Paine was the literary lion in New York--where Congress sat in 1785--and
was especially intimate with the Nicholsons, whose house was the social
_salon_ of leading republicans.* One may easily read between the lines
of the following note to Franklin that the writer is having "a good
time" in New York, where it was written September 23d:
* "Commodore Nicholson was an active republican politician
in the city of New York, and his house was a headquarters
for the men of his way of thinking. The young ladies'
letters are full of allusions to the New York society of
that day, and to calls from Aaron Burr, the Livingstons, the
Clintons, and many others.... An other man still more
famous in some respects was a frequent visitor at their
house. It is now almost forgotten that Thomas Paine, down to
the time of his departure for Europe in 1787, was a
fashionable member of society, admired and courted as the
greatest literary genius of his day.... Here is a little
autograph, found among the papers of Mrs. Gallatin [nee
Nicholson]; its address is to: 'Miss Hannah N., at the Lord
knows where.--You Mistress Hannah if you don't come home, I
'll come and fetch you. T. Paine.'"--Adams' "Life of
Gallatin."
"My Dear Sir,--It gives me exceeding great pleasure to have the
opportunity of congratulating you on your return home, and to a land of
Peace; and to express to you my heartfelt wishes that the remainder
of your days may be to you a time of happy ease and rest. Should Fate
prolong my life to the extent of yours, it would give me the greatest
felicity to have the evening scene some resemblance of what you now
enjoy.
"In making you this address I have an additional pleasure in reflecting,
that, so far as I have hitherto gone, I am not conscious of any
circumstance in my conduct that should give you one repentant thought
for being my patron and introducer to America.
"It would give me great pleasure to make a journey to Philadelphia on
purpose to see you, but an interesting affair I have with Congress makes
my absence at this time improper.
"If you have time to let me know how your health is, I shall be much
obliged to you.
"I am, dear Sir, with the sincerest affection and respect,
"Your obedient, humble servant,
"Thomas Paine.
"The Hon'ble Benjamin Franklin, Esquire.
"My address is Messrs. Lawrence and Morris, Merchants."
To this came the following reply, dated Philadelphia, September 24th:
"Dear Sir,--'I have just received your friendly congratulations on
my return to America, for which, as well as your kind wishes for my
welfare, I beg you to accept my most thankful acknowledgments. Ben is
also very sensible of your politeness, and desires his respects may be
presented.
"I was sorry on my arrival to find you had left this city. Your present
arduous undertaking, I easily conceive, demands retirement, and tho' we
shall reap the fruits of it, I cannot help regretting the want of your
abilities here where in the present moment they might, I think, be
successfully employed. Parties still run very high--Common Sense
would unite them. It is to be hoped therefore it has not abandoned us
forever."*
* The remainder of the letter (MS. Philosoph. Soc.,
Philadelphia) seems to be in the writing of William Temple
Franklin, to whom probably Paine had enclosed a note: "Mr.
Williams whom you inquire after accompanied us to America,
and is now here. We left Mrs. Wms. and her sisters well at
St. Ger's, but they proposed shortly returning to England to
live with their uncle, Mr. J. Alexander, who has entirely
settled his affairs with Mr. Wal-pole and the Bank. Mr. Wm.
Alex'r I suppose you know is in Virginia fulfilling his
tobacco contract with the Farmer Gen'l. The Marquis la
Fayette we saw a few days before we left Passy--he was well
and on the point of setting off on an excursion into
Germany, and a visit to the Emperor K. of Prussia.--I
purpose shortly being at New York, where I will with
pleasure give you any further information you may wish, and
shall be very happy to cultivate the acquaintance and
friendship of Mr. Paine, for whose character I have a
sincere regard and of whose services I, as an American, have
a grateful sense"
The "arduous undertaking" to which Franklin refers was of course the
iron bridge. But it will be seen by our next letter that Paine had
another invention to lay before Franklin, to whom he hastened after
receiving his $3,000 from Congress:
"Dec. 31, 1785.--Dear Sir,--I send you the Candles I have been
making;--In a little time afer they are lighted the smoke and flame
separate, the one issuing from one end of the Candle, and the other from
the other end. I supposed this to be because a quantity of air enters
into the Candle between the Tallow and the flame, and in its passage
downwards takes the smoke with it; for if you allow a quantity of air up
the Candle, the current will be changed, and the smoke reascends, and in
passing this the flame makes a small flash and a little noise.
