The fancy that the cosmos was not vast and void, but small and

cosy, had a fulfilled significance now, for anything that is a work

of art must be small in the sight of the artist; to God the stars

might be only small and dear, like diamonds. And my haunting instinct

that somehow good was not merely a tool to be used, but a relic to be

guarded, like the goods from Crusoe's ship--even that had been the

wild whisper of something originally wise, for, according to

Christianity, we were indeed the survivors of a wreck, the crew of a

golden ship that had gone down before the beginning of the world.*

[* _Orthodoxy_, Chapter V, pp. 142-4.]

In a chapter called "The Paradoxes of Christianity," the richness of

his mind is most manifest; and in that chapter can best be seen what

Mr. Belloc meant when he told me Chesterton's style reminded him of

St. Augustine's. Talking over with an old schoolfellow of his the

list of books he had, as we have seen, drawn up for _T.P.'s Weekly_,

I discovered deep doubt as to whether Gilbert would really have read

these books, as most of us understand reading, combined with a

conviction that he would have got out of them at a glance more than

most of us by prolonged study. I have certainly never known anyone

his equal at what the schoolboy calls "degutting" a book. He did not

seem to study an author, yet he certainly knew him.

But it remained that his own mind, reflecting and experiencing, made

of his own life his greatest storehouse, so that in all this book

there was, as my father pointed out in the _Dublin Review_ at the

time, an intensely original new light cast on the eternal philosophy

about which so much had already been written. The discovery specially

needed, perhaps, for his own age was that Christianity represented a

new balance that constituted a liberation. The ancient Greek or

Roman had aimed at equilibrium by enforcing moderation and getting

rid of extremes. Christianity "made moderation out of the still crash

of two impetuous emotions." It "got over the difficulty of combining

furious opposites by keeping them both, and keeping them both

furious." "The more I considered Christianity, the more I felt

that while it had established a rule and order, the chief aim of

that order was to give room for good things to run wild." Thus

inside Christianity the pacifist could become a monk, and the

warrior a Crusader, St. Francis could praise good more loudly

than Walt Whitman, and St. Jerome denounce evil more darkly than

Schopenhauer--but both emotions must be kept in their place. I

remember how George Wyndham laughed as he recited to us the paragraph

where this idea reached its climax.

And sometimes this pure gentleness and this pure fierceness met and

justified their juncture; the paradox of all the prophets was

fulfilled, and, in the soul of St. Louis, the lion lay down with the

lamb. But remember that this text is too lightly interpreted. It is

constantly assumed, especially in our Tolstoyan tendencies, that when

the lion lies down with the lamb the lion becomes lamb-like. But that

is brutal annexation and imperialism on the part of the lamb. That is

simply the lamb absorbing the lion instead of the lion eating the

lamb. The real problem is--can the lion lie down with the lamb and

still retain his royal ferocity? _That_ is the problem the Church

attempted; _that_ is the miracle she achieved.*

[* _Orthodoxy_, Chapter VI, pp. 178-9.]

All this applied not only to the release of the emotions, the

development of all the elements that go to make up humanity, but even

more to the truths of Revelation. A heresy always means lopping off a

part of the truth and, therefore, ultimately a loss of liberty.

Orthodoxy, in keeping the whole truth, safeguarded freedom and

prevented any one of the great and devouring ideas she was teaching

from swallowing any other truth. This was the justification of

councils, of definitions, even of persecutions and wars of religion:

that they had stood for the defence of reason as well as of faith.

They had stood to prevent the suicide of thought which must result if

the exciting but difficult balance were lost that had replaced the

classical moderation.

The Church could not afford to swerve a hair's breadth on some

things if she was to continue her great and daring experiment of the

irregular equilibrium. Once let one idea become less powerful and

some other idea would become too powerful. It was no flock of sheep

the Christian shepherd was leading, but a herd of bulls and tigers,

of terrible ideals and devouring doctrines, each one of them strong

enough to turn to a false religion and lay waste the world. Remember

that the Church went in specifically for dangerous ideas; she was a

lion tamer. The idea of birth through a Holy Spirit, of the death of

a divine being, of the forgiveness of sins, or the fulfilment of

prophecies, are ideas which, any one can see, need but a touch to

turn them into something blasphemous or ferocious. . . . A sentence

phrased wrong about the nature of symbolism would have broken all the

best statues in Europe. A slip in the definitions might stop all the

dances; might wither all the Christmas trees or break all the Easter

eggs. Doctrines had to be defined within strict limits, even in order

that man might enjoy general human liberties. The Church had to be

careful, if only that the world might be careless.

This is the thrilling romance of Orthodoxy. People have fallen into

a foolish habit of speaking of orthodoxy as something heavy, humdrum,

and safe. There never was anything so perilous or so exciting as

orthodoxy. It was sanity; and to be sane is more dramatic than to be

mad. It was the equilibrium of a man behind madly rushing horses,

seeming to stoop this way and to sway that, yet in every attitude

having the grace of statuary and the accuracy of arithmetic. The

Church in its early days went fierce and fast with any warhorse; yet

it is utterly unhistoric to say that she merely went mad along one

idea, like a vulgar fanaticism. She swerved to left and right, so as

exactly to avoid enormous obstacles. She left on one hand the huge

bulk of Arianism, buttressed by all the worldly powers to make

Christianity too worldly. The next instant she was swerving to avoid

an orientalism, which would have made it too unworldly. The orthodox

Church never took the tame course or accepted the conventions; the

orthodox Church was never respectable. It would have been easier to

have accepted the earthly power of the Arians. It would have been

easy, in the Calvinistic seventeenth century, to fall into the

bottomless pit of predestination. It is easy to be a madman: it is

easy to be a heretic. It is always easy to let the age have its head;

