In Bell's addenda to "Common Sense," which contained Paine's Address
to the Quakers (also letters by others), appeared a little poem which I
believe his, and the expression of his creed.
"THE AMERICAN PATRIOT'S PRAYER.
"Parent of all, omnipotent
In heaven, and earth below,
Through all creation's bounds unspent,
Whose streams of goodness flow,
"Teach me to know from whence I rose,
And unto what designed;
No private aims let me propose,
Since link'd with human kind.
"But chief to hear my country's voice,
May all my thoughts incline;
'T is reason's law, 't is virtue's choice,
'T is nature's call and thine.
"Me from fair freedom's sacred cause
Let nothing e'er divide;
Grandeur, nor gold, nor vain applause,
Nor friendship false misguide.
"Let me not faction's partial hate
Pursue to this Land's woe;
Nor grasp the thunder of the state
To wound a private foe.
"If, for the right to wish the wrong
My country shall combine,
Single to serve th' erroneous throng,
Spight of themselves, be mine."
Every sacrifice contemplated in this self-dedication had to be made.
Paine had held back nothing from the cause. He gave America the
copyrights of his eighteen pamphlets. While they were selling by
thousands, at two or three shillings each, he had to apologize to a
friend for not sending his boots, on the ground that he must borrow the
money to pay for them! He had given up the magazine so suited to his
literary and scientific tastes, had dismissed his lucrative school
in Philadelphia, taken a musket on his Quaker shoulders, shared the
privations of the retreat to the Delaware, braved bullets at Trenton and
bombs at Fort Mifflin. But now he was to give up more. He was
"Single to serve th' erroneous throng,
Spight of themselves,"
and thereby lose applause and friendship. An ex-Congressman, sent to
procure aid in France, having, as Paine believed, attempted a fraud
on the scanty funds of this country, he published his reasons for so
believing. In doing so he alarmed the French Ambassador in America, and
incurred the hostility of a large party in Congress; the result being
his resignation of the secretaryship of its Foreign Affairs Committee.
It has been traditionally asserted that, in this controversy, Paine
violated his oath of office. Such is not the fact. His official oath,
which was prepared for Paine himself--the first secretary of a new
committee,--was framed so as to leave him large freedom as a public
writer.
"That the said secretary, previous to his entering on his office, take
an oath, to be administered by the president, well and faithfully
to execute the trust reposed in him, according to his best skill and
judgment; and to disclose no matter, the knowledge of which shall be
acquired in consequence of his office, _that he shall be directed to
keep secret._"
Not only was there no such direction of secrecy in this case, but
Congress did not know the facts revealed by Paine. Compelled by a
complaint of the French Minister to disown Paine's publication, Congress
refused to vote that it was "an abuse of office," or to discharge him.
The facts should be judged on their merits, and without prejudice.
I have searched and sifted many manuscripts in European and
American archives to get at the truth of this strange chapter in our
revolutionary history, concerning which there is even yet an unsettled
controversy.*
* "Beaumarchais et son Temps," par M. De Lomenie, Paris,
1856. "Histoire de la Participation de la France a
l'Etablissement des Etats Unis d'Amerique." par M. Doniol,
Paris. "Beaumarchais and 'The Lost Million,'" by Charles
J. Stille (privately printed in Philadelphia). "New
Materials for the History of the American Revolution," by
John Durand, New York, 1889. Magazine of American History%
vol. ii., p. 663. "Life and Times of Benjamin Franklin," by
James Parton, New York, 1864. "Papers in Relation to the
Case of Silas Deane," Philadelphia, printed for the Seventy-
six Society, 1855.
The reader who desires to explore the subject will find an ample
literature concerning it, but with confusing omissions, partly due to a
neglect of Paine's papers.
The suggestion of French aid to America was first made in May, 1775, by
Dubourg, and a scheme was submitted by Beaumarchais to the King. This
was first brought to light in November, 1878, in the _Magazine of
American History_, where it is said: "It is without date, but must have
been written after the arrival of the American Commissioners in Paris."