"But to express the Idea I mean, of the smoke descending more clearly
it is this,--that the air enters the Candle in the very place where
the melted tallow is getting into the state of flame, and takes it down
before the change is completed--for there appears to me to be two kinds
of smoke, humid matter which never can be flame, and enflameable matter
which would be flame if some accident did not prevent the change being
completed--and this I suppose to be the case with the descending smoke
of the Candle.
"As you can compare the Candle with the Lamp, you will have an
opportunity of ascertaining the cause--why it will do in the one and not
in the other. When the edge of the en-flamed part of the wick is close
with the edge of the Tin of the Lamp no counter current of air can
enter--but as this contact does not take place in the Candle a counter
current enters and prevents the effect [?] in the candles which
illuminates the Lamp. For the passing of the air thro' the Lamp does
not, I imagine, burn the smoke, but burns up all the oil into flame, or
by its rapidity prevents any part of the oil flying off in the state of
half-flame which is smoke.
"I do not, my Dear Sir, offer these reasons to you but to myself, for I
have often observed that by lending words for my thoughts I understand
my thoughts the better. Thoughts are a kind of mental smoke, which
require words to illuminate them.
"I am affectionately your Obt. & Hble. servant,
"Thomas Paine.
"I hope to be well enough tomorrow to wait on you."
{1786}
Paine had now to lay aside his iron arch and bridge a financial flood.
A party had arisen in Philadelphia, determined to destroy the "Bank of
North America." Paine had confidence in this bank, and no one knew its
history better, for it had grown out of the subscription he headed (May,
1780) with $500 for the relief of Washington's suffering army. It had
been incorporated by Congress, and ultimately by Pennsylvania, April 1,
1782. Investments and deposits by and in the Bank had become very large,
and to repeal its charter was to violate a contract. The attack was
in the interest of paper money, of which there was a large issue. The
repeal had to be submitted to popular suffrage, and even Cheet-ham
admits that Paine's pamphlet "probably averted the act of despotism."
The pamphlet was entitled, "Dissertations on Government, the Affairs of
the Bank, and Paper Money" (54 pages 8vo). It was written and printed,
Paine says in his preface (dated February 18, 1786), "during the short
recess of the Assembly." This was between December 22d and February
26th.
The first fourteen pages of the work are devoted to a consideration
of general principles. Englishmen who receive their constitutional
instruction from Walter Bagehot and Albert Dicey will find in this
introduction by Paine the foundation of their Republic. In discussing
"sovereignty" he points out that the term, when applied to a people, has
a different meaning from the arbitrariness it signifies in a monarchy.
"Despotism may be more effectually acted by many over a few, than by one
over all." "A republic is a sovereignty of justice, in contradistinction
to a sovereignty of will." The distinct powers of the legislature are
stated--those of legislation and those of agency. "All laws are acts,
but all acts are not laws." Laws are for every individual; they may be
altered. Acts of agency or negotiation are deeds and contracts.
"The greatness of one party cannot give it a superiority or advantage
over the other. The state or its representative, the assembly, has no
more power over an act of this kind, after it has passed, than if the
state was a private person. It is the glory of a republic to have it so,
because it secures the individual from becoming the prey of power, and
prevents might from overcoming right. If any difference or dispute arise
between the state and the individuals with whom the agreement is made
respecting the contract, or the meaning or extent of any of the matters
contained in the act, which may affect the property or interest of
either, such difference or dispute must be judged of and decided upon by
the laws of the land, in a court of justice and trial by jury; that
is, by the laws of the land already in being at the time such act and
contract was made."