the difficult thing is to keep one's own. It is always easy to be a

modernist; as it is easy to be a snob. To have fallen into any of

those open traps of error and exaggeration which fashion after

fashion and sect after sect set along the historic path of

Christendom--that would indeed have been simple. It is always simple

to fall; there are an infinity of angles at which one falls, only one

at which one stands. To have fallen into any one of the fads from

Gnosticism to Christian Science would indeed have been obvious and

tame. But to have avoided them all has been one whirling adventure;

and in my vision the heavenly chariot flies thundering through the

ages, the dull heresies sprawling and prostrate, the wild truth

reeling but erect.*

[* _Orthodoxy_, Chapter VI, pp. 182-5.]

No quotation can adequately convey the wealth of thought in the book.

Yet amazingly, the _Times_ reviewer rebuked G.K. for substituting

emotion for intellect, partly on the strength of a sentence in the

chapter called "The Maniac." "The madman is the man who has lost

everything except his reason." The reviews, when one reads them as a

whole, exactly confirm what Wilfrid Ward said in the _Dublin Review:_

that whereas he had regarded _Orthodoxy_ as a triumphant vindication

of his own view that G.K. was a really profound thinker, he found to

his amazement that those who had thought him superficial, hailed it

as a proof of theirs.

Obviously with a man so much concerned with ultimates the place

accorded him in letters will depend upon whether one agrees or

disagrees with his conclusions. In a country that is not Catholic

this consideration must affect the standing of any Catholic thinker.

Thus Newman was considered by Carlyle to have "the brain of a

moderate sized rabbit," yet by others his is counted the greatest

mind of the century. Similarly Arnold Bennett could credit Chesterton

with only a second-class intellectual apparatus--because he was a

dogmatist. To this Chesterton replied (in _Fancies versus Facts_):

"In truth there are only two kinds of people, those who accept dogmas

and know it and those who accept dogmas and don't know it. My only

advantage over the gifted novelist lies in my belonging to the former

class." If one grasps the Catholic view of dogma the answer is

satisfying; if not the objector is left with his original

objection--as against Chesterton, as against Newman. And Chesterton

had the extra disadvantage of being a journalist famous for his jokes

now moving in Newman's unquestioned field of philosophy and theology.

It was in part the difficulty of convincing a man against his will.

These critics, as Wilfrid Ward pointed out, read superficially and

looked only at the fooling, the fantastic puns and comparisons,

ignoring the underlying deep seriousness and lines of thought that

made him, as it then seemed boldly, rank Chesterton with such writers

as Butler, Coleridge and Newman. Taking as his text the saying,

"Truth can understand error, but error cannot understand truth,"

Wilfrid Ward called his article, "Mr. Chesterton among the Prophets."

He showed especially the curious confusion made in such comments as

the one I have quoted from the _Times_, and made clearer what

Chesterton was really saying by a comparison with the "illative

sense" of Cardinal Newman. It is the usual difficulty of trying to

express a partly new idea. Newman had coined an expression, but it

did not express all he meant, still less all that Chesterton meant.

Yet it was difficult to use the word "reason" in this particular

discussion, without giving to it two different meanings. For in two

chapters, "The Maniac" and "The Suicide of Thought," Chesterton was

concerned to show that Authority was needed for the defence of reason

(in the larger sense) against its own power of self-destruction. Yet

the maniac commits this suicide by an excessive use of reason (in the

narrower sense). "He is not hampered by a sense of humour or by

charity, or by the dumb certainties of experience. He is the more

logical for losing certain sane affections. . . . He is in the clean

and well-lit prison of one idea: he is sharpened to one painful

point."

To Chesterton it seemed that most of the modern religions and

philosophies were like the argument by which a madman suffering from

persecution mania proves that he is in a world of enemies: it is

complete, it is unanswerable, yet it is false. The madman's mind

"moves in a perfect but narrow circle. . . . The insane explanation

is quite as complete as the sane one, only it is not so large. . . .

There is such a thing as a narrow universality; there is such a thing

as a small and cramped eternity; you may see it in many modern

religions." Philosophies such as Materialism, Idealism, Monism, all

have in their explanations of the universe this quality of the

madman's argument of "covering everything and leaving everything

out." The Materialist, like the Madman is "unconscious of the alien

energies and the large indifference of the earth; he is not thinking

of the real things of the earth, of fighting peoples or proud mothers

or first love or fear upon the sea. The earth is so very large and

the cosmos is so very small."

People sometimes say, "life is larger than logic," when they want to

dismiss logic, but that was not Chesterton's way. He wanted logic, he

needed logic, as part of the abundance of the mind's life, as part of

a much larger whole. What was the word--we are looking for it

still--for a use of the mind that included all these things; logic

and imagination, mysticism and ecstasy and poetry and joy; a use of

the mind that could embrace the universe and reach upwards to God

without losing its balance. The mind must work in time, yet it can

reach out into Eternity: it is conditioned by space but it can

glimpse infinity. The modern world had imprisoned the mind. Far more

than the body it needed great open spaces. And Chesterton, breaking

violently out of prison, looked around and saw how the Church had

given health to the mind by giving it space to move in and great

ideas to move among. Chesterton, the poet, saw too that man is a poet

and must therefore, "get his head into the heavens." He needs

mysticism and among Her great ideas, the Church gives him mysteries.

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