This is an error. A letter of December 7, 1775, from Beaumarchais proves
that the undated one had been answered. Moreover, on June 10, 1776, a
month before Deane had reached Paris, and six months before Franklin's
arrival, the million for America had been paid to Beaumarchais and
receipted. It was Deane's ruin that he appeared as if taking credit for,
and bringing within the scope of his negotiations, money paid before his
arrival. It was the ruin of Beaumarchais that he deceived Deane about
that million.
In 1763 France had suffered by her struggle with England humiliations
and territorial losses far heavier than those suffered by her last war
with Germany. With the revolt of the English colonies in America the
hour of French revenge struck. Louis XVI. did not care much about
it, but his minister Vergennes did. Inspired by him, Beaumarchais,
adventurer and playwright, consulted Arthur Lee, secret agent of
Congress in London, and it was arranged that Beaumarchais should write
a series of letters to the King, to be previously revised by Vergennes.
The letters are such as might be expected from the pen that wrote "The
Marriage of Figaro." He paints before the King the scene of France
driven out of America and India; he describes America as advancing to
engage the conqueror of France with a force which a little help
would make sufficient to render England helpless beside her European
foes--France and Spain. Learning through Vergennes that the King was
mindful of his treaty with England, Beau-marchais made a proposal
that the aid should be rendered as if by a commercial house, without
knowledge of the government This, the most important document of the
case, suppressed until 1878, was unknown to any of the writers who have
discussed this question, except Durand and Stille\ the latter alone
having recognized its bearing on the question of Beaumarchais' good
faith. Beau-marchais tells the King that his "succor" is not to end the
war in America, but "to continue and feed it to the great damage of the
English"; that "to sacrifice a million to put England to the expense of
a hundred millions, is exactly the same as if you advance a million to
gain ninety-nine." Half of the million (livres) is to be sent to America
in gold, and half in powder. So far from this aid being gratuitous, the
powder is to be taken from French magazines at "four to six sols per
pound," and sent to America "on the basis of twenty sols per pound."
"The constant view of the affair in which the mass of Congress ought to
be kept is the certainty that your Majesty is not willing to enter in
any way into the affair, but that a company is very generously about to
turn over a certain sum to the prudent management of a faithful agent
to give successive aid to the Americans by the shortest and the surest
means of return in tobacco."
How much of this scheme actually reached the King, and was approved
by him, is doubtful. He still hesitated, and another appeal was made
(February 29, 1776) embodying one from Arthur Lee, who says: "We offer
to France, in return for her secret assistance, a secret treaty of
commerce, by which she will secure for a certain number of years after
peace is declared all the advantages with which we have enriched England
for the past century, with, additionally, a guarantee of her possessions
according to our forces." Nothing is said by Arthur Lee about other
payments. The Queen had now become interested in the gallant Americans,
and the King was brought over to the scheme in April. On May 2, 1776,
Vergennes submits to the King the order for a million livres which he is
to sign; also a letter, to be written by the hand of the Minister's son,
aged fifteen, to Beaumarchais, who, he says, will employ M. Montandoin
(the name was really Montieu) to transmit to the Americans "such funds
as your Majesty chooses to appropriate for their benefit." There are
various indications that the pecuniary advantages, in the way of "sols"
and tobacco, were not set before the King, and that he yielded to
considerations of state policy.
After receiving the million (June 10th) Beaumarchais wrote to Arthur
Lee in London (June 12, 1776): "The difficulties I have found in my
negotiations with the Minister have _determined me to form a company_
which will enable the munitions and powder to be transmitted sooner to
_your friend_ on condition of his returning tobacco to Cape Francis."
To Arthur Lee, whom he had met at the table of Lord Mayor John Wilkes,
Beaumarchais had emphasized the "generous" side of his scheme. Tobacco
was indeed to be sent, chiefly to give a commercial color to the
transaction for the King's concealment, but there appeared no reason to
do more with Lee, who had no power of contract, than impress him with
the magnanimity and friendship of the French government. This Lee was to
report to the Secret Committee of Congress, which would thus be
prepared to agree to any arrangement of Beaumarchais' agent, without
any suspicion that it might be called on to pay twenty sols a pound
for powder that had cost from four to six. Lee did report it, sending
a special messenger (Story) to announce to Congress the glad tidings of
French aid, and much too gushingly its quasi-gratuitous character.