"That this is justice," adds Paine, "that it is the true principle of
republican government, no man will be so hardy as to deny." So, indeed,
it seemed in those days. In the next year those principles were embodied
in the Constitution; and in 1792, when a State pleaded its sovereign
right to repudiate a contract ("Chisholm vs. Georgia") the Supreme
Court affirmed every contention of Paine's pamphlet, using his ideas and
sometimes his very phrases.
Our first Attorney-General (Edmund Randolph, of Virginia) eloquently
maintained that the inferiority of one party, or dignity of the other,
could not affect the balances of justice. Individuals could not be left
the victims of States. So it was decided. Justice Wilson remarked
that the term sovereignty is unknown to the Constitution: "The term
'sovereign' has for its correlative, 'subject.'" A State contracting as
a merchant cannot, when asked to fulfil its contract, take refuge in its
"sovereignty." "The rights of individuals," said Justice Cushing, "and
the justice due to them are as dear and precious as those of States.
Indeed the latter are founded on the former; and the great end and
object of them must be to secure and support the rights of individuals,
or else vain is government."* But the decline of republicanism set in;
the shameful Eleventh Amendment was adopted; Chisholm was defrauded of
his victory by a retrospective action of this amendment; and America
stands to-day as the only nation professing civilization, which shields
repudiation under "State sovereignty."
1 See "Omitted Chapters of History Disclosed in the Life
and Papers of Edmund Randolph," Chap. XVIII., for a full
history of this subject.
In the strength of these principles Paine was able to overwhelm the
whole brood of heresies,--State privilege, legal tender, repudiation,
retrospective laws. His arguments are too modern to need repetition
here; in fineness and force they are like the ribs of his bridge: as
to-day commerce travels on Paine's iron span, so on his argumentative
arch it passes over freshets endangering honest money.
For a like reason it is unnecessary to give here all the details of his
bridge sent by Paine to his correspondents. Of this invention more is
said in further chapters, but the subjoined letters are appropriate at
this point The first two were written at Bordentown, where Paine settled
himself in the spring.
To Franklin, undated.--"I send you the two essays I mentioned. As the
standing or not standing of such an arch is not governed by opinions,
therefore opinions one way or the other will not alter the fact. The
opinions of its standing will not make it stand, the opinions of its
falling will not make it fall; but I shall be exceedingly obliged to
you to bestow a few thoughts on the subject and to communicate to me any
difficulties or doubtfulness that may occur to you, because it will
be of use to me to know them. As you have not the model to look at I
enclose a sketch of a rib, except that the blocks which separate the
bars are not represented."
To Franklin, June 6th.--"The gentleman, Mr. Hall, who presents you with
this letter, has the care of two models for a bridge, one of wood, the
other of cast iron, which I have the pleasure of submitting to you, as
well for the purpose of showing my respect to you, as my patron in
this country, as for the sake of having your opinion and judgment
thereon.--The European method of bridge architecture, by piers and
arches, is not adapted to many of the rivers in America on account of
the ice in the winter. The construction of those I have the honor of
presenting to you is designed to obviate the difficulty by leaving the
whole passage of the river clear of the incumbrance of piers... My first
design in the wooden model was for a bridge over the Harlem River,
for my good friend General Morris of Morrisania... but I cannot help
thinking that it might be carried across the Schuylkill.... Mr. Hall,
who has been with me at Borden Town, and has done the chief share of the
working part, for we have done the whole ourselves, will inform you
of any circumstance relating to it which does not depend on the
mathematical construction. Mr. Hall will undertake to see the models
brought safe from the stage boat to you; they are too large to be
admitted into the house, but will stand very well in the garden. Should
there be a vessel going round to New York within about a week after my
arrival in Philadelphia I shall take that convenience for sending them
there, at which place I hope to be in about a fortnight."
Address and date not given; written in Philadelphia, probably in
June.--"Honorable Sir,--I have sent to His Excellency, the President
[Franklin] two models for a Bridge, the one of wood the other of
cast-iron bars, to be erected over rivers, without piers. As I shall in
a few days go to New York, and take them with me, I do myself the honor
of presenting an invitation to Council to take a view of them before
they are removed. If it is convenient to Council to see and examine
their construction to-day, at the usual time of their adjournment, I
will attend at the President's at half after twelve o'clock, or any
other day or hour Council may please to appoint."'
