The world held no other man so great and so happy as Washington, in
September, 1783,--the month of final peace. Congress, then sitting at
Princeton, had invited him to consult with them on the arrangements
necessary for a time of peace, and prepared a mansion for him at Rocky
Hill. For a time the General gave himself up to hilarity, as ambassadors
of congratulation gathered from every part of the world. A glimpse of
the festivities is given by David Howell of Rhode Island in a letter to
Governor Greene.
"The President, with all the present members, chaplains, and great
officers of Congress, had the honor of dining at the General's table
last Friday. The tables were spread under a marquise or tent taken from
the British. The repast was elegant, but the General's company crowned
the whole. As I had the good fortune to be seated facing the General,
I had the pleasure of hearing all his conversation. The President of
Congress was seated on his right, and the Minister of France on his
left. I observed with much pleasure that the General's front was
uncommonly open and pleasant; the contracted, pensive phiz betokening
deep thought and much care, which I noticed at Prospect Hill in 1775, is
done away, and a pleasant smile and sparkling vivacity of wit and humor
succeeds. On the President observing that in the present situation of
our affairs he believed that Mr. [Robert] Morris had his hands full, the
General replied at the same instant, 'he wished he had his pockets full
too.' On Mr. Peters observing that the man who made these cups (for we
drank wine out of silver cups) was turned a Quaker preacher, the General
replied that 'he wished he had turned a Quaker preacher before he
made the cups.' You must also hear the French Minister's remark on the
General's humor--'You tink de penitence wou'd have been good for de
cups.' Congress has ordered an Egyptian statue of General Washington,
to be erected at the place where they may establish their permanent
residence. No honors short of those which the Deity vindicates to
himself can be too great for Gen. Washington."
At this time Paine sat in his little home in Bor-dentown, living on his
crust. He had put most of his savings in this house (on two tenths of an
acre) so as to be near his friend Col. Joseph Kirkbride. The Colonel was
also of Quaker origin, and a hearty sympathizer with Paine's principles.
They had together helped to frame the democratic constitution of
Pennsylvania (1776), had fought side by side, and both had scientific
tastes. Since the burning of his house, Bellevue (Bucks), Colonel
Kirkbride had moved to Borden town, N. J., and lived at Hill Top,
now part of a female college. A part of Paine's house also stands. At
Borden-town also resided Mr. Hall, who had much mechanical skill,
and whom he had found eager to help him in constructing models of his
inventions. To such things he now meant to devote himself, but before
settling down permanently he longed to see his aged parents and revisit
his English friends. For this, however, he had not means. Robert Morris
advised Paine to call the attention of Congress to various unremunerated
services. His secretaryship of the Foreign Affairs Committee, terminated
by an admitted injustice to him, had been burdensome and virtually
unpaid; its nominal $70 per month was really about $15. His perilous
journey to France, with young Laurens, after the millions that wrought
wonders, had not brought him even a paper dollar. Paine, therefore, on
June 7th, wrote to Elias Boudinot, President of Congress, stating that
though for his services he had "neither sought, received, nor stipulated
any honors, advantages, or emoluments," he thought Congress should
inquire into them. The letter had some effect, but meanwhile Paine
passed three months of poverty and gloom, and had no part in the
festivities at Princeton.
One day a ray from that festive splendor shone in his humble abode.
The great Commander had not forgotten his unwearied fellow-soldier, and
wrote him a letter worthy to be engraved on the tombs of both.
"Rocky Hill, Sept. 10, 1783. "Dear Sir,
"I have learned since I have been at this place, that you are at
Bordentown. Whether for the sake of retirement or economy, I know not.
Be it for either, for both, or whatever it may, if you will come to this
place, and partake with me, I shall be exceedingly happy to see you.
"Your presence may remind Congress of your past services to this
country; and if it is in my power to impress them, command my best
services with freedom, as they will be rendered cheerfully by one who
entertains a lively sense of the importance of your works, and who, with
much pleasure, subscribes himself,
"Your sincere friend,
"G. Washington."
The following was Paine's reply:
"Borden Town, Sept. 21.--Sir,--I am made exceedingly happy by the
receipt of your friendly letter of the 10th. instant, which is this
moment come to hand; and the young gentleman that brought it, a son
of Col. Geo. Morgan, waits while I write this. It had been sent to
Philadelphia, and on my not being there, was returned, agreeable to
directions on the outside, to Col. Morgan at Princetown, who forwarded
it to this place.
"I most sincerely thank you for your good wishes and friendship to me,
and the kind invitation you have honored me with, which I shall with
much pleasure accept.