A month later Silas Deane, belated since March 5th by wind and wave,
reached Paris, and about July 17, 1776, by advice of Vergennes, had his
first interview with Beaumarchais. Had Beaumarchais known that an agent,
empowered by Congress to purchase munitions, was on his way to France,
he would have had nothing to do with Lee; now he could only repudiate
him, and persuade Deane to disregard him. Arthur Lee informed Deane
that Beaumarchais had told him that he had received two hundred thousand
pounds sterling of the French administration for the use of Congress,
but Deane believed Beaumarchais, who "constantly and positively denied
having said any such thing." It had been better for Deane if he had
believed Lee.* It turned out in the end that Beaumarchais had received
the sum Lee named, and the French government--more anxious for treaty
concessions from America than for Beaumarchais' pocket--assured the
American Commissioners that the million was a royal gift.
* M. Doniol and Mr. Durand are entirely mistaken in
supposing that Lee was "substantially a traitor." That he
wrote to Lord Shelburne that "if England wanted to prevent
closer ties between France and the United States she must
not delay," proves indeed the reverse. He wanted recognition
of the independence of his country, and peace, and was as
willing to get it from England as from France. He was no
doubt well aware that French subsidies were meant, as
Beaumarchais reminded the King, to continue the war in
America, not to end it. Arthur Lee had his faults, but lack
of patriotism was not among them.
This claim to generosity, however, or rather the source of it, was a
secret of the negotiation. In October, 1777, the commissioners wrote to
Congress a letter which, being intercepted, reached that body only in
duplicate, March, 1778, saying they had received assurances "that no
repayment will ever be required from us for what has already been given
us either in money or military stores." One of these commissioners
was Silas Deane himself (the others Franklin and Lee). But meanwhile
Beaumarchais had claimed of Congress, by an agent (De Francy) sent
to America, payment of his bill, which included the million which his
government declared had been a gift. This complication caused Congress
to recall Deane for explanations.
Deane arrived in America in July, 1778. There were suspicious
circumstances around him. He had left his papers in Paris; he had
borrowed money of Beaumarchais for personal expenses, and the despatch
he had signed in October, saying the million was a gift, had been
intercepted, other papers in the same package having duly arrived. Thus
appearances were against Deane. The following statement, in Paine's
handwriting, was no doubt prepared for submission to Congress, and
probably was read during one of its secret discussions of the matter. It
is headed "Explanatory Circumstances."
"1st The lost dispatches are dated Oct. 6th and Oct. 7th. They were sent
by a private hand--that is, they were not sent by the post. Capt. Folger
had the charge of them. They were all under one cover containing five
separate Packets; three of the Packets were on commercial matters
only--one of these was to Mr. R[obert] Morris, Chairman of the
Commercial Committee, one to Mr. Hancock (private concerns), another to
Barnaby Deane, S. Deane's brother. Of the other two Packets, one of
them was to the Secret Committee, then stiled the Committee for foreign
Affairs, the other was to Richard H. Lee--these two last Packets had
nothing in them but blank white French Paper.
"2d. In Sept'r preceding the date of the dispatches Mr. B[eau-marchais]
sent Mr. Francis [De Francy] to Congress to press payment to the amount
mentioned in the official Letter of Oct. 6. Mr. F[rancy] brought a
letter signed only by S. Deane--the Capt of the vessel (Landais) brought
another letter from Deane; both of these letters were to enforce Mr.
B[eaumarchais'] demand. Mr. F[rancy] arrived with his letters and
demand. The official despatches (if I may so say) arrived blank.
Congress therefore had no authoritative information to act by. About
this time Mr. D[eane] was recalled and arrived in America in Count
D'Estaing's fleet. He gave out that he had left his accounts in France.
"With the Treaty of Alliance come over the Duplicates of the lost
Despatches. They come into my office not having been seen by Congress;
and as they contain an injunction not to be conceded by [to?] Congress,
I kept them secret in the office because at that time the foreign
Committee were dispersed and new members not appointed.
"On the 5th of Dec. 1778, Mr. D[eane] published an inflamatory piece
against Congress. As I saw it had an exceeding ill effect out of doors I
made some remarks upon it--with a view of preventing people running
mad. This piece was replied to by a piece under the Signature of Plain
Truth--in which it was stated, that Mr. D[eane] though a stranger in
France and to the Language, and without money, had by himself procured
30,000 stand of Arms, 30,000 suits of Cloathing, and more than 200
pieces of Brass Cannon. I replied that these supplies were in a train of
Execution before he was sent to France. That Mr. Deane's private letters
and his official despatches jointly with the other two Commissioners
contradicted each other.
"At this time I found Deane had made a large party in Congress--and that
a motion had been made but not decided upon for dismissing me from the
foreign office, with a kind of censure."
Deane was heard by Congress twice (August 9 and 21, 1778) but made a bad
impression, and a third hearing was refused. In wrath he appealed in the
press "to the free and virtuous Citizens of America," (December 5,
1778) against the injustice of Congress. This Paine answered in the
_Pennsylvania Packet_ of December 15, 1778. His motives are told in the
following letter addressed to the Hon. Henry Laurens:
"Philadelphia, Dec. 15th, 1778.--Dear Sir.--In this morning's paper is
a piece addressed to Mr. Deane, in which your name is mentioned. My
intention in relating the circumstances with wch. it is connected is
to prevent the Enemy drawing any unjust conclusions from an accidental
division in the House on matters no ways political You will please to
observe that I have been exceedingly careful to preserve the honor of
Congress in the minds of the people who have been so exceedingly fretted
by Mr. Deane's address--and this will appear the more necessary when I
inform you that a proposal has been made for calling a Town Meeting
to demand justice for Mr. Deane. I have been applied to smoothly and
roughly not to publish this piece. Mr. Deane has likewise been with the
Printer. I am, &c."
{1779}
To Paine, who had given his all to the American cause, nothing could
appear more natural than that France and her King should do the same
with pure disinterestedness. Here were Lafayette and other Frenchmen
at Washington's side. However, the one thing he was certain of was that
Deane had no claim to be credited with the French subsidies. Had Henry
Laurens been President of Congress it would have been easy to act on
that body through him; but he had resigned, and the new president, John
Jay, was a prominent member of the Deane party. So Paine resolved to
defeat what he considered a fraud on the country at whatever cost. In
the course of the controversy he wrote (January 2, 1779):
"If Mr. Deane or any other gentleman will procure an order from Congress
to inspect an account in my office, or any of Mr. Deane's friends in
Congress will take the trouble of coming themselves, I will give him or
them my attendance, and shew them in handwriting which Mr. Deane is well
acquainted with, that the supplies he so pompously plumes himself upon
were promised and engaged, and that as a present, before he ever arrived
in France; and the part that fell to Mr. Deane was only to see it done,
and how he has performed that service the public are acquainted with."
Although Paine here gave the purport of the commissioners' letter,
showing plainly that Deane had nothing to do with obtaining the
supplies, he is not so certain that they were gratuitous, and adds, in
the same letter (January 2d): "The supplies here alluded to are those
which were sent from France in the Amphitrite, Seine, and Mercury,
about two years ago. They had at first the appearance of a present, but
whether so or on credit the service was a great and a friendly one."
To transfer the debt to the French government would secure such a long
credit that the American cause would not suffer. Perhaps no official
notice might have been taken of this, but in another letter (January
5th) Paine wrote: "Those who are now her [America's] allies, prefaced
that alliance by an early and generous friendship; yet that we might not
attribute too much to human or auxiliary aid, so unfortunate were these
supplies that only one ship out of three arrived; the Mercury and Seine
fell into the hands of the enemy."