* This and the two letters preceding are among the Franklin
MSS. in the Philosophical Society, Philadelphia.
To the Hon. Thomas Fitzsimmons; addressed "To be left at the Bank,
Philadelphia." Written at Borden town, November 19th.--"I write you a
few loose thoughts as they occur to me. Next to the gaining a majority
is that of keeping it This, at least (in my opinion), will not be best
accomplished by doing or attempting a great deal of business, but by
doing no more than is absolutely necessary to be done, acting moderately
and giving no offence. It is with the whole as it is with the members
individually, and we always see at every new election that it is more
difficult to turn out an old member against whom no direct complaint can
be made than it is to put in a new one though a better man. I am sure it
will be best not to touch any part of the plan of finance this year.
If it falls short, as most probably it will, it would be (I speak for
myself) best to reduce the interest that the whole body of those who are
stiled public creditors may share it equally as far as it will go. If
any thing can be saved from the Civil List expences it ought not to be
finally mortgaged to make up the deficiency; it may be applied to bring
the creditors to a balance for the present year. There is more to be
said respecting this debt than has yet been said. The matter has never
been taken up but by those who were interested in the matter. The public
has been deficient and the claimants exorbitant--neglect on one side
and greediness on the other. That which is truly Justice may be always
advocated. But I could no more think of paying six per cent Interest in
real money, in perpetuity, for a debt a great part of which is quondam
than I could think of not paying at all. Six per cent on any part of the
debt, even to the original holders is ten or twelve per cent, and to the
speculators twenty or thirty or more. It is better that the matter
rest until it is fuller investigated and better understood, for in its
present state it will be hazardous to touch upon.
"I have not heard a word of news from Philadelphia since I came to this
place. I wrote a line to Mr. Francis and desired him to give me a little
account of matters but he does not, perhaps, think it very necessary
now.
"I see by the papers that the subject of the Bank is likely to be
renewed. I should like to know when it will come on, as I have some
thought of coming down at that time, if I can.
"I see by the papers that the Agricultural Society have presented
a petition to the house respecting building a Bridge over the
Schuylkill--on a model prepared for that purpose. In this I think they
are too hasty. I have already constructed a model of a Bridge of Cast
Iron, consisting of one arch. I am now making another of wrought Iron of
one arch, but on a different Plan. I expect to finish it in about three
weeks and shall send it first to Philadelphia. I have no opinion of any
Bridge over the Schuylkill that is to be erected on piers--the sinking
of piers will sink more money than they have any Idea of and will not
stand when done. But there is another point they have not taken into
their consideration; which is, that the sinking three piers in the
middle of the river, large and powerful enough to resist the ice, will
cause such an alteration in the bed and channel of the river that there
is no saying what course it may take, or whether it will not force a new
channel somewhere else."*
* I am indebted for this letter to Mr. Simon Grata of
Philadelphia.
To George Clymer, Esquire, "to be left at the Bank, Philadelphia."
Written at Bordentown, November 19th.--"I observe by the minutes that
the Agricultural Society have presented a petition to the house for
an act of incorporation for the purpose of erecting a bridge over the
Schuylkill on a model in their possession. I hope this business will not
be gone into too hastily. A Bridge on piers will never answer for that
river, they may sink money but they never will sink piers that will
stand. But admitting that the piers do stand--they will cause such an
alteration in the Bed and channel of the river, as will most probable
alter its course either to divide the channel, and require two bridges
or cause it to force a new channel in some other part. It is a matter of
more hazard than they are aware of the altering by obstructions the bed
and channel of a River; the water must go somewhere--the force of the
freshets and the Ice is very great now but will be much greater then.
"I am finishing as fast as I can my new model of an Iron Bridge of one
arch which if it answers, as I have no doubt but it will, the whole
difficulty of erecting Bridges over that river, or others of like
circumstances, will be removed, and the expense not greater, (and I
believe not so great) as the sum mentioned by Mr. Morris in the house,
and I am sure will stand four times as long or as much longer as Iron
is more durable than wood. I mention these circumstances to you that you
may be informed of them--and not let the matter proceed so far as to put
the Agricultural Society in a difficult situation at last.