"On the resignation of Mr. Livingston in the winter and likewise of Mr.
R. Morris, at [the same] time it was judged proper to discontinue the
matter which took place when you were in Philadelphia.* It was at the
same time a pleasure to me to find both these gentlemen (to whom I
was before that time but little known) so warmly disposed to assist in
rendering my situation permanent, and Mr. Livingston's letter to me, in
answer to one of mine to him, which I enclose, will serve to show that
his friendship to me is in concurrence with yours.
* See page 182.
** This had been Washington's suggestion.
"By the advice of Mr. Morris I presented a letter to Congress expressing
a request that they would be pleased to direct me to lay before them an
account of what my services, such as they were, and situation, had been
during the course of the war. This letter was referred to a committee,
and their report is now before Congress, and contains, as I am informed,
a recommendation that I be appointed historiographer to the continent."
I have desired some members that the further consideration of it be
postponed, until I can state to the committee some matters which I
wish them to be acquainted with, both with regard to myself and the
appointment. And as it was my intention, so I am now encouraged by your
friendship to take your confidential advice upon it before I present it
For though I never was at a loss in writing on public matters, I feel
exceedingly so in what respects myself.
"I am hurt by the neglect of the collective ostensible body of America,
in a way which it is probable they do not perceive my feelings. It has
an effect in putting either my reputation or their generosity at stake;
for it cannot fail of suggesting that either I (notwithstanding the
appearance of service) have been undeserving their regard or that
they are remiss towards me. Their silence is to me something like
condemnation, and their neglect must be justified by my loss of
reputation, or my reputation supported at their injury; either of which
is alike painful to me. But as I have ever been dumb on everything which
might touch national honor so I mean ever to continue so.
"Wishing you, Sir, the happy enjoyment of peace and every public and
private felicity I remain &c.
"Thomas Paine.
"Col. Kirkbride at whose house I am, desires me to present you his
respectful compliments."
Paine had a happy visit at Washington's headquarters, where he met old
revolutionary comrades, among them Humphreys, Lincoln, and Cobb. He
saw Washington set the river on fire on Guy Fawkes Day with a roll of
cartridge-paper. When American art is more mature we may have a picture
of war making way for science, illustrated by the night-scene of
Washington and Paine on a scow, using their cartridge-paper to fire the
gas released from the river-bed by soldiers with poles!*
* See Paine's essay on "The Cause of the Yellow Fever."
These experiments on the river at Rocky Hill were followed
by others in Philadelphia, with Rittenhouse.
There was a small party in Congress which looked with sullen jealousy on
Washington's friendliness with Paine. The States, since the conclusion
of the war, were already withdrawing into their several shells of
"sovereignty," while Paine was arguing with everybody that there could
be no sovereignty but that of the United States,--and even that was
merely the supremacy of Law. The arguments in favor of the tax imposed
by Congress, which he had used in Rhode Island, were repeated in his
last _Crisis_ (April 19th), and it must have been under Washington's
roof at Rocky Hill that he wrote his letter "To the People of America"
(dated December 9th), in which a high national doctrine was advocated.
This was elicited by Lord Sheffield's pamphlet, "Observations on the
Commerce of the United States," which had been followed by a prohibition
of commerce with the West Indies in American bottoms. Lord Sheffield had
said: "It will be a long time before the American States can be brought
to act as a nation; neither are they to be feared by us as such." Paine
calls the attention of Rhode Island to this, and says: "America is now
sovereign and independent, and ought to conduct her affairs in a regular
style of character." She has a perfect right of commercial retaliation.
"But it is only by acting in union that the usurpations of foreign
nations on the freedom of trade can be counteracted, and security
extended to the commerce of America. And when we view a flag, which to
the eye is beautiful, and to contemplate its rise and origin inspires
a sensation of sublime delight, our national honor must unite with our
interest to prevent injury to the one or insult to the other."
{1784}
Noble as these sentiments now appear, they then excited alarm in certain
Congressmen, and it required all Washington's influence to secure any
favorable action in Paine's case. In 1784, however, New York presented
Paine with "two hundred and seventy-seven acres, more or less, which
became forfeited to and vested in the People of this State by the
conviction of Frederick Devoe."* With such cheerful prospects, national
and personal, Paine rose into song, as appears by the following letter
("New York, April 28th") to Washington:
* The indenture, made June 16, 1784, is in the Register's
Office of Westchester County, Vol. T. of Grantees, p. 163.
The confiscated estate of the loyalist Devoe is the well-
known one at New Rochelle on which Paine's monument stands.