It was this last paragraph that constituted Paine's indiscretion. Unless
we can suppose him for once capable of a role so Machiavellian as the
forcing of France's hand, by revealing the connection between the
King and the subsidies of Beau-marchais, we can only praise him for a
too-impulsive and self-forgetting patriotism. It was of course necessary
for the French Minister (Gerard) to complain, and for Congress to soothe
him by voting the fiction that his most Christian Majesty "did not
preface his alliance with any supplies whatever sent to America." But
in order to do this, Paine had somehow to be dealt with. A serio-comical
performance took place in Congress. The members knew perfectly well that
Paine had documents to prove every word he had printed; but as they
did not yet know these documents officially, and were required by their
ally's minister to deny Paine's statement, they were in great fear that
Paine, if summoned, might reveal them. As the articles were only signed
"Common Sense," it was necessary that the Secretary should acknowledge
himself their author, and Congress, in dread of discovering its own
secrets, contrived that he should be allowed to utter at the bar only
one word.
Congress received M. Gerard's complaint on January 5th, and on the 6th,
to which action thereon had been adjourned, the following memorial from
Paine.
"Honorable Sirs.--Understanding that exceptions have been taken at some
parts of my conduct, which exceptions as I am unacquainted with I
cannot reply to: I therefore humbly beg leave to submit every part of my
conduct public and private, so far as relate to public measures, to the
judgment of this Honble. House, to be by them approved or censured
as they shall judge proper--at the same time reserving to myself that
conscious satisfaction of having ever intended well and to the best of
my abilities executed those intentions.
"The Honble. Congress in April, 1777, were pleased, not only unsolicited
on my part, but wholly unknown to me, to appoint me unanimously
Secretary to the Committee for foreign affairs, which mode of
appointment I conceive to be the most honorable that can take place. The
salary they were pleased to affix to it was 70 dollars per month. It has
remained at the same rate ever since, and is not at this time equal to
the most moderate expences I can live at; yet I have never complained,
and always conceiving it my duty to bear a share of the inconveniences
of the country, have ever cheerfully submitted to them. This being my
situation, I am at this time conscious of no error, unless the cheapness
of my services, and the generosity with which I have endeavored to
do good in other respects, can be imputed to me as a crime, by such
individuals as may have acted otherwise.
"As my appointment was honorable, therefore whenever it shall appear
to Congress that I have not fulfilled their expectations, I shall, tho'
with concern at any misapprehension that might lead to such an opinion,
surrender up the books and papers intrusted to my care.
"Were my appointment an office of profit it might become me to resign
it, but as it is otherwise I conceive that such a step in me might imply
a dissatisfaction on account of the smallness of the pay. Therefore I
think it my duty to wait the orders of this Honble. House, at the
same time begging leave to assure them that whatever may be their
determination respecting me, my disposition to serve in so honorable a
cause, and in any character in which I can best do it, will suffer no
alteration. I am, with profound respect, your Honors' dutiful and obt.
hble. Servant,
"Thomas Paine."
On the same day Paine was summoned before Congress (sitting always
with closed doors), and asked by its president (Jay) if he wrote the
articles. He replied "Yes," and was instantly ordered to withdraw.
On the following day Paine, having discovered that Deane's party were
resolved that he should have no opportunity to reveal any fact in
Congress, submitted a second memorial.
"Honorable Sirs.--From the manner in which I was called before the House
yesterday, I have reason to suspect an unfavorable disposition in them
towards some parts in my late publications. What the parts are against
which they object, or what those objections are, are wholly unknown
to me. If any gentleman has presented any Memorial to this House which
contains any charge against me, or any-ways alludes in a censurable
manner to my character or interest, so as to become the ground of any
such charge, I request, as a servant under your authority, an attested
copy of that charge, and in my present character as a freeman of this
country, I demand it. I attended at the bar of this House yesterday as
their servant, tho' the warrant did not express my official station,
which I conceive it ought to have done, otherwise it could not have been
compulsive unless backed by a magistrate. My hopes were that I should be
made acquainted with the charge, and admitted to my defence, which I am
all times ready to make either in writing or personally.