"The giving a Society the exclusive right to build a bridge, unless the
plan is prepared before hand, will prevent a bridge being built; because
those who might afterwards produce models preferable to their own, will
not present them to any such body of men, and they can have no right to
take other peoples labours or inventions to compleat their own
undertakings by.
"I have not heard any news since I came to this place. I wish you would
give me a line and let me know how matters are going on.--The Stage Boat
comes to Borden Town every Wednesday and Sunday from the Crooked Billet
Wharf."*
{1787}
At the close of the war Paine was eager to visit England. He speaks of
it in his letter of June 7, 1783, to Elias Boudinot, already referred
to--but he had not the means. The measures for his remuneration had
delayed him two and a half years, and it now became imperative that he
should put in a fair way of success his invention of the bridge.
The models made a good impression on Franklin and the Council, and a
committee was appointed to investigate it. Early in the year following
the Pennsylvania Assembly appointed another committee. But meanwhile
Paine's correspondence with his parents determined him to visit them at
once, and look after the interests of his invention upon his return.**
He no doubt also thought, and it may have been suggested by Franklin,
that the success of his bridge would be assured in America and England
if it should receive approval of the engineers in France. In March,
1787, he is in Philadelphia, consulting committees, and on the 31st
writes to Franklin of his prospects and plans:
* For this letter I am indebted to Mr. Charles Roberts, of
Philadelphia.
** It is known that he received an affectionate letter from
his father, now in his 78th year, but it has not been found,
and was probably burned with the Bonneville papers in St.
Louis.
"I mentioned in one of my essays my design of going this spring to
Europe.--I intend landing in france and from thence England,--and that I
should take the model with me. The time I had fixed with myself was
May, but understanding (since I saw you yesterday) that no french packet
sails that month, I must either take the April packet or wait till
June. As I can get ready by the April packet I intend not omitting the
opportunity. My Father and Mother are yet living, whom I am very anxious
to see, and have informed them of my coming over the ensuing summer.
"I propose going from hence by the stage on Wednesday for New York, and
shall be glad to be favoured with the care of any letters of yours to
France or England. My stay in Paris, when with Col. Laurens, was so
short that I do not feel myself introduced there, for I was in no house
but at Passy, and the Hotel Col. Laurens was at. As I have taken a part
in the Revolution and politics of this country, and am not an unknown
character in the political world, I conceive it would be proper on my
going to Paris, that I should pay my respects to Count Vergennes, to
whom I am personally unknown; and I shall be very glad of a letter from
you to him affording me that opportunity, or rendering my waiting on
him easy to me; for it so often happens that men live to forfeit the
reputation at one time they gained at another, that it is prudent not
to presume too much on one's self. The Marquis La Fayette I am the most
known to of any gentleman in France. Should he be absent from Paris
there are none I am much acquainted with. I am on exceeding good terms
with Mr. Jefferson which will necessarily be the first place I go to.
As I had the honor of your introduction to America it will add to my
happiness to have the same friendship continued to me on the present
occasion.
"Respecting the model, I shall be obliged to you for a letter to some
of the Commissioners in that department. I shall be glad to hear their
opinion of it If they will undertake the experiment of two Ribs, it
will decide the matter and promote the work here,--but this need not be
mentioned. The Assembly have appointed another Committee, consisting of
Mr. Morris, Mr. Clymer, Mr. Fitzsimons, Mr. Wheeler, Mr. Robinson, to
confer with me on the undertaking. The matter therefore will remain
suspended till my return next winter. It is worth waiting this event,
because if a single arch to that extent will answer, all difficulties in
that river, or others of the same condition, are overcome at once.
I will do myself the pleasure of waiting on you tomorrow."
During the time when Paine was perfecting his bridge, and consulting the
scientific committees, the country was absorbed with preparations
for forming a national Constitution and Union. When the States were
nominating and electing delegates to the Convention of 1787, no one
seems to have suggested Paine for a seat in it, nor does he appear
to have aspired to one. The reasons are not far to seek. Paine was
altogether too inventive for the kind of work contemplated by the
colonial politicians. He had shown in all his writings, especially in
his "Dissertations on Government," that he would build a constitution
as he built his bridge: it must be mathematical, founded and shaped in
impregnable principles, means adopted and adapted strictly for an ideal
national purpose. His iron span did not consider whether there might be
large interests invested in piers, or superstitions in favor of oak; as
little did his anti-slavery essays consider the investments in slavery,
or his "Public Good" on the jealous sovereignty of States. A recent writer
says that Paine's "Common Sense" was "just what the moment demanded,"
and that it "may be briefly described as a plea for independence and a
continental government."* In setting the nation at once to a discussion
of the principles of such government, he led it to assume the principle
of independence; over the old English piers on their quicksands, which
some would rebuild, he threw his republican arch, on which the people
passed from shore to shore. He and Franklin did the like in framing the
Pennsylvania constitution of 1776, by which the chasm of "Toryism" was
spanned.
* "The Development of Constitutional Liberty in the English
Colonies of America," by Eben Greenough Scott, 1890.
Every pamphlet of Paine was of the nature of an invention, by which
principles of liberty and equality were framed in constructions adapted
to emergencies of a republic. But when the emergencies were past, the
old contrivances regained their familiar attractions, and these were
enhanced by independence. Privilege, so odious in Lords, was not so bad
when inherited by democracy; individual sovereignty, unsuited to King
George, might be a fine thing for President George; and if England had
a House of Peers, why should we not make one out of a peerage of States?
"Our experience in republicanism," wrote Paine, "is yet so slender,
that it is much to be doubted whether all our public laws and acts are
consistent with, or can be justified on, the principles of a republican
government." But the more he talked in this way, or reminded the nation
of the "Declaration of Independence" and the "Bill of Rights," the more
did he close the doors of the Constitutional Convention against himself.
In those days there used to meet in Franklin's library a "Society for
Political Inquiries." It had forty-two members, among them Washington,
James Wilson, Robert Morris, Gouverneur Morris, Clymer, Rush, Bingham,
Bradford, Hare, Rawle, and Paine. A memorandum of Rawle says: "Paine
never opened his mouth, but he furnished one of the few essays which the
members of the Society were expected to produce. It was a well written
dissertation on the inexpediency of incorporating towns."* That in
such company, and at such a time, Paine should be silent, or discuss
corporations, suggests political solitude. Franklin, indeed, agreed with
him, but was too old to struggle against the reaction in favor of the
bicameral and other English institutions.
* "Memoir of Penn. Hist. Soc, 1840." The gist of Paine's
paper (read Apr. 20,1787) is no doubt contained in "The
Rights of Man," Part II., Ch. 5.
M. Chanut ("Nouv. Biog. Generale") says that Paine's bridge was not
erected on the Schuylkill because of "the imperfect state of iron
manufacture in America." Something of the same kind might be said of
the state of political architecture. And so it was, that while the
Convention was assembling in Independence Hall, he who first raised the
standard of Independence, and before the Declaration proposed a Charter
of the "United Colonies of America," was far out at sea on his way to
rejoin his comrades in the old world, whose hearts and burdens he had
represented in the new.
The printed Rules of the Society (founded February 9, 1787) are in the
Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. The preamble, plainly Paine's,
says: "Important as these inquiries are to all, to the inhabitants of
these republics they are objects of peculiar magnitude and necessity.
Accustomed to look up to those nations, from whom we have derived our
origin, for our laws, our opinions, and our manners, we have retained
with undistinguishing reverence their errors, with their improvements;
have blended with our public institutions the policy of dissimilar
countries; and have grafted on our infant commonwealth the manners
of ancient and corrupted monarchies. In having effected a separate
government, we have as yet effected but a partial independence. The
revolution can only be said to be compleat, when we shall have freed
ourselves, no less from the influence of foreign prejudices than from
the fetters of foreign power."