I am indebted for investigations at White Plains, and
documents relating to the estate, to my friend George
Hoadly, and Mr. B. Davis Washburn.
"Dear Sir,--As I hope to have in a few days the honor and happiness of
seeing you well at Philadelphia, I shall not trouble you with a long
letter.
"It was my intention to have followed you on to Philadelphia, but when
I recollected the friendship you had shewn to me, and the pains you
had taken to promote my interests, and knew likewise the untoward
disposition of two or three Members of Congress, I felt an exceeding
unwillingness that your friendship to me should be put to further
tryals, or that you should experience the mortification of having your
wishes disappointed, especially by one to whom delegation is his daily
bread.
"While I was pondering on these matters, Mr. Duane and some other
friends of yours and mine, who were persuaded that nothing would take
place in Congress (as a single man when only nine states were present
could stop the whole), proposed a new line which is to leave it to the
States individually; and a unanimous resolution has passed the senate
of this State, which is generally expressive of their opinion and
friendship. What they have proposed is worth at least a thousand
guineas, and other States will act as they see proper. If I do but get
enough to carry me decently thro' the world and independently thro' the
History of the Revolution, I neither wish nor care for more; and that
the States may very easily do if they are disposed to it. The State of
Pennsylvania might have done it alone.
"I present you with a new song for the Cincinnati; and beg to offer
you a remark on that subject.* The intention of the name appears to me
either to be lost or not understood. For it is material to the future
freedom of the country that the example of the late army retiring to
private life, on the principles of Cincinnatus, should be commemorated,
that in future ages it may be imitated. Whether every part of the
institution is perfectly consistent with a republic is another question,
but the precedent ought not to be lost.
"I have not yet heard of any objection in the Assembly of this State, to
the resolution of the Senate, and I am in hopes there will be none made.
Should the method succeed, I shall stand perfectly clear of Congress,
which will be an agreeable circumstance to me; because whatever I may
then say on the necessity of strengthening the union, and enlarging its
powers, will come from me with a much better grace than if Congress had
made the acknowledgment themselves.
"If you have a convenient opportunity I should be much obliged to you to
mention this subject to Mr. President Dickinson. I have two reasons
for it, the one is my own interest and circumstances, the other is on
account of the State, for what with their parties and contentions, they
have acted to me with a churlish selfishness, which I wish to conceal
unless they force it from me.
* Paine wrote four patriotic American songs: "Hail, Great
Republic of the World" (tune "Rule Britannia"); "To
Columbia, who Gladly Reclined at her Ease"; "Ye Sons of
Columbia, who Bravely have Fought,"--both of the latter
being for the tune of "Anacreon in Heaven"; and "Liberty
Tree "(tune "Gods of the Greeks"), beginning, "In a
chariot of light, from the regions of Day," etc.
"As I see by the papers you are settling a tract of land, I enclose you
a letter I received from England on the subject of settlements. I think
lands might be disposed of in that country to advantage. I am, dear Sir,
&c."
The estate at New Rochelle had a handsome house on it (once a
patrimonial mansion of the Jays), and Paine received distinguished
welcome when he went to take possession. This he reciprocated, but he
did not remain long at New Rochelle.* Bordentown had become his home; he
had found there a congenial circle of friends,--proved such during his
poverty. He was not, indeed, entirely relieved of poverty by the New
York _honorarium_, but he had expectation that the other States would
follow the example. In a letter to Jefferson also Paine explained
his reason for desiring that the States, rather than Congress, should
remunerate him. That Washington appreciated this motive appears by
letters to Richard Henry Lee and James Madison.
*"An old lady, now a boarding-housekeeper in Cedar Street,
remembers when a girl visiting Mr. Paine when he took
possession of his house and farm at New Rochelle, and gave a
village fete on the occasion; she then only knew him as
'Common Sense,' and supposed that was his name. On that day
he had something to say to everybody, and young as she was
she received a portion of his attention; while he sat in
the shade, and assisted in the labor of the feast, by
cutting or breaking sugar to be used in some agreeable
liquids by his guests. Mr. Paine was then, if not handsome,
a fine agreeable looking man."--Vale, 1841. The original
house was accidentally destroyed by fire, while Paine was in
the French Convention. The present house was, however,
occupied by him after his return to America.
"Mount Vernon, 12 June.--Unsolicited by, and unknown to Mr. Paine, I
take the liberty of hinting the services and the distressed (for so I
think it may be called) situation of that Gentleman.