"I cannot in duty to my character as a freeman submit to be censured
unheard. I have evidence which I presume will justify me. And I entreat
this House to consider how great their reproach will be should it be
told that they passed a sentence upon me without hearing me, and that a
copy of the charge against me was refused to me; and likewise how much
that reproach will be aggravated should I afterwards prove the censure
of this House to be a libel, grounded upon a mistake which they refused
fully to inquire into.
"I make my application to the heart of every gentleman in this House,
that, before he decides on a point that may affect my reputation, he
will duly consider his own. Did I court popular praise I should not send
this letter. My wish is that by thus stating my situation to the House,
they may not commit an act they cannot justify.
"I have obtained fame, honor, and credit in this country. I am proud of
these honors. And as they cannot be taken from me by any unjust censure
grounded on a concealed charge, therefore it will become my duty
afterwards to do justice to myself. I have no favor to ask more than to
be candidly and honorably dealt by; and such being my right I ought to
have no doubt but this House will proceed accordingly. Should Congress
be disposed to hear me, I have to request that they will give me
sufficient time to prepare."
It was, of course, a foregone conclusion that the story of what had
occurred in France must not be told. M. Gerard had identified himself
with the interests of Beaumarchais, as well as with those of his
government, and was using the privileges of the alliance to cover that
speculator's demand. Paine, therefore, pleaded in vain. Indeed, the
foregoing memorial seems to have been suppressed, as it is not referred
to in the journal of the House for that day (January 7th). On the day
following his resignation was presented in the following letter:
"Honorable Sirs.--Finding by the Journals of this House, of yesterday,
that I am not to be heard, and having in my letter of the same day,
prior to that resolution, declared that I could not 'in duty to my
character as a freeman submit to be censured unheard,' therefore,
consistent with that declaration, and to maintain that Right, I think it
my duty to resign the office of Secretary to the Committee for foreign
Affairs, and I do hereby resign the same. The Papers and documents in my
charge I shall faithfully deliver up to the Committee, either on honor
or oath, as they or this House shall direct.
"Considering myself now no longer a servant of Congress, I conceive
it convenient that I should declare what have been the motives of my
conduct. On the appearance of Mr. Deane's Address to the Public of the
5 of Dec, in which he said 'The ears of the Representatives were shut
against him,' the honor and justice of this House were impeached and
its reputation sunk to the lowest ebb in the opinion of the People. The
expressions of suspicion and degradation which have been uttered in my
hearing and are too indecent to be related in this letter, first induced
me to set the Public right; but so grounded were they, almost without
exception, in their ill opinion of this House, that instead of
succeeding as I wished in my first address, I fell under the same
reproach and was frequently told that I was defending Congress in their
bad designs. This obliged me to go farther into the matters, and I
have now reason to believe that my endeavours have been and will be
effectual.
"My wish and my intentions in all my late publications were to preserve
the public from error and imposition, to support as far as laid in my
power the just authority of the Representatives of the People, and to
cordiallize and cement the Union that has so happily taken place between
this country and France.
"I have betrayed no Trust because I have constantly employed that Trust
to the public good. I have revealed no secrets because I have told
nothing that was, or I conceive ought to be a secret. I have convicted
Mr. Deane of error, and in so doing I hope I have done my duty.
"It is to the interest of the Alliance that the People should know that
before America had any agent in Europe the 'public-spirited gentlemen'
in that quarter of the world were her warm friends. And I hope this
Honorable House will receive it from me as a farther testimony of
my affection to that Alliance, and of my attention to the duty of my
office, that I mention, that the duplicates of the Dispatches of Oct. 6
and 7, 1777, from the Commissioners, the originals of which are in the
Enemy's possession, seem to require on that account a reconsideration.
"His Excellency, the Minister of France, is well acquainted with the
liberality of my sentiments, and I have had the pleasure of receiving
repeated testimonies of his esteem for me. I am concerned that he should
in any instance misconceive me. I beg likewise to have it understood
that my appeal to this Honorable House for a hearing yesterday was as
a matter of Right in the character of a Freeman, which Right I ought
to yield up to