"That his Common Sense, and many of his Crisis, were well timed and had
a happy effect upon the public mind, none, I believe, who will recur to
the epocha's at which they were published will deny.--That his services
hitherto have passed of [f] unnoticed is obvious to all;--and that he
is chagreened and necessitous I will undertake to aver.--Does not common
justice then point to some compensation?
"He is not in circumstances to refuse the bounty of the public. New
York, not the least distressed nor most able State in the Union, has set
the example. He prefers the benevolence of the States individually to
an allowance from Congress, for reasons which are conclusive in his
own mind, and such as I think may be approved by others. His views
are moderate, a decent independency is, I believe, the height of his
ambition, and if you view his services in the American cause in the same
important light that I do, I am sure you will have pleasure in obtaining
it for him.--I am with esteem and regard, Dr. sir, yr. most obdt.
servt.,
"George Washington."*
"Mount Vernon, June 12.--Dear Sir,--Can nothing be done in our Assembly
for poor Paine? Must the merits and services of _Common Sense_ continue
to glide down the stream of time, unrewarded by this country?
"His writings certainly have had a powerful effect on the public
mind,--ought they not then to meet an adequate return? He is poor! he is
chagreened! and almost if not altogether in despair of relief.
"New York, it is true, not the least distressed nor best able State in
the Union, has done something for him. This kind of provision he prefers
to an allowance from Congress, he has reasons for it, which to him are
conclusive, and such, I think, as would have weight with others. His
views are moderate--a decent independency is, I believe, all he aims at.
Should he not obtain this? If you think so I am sure you will not only
move the matter but give it your support. For me it only remains to feel
for his situation and to assure you of the sincere esteem and regard
with which I have the honor to be, DSir,
"Yr. Most Obedt. Humble Servt,
"G. Washington."
"James Madison, Esq."
*I found this letter (to Lee) among the Franklin MSS. in the
Philosophical Society, Philadelphia.
** I am indebted for this letter to Mr. Frederick McGuire,
of Washington.
A similar letter was written to Patrick Henry and perhaps to others. A
bill introduced into the Virginia Legislature (June 28th) to give Paine
a tract of land, being lost on the third reading, Madison (June
30th) offered a "bill for selling the public land in the county of
Northampton, called the Secretary's land, and applying part of the money
arising therefrom to the purchase of a tract to be vested in Thomas
Payne and his heirs." The result is described by Madison (July 2d) to
Washington:
* "Arthur Lee was most responsible for the failure of the
measure, for he was active in cultivating a prejudice
against Paine. This was somewhat ungracious, as Paine had
befriended Lee in his controversy with Deane."--Ford's
"Writings of Washington," x., p. 395. Had there been any
belief at this time that Paine had been paid for writing the
pamphlet objected to, "Public Good," it would no doubt have
been mentioned.
"The easy reception it found, induced the friends of the measure to add
the other moiety to the proposition, which would have raised the market
value of the donation to about four thousand pounds, or upwards, though
it would not probably have commanded a rent of more than one hundred
pounds per annum. In this form the bill passed through two readings. The
third reading proved that the tide had suddenly changed, for the bill
was thrown out by a large majority. An attempt was next made to sell
the land in question, and apply two thousand pounds of the money to
the purchase of a farm for Mr. Paine. This was lost by a single voice.
Whether a greater disposition to reward patriotic and distinguished
exertions of genius will be found on any succeeding occasion, is not for
me to predetermine. Should it finally appear that the merits of the man,
whose writings have so much contributed to enforce and foster the spirit
of independence in the people of America, are unable to inspire them
with a just beneficence, the world, it is to be feared, will give us as
little credit for our policy as for gratitude in this particular."
R. H. Lee--unfortunately not present, because of illness--writes
Washington (July 22d):
"I have been told that it miscarried from its being observed that he had
shown enmity to this State by having written a pamphlet injurious to
our claim of Western Territory. It has ever appeared to me that this
pamphlet was the consequence of Mr. Paine's being himself imposed upon,
and that it was rather the fault of the place than the man."'
So the news came that Virginia had snubbed Paine, at the moment of
voting a statue to Washington. But his powerful friend did not relax
his efforts, and he consulted honest John Dickinson, President of
Pennsylvania. Under date of November 27th, the following was written by
Paine to General Irwin, Vice-President of Pennsylvania:
"The President has made me acquainted with a Conversation which General
Washington had with him at their last interview respecting myself, and
he is desirous that I should communicate to you his wishes, which are,
that as he stands engaged on the General's request to recommend to the
Assembly, so far as lies in his power, their taking into consideration
the part I have acted during the war, that you would join your
assistance with him in the measure.--Having thus, Sir, opened the
matter to you in general terms, I will take an opportunity at some time
convenient to yourself to state it to you more fully, as there are many
parts in it that are not publicly known.--I shall have the pleasure of
seeing you at the President's to-day to dine and in the mean time I am
etc."
On December 6th the Council sent this message to the General Assembly of
Pennsylvania:
"Gentlemen: The President having reported in Council a conversation
between General Washington and himself respecting Mr. Thomas Paine, we
have thereby been induced to take the services and situation of that
gentleman at this time into our particular consideration.
"Arriving in America just before the war broke out, he commenced his
residence here, and became a citizen of this Commonwealth by taking
the oath of allegiance at a very early period. So important were his
services during the late contest, that those persons whose own merits in
the course of it have been the most distinguished concur with a highly
honorable unanimity in entertaining sentiments of esteem for him, and
interesting themselves in his deserts. It is unnecessary for us to
enlarge on this subject. If the General Assembly shall be pleased to
appoint a Committee, they will receive information that we doubt not
will in every respect prove satisfactory.
"We confide that you will, then, feel the attention of Pennsylvania is
drawn towards Mr. Paine by motives equally grateful to the human heart,
and reputable to the Republic; and that you will join with us in the
opinion that a suitable acknowledgment of his eminent services, and a
proper provision for the continuance of them in an independent manner,
should be made on the part of this State."
Pennsylvania promptly voted to Paine L500,--a snug little fortune in
those days.
Paine thus had a happy New Year. Only two States had acted, but they had
made him independent Meanwhile Congress also was willing to remunerate
him, but he had put difficulties in the way. He desired, as we have
seen, to be independent of that body, and wished it only to pay its
debts to him; but one of these--his underpaid secretaryship--would
involve overhauling the Paine-Deane case again. Perhaps that was what
Paine desired; had the matter been passed on again the implied censures
of Paine on the journal of Congress would have been reversed. When
therefore a gratuity was spoken of Paine interfered, and wrote to
Congress, now sitting in New York, asking leave to submit his accounts.
This letter was referred to a committee (Gerry, Pettit, King).
"Mr. Gerry," says Paine, "came to me and said that the Committee had
consulted on the subject, and they intended to bring in a handsome
report, but that they thought it best not to take any notice of your
letter, or make any reference to Deane's affair, or your salary. They
will indemnify you without it. The case is, there are some motions on
the journals of Congress for censuring you, with respect to Deane's
affair, which cannot now be recalled, because they have been printed.
Therefore [we] will bring in a report that will supersede them without
mentioning the purport of your letter."
On the committee's report Congress resolved (August 26th):
"That the early, unsolicited, and continued labors of Mr. Thomas Paine,
in explaining and enforcing the principles of the late revolution by
ingenious and timely publications upon the nature of liberty, and civil
government, have been well received by the citizens of these States, and
merit the approbation of Congress; and that in consideration of these
services, and the benefits produced thereby, Mr. Paine is entitled to a
liberal gratification from the United States."
This of course was not what Paine wished, and he again (September 27th)
urged settlement of his accounts. But, on October 3d, Congress ordered
the Treasurer to pay Paine $3,000, "for the considerations mentioned in
the resolution of the 26th of August last" "It was," Paine maintained to
the last, "an indemnity to me for some injustice done me, for Congress
had acted dishonorably by me." The Committee had proposed $6,000, but
the author's enemies had managed to reduce it The sum paid was too small
to cover Paine's journey to France with Laurens, which was never repaid.
The services of Thomas Paine to the American cause cannot, at this
distance of time, be estimated by any records of them, nor by his
printed works. They are best measured in the value set on them by
the great leaders most cognizant of them,--by Washington, Franklin,
Jefferson, Adams, Madison, Robert Morris, Chancellor Livingston, R. H.
Lee, Colonel Laurens, General Greene, Dickinson. Had there been anything
dishonorable or mercenary in Paine's career, these are the men who
would have known it; but their letters are searched in vain for even
the faintest hint of anything disparaging to his patriotic self-devotion
during those eight weary years. Their letters, however, already quoted
in these pages, and others omitted, show plainly that they believed
that all the States owed Paine large "returns (as Madison wrote to
Washington) of gratitude for voluntary services," and that these
services were not merely literary. Such was the verdict of the men most
competent to pass judgment on the author, the soldier, the secretary. It
can never be reversed.
To the radical of to-day, however, Paine will seem to have fared pretty
well for a free lance; and he could now beat all his lances into bridge
iron, without sparing any for the wolf that had haunted his door.
{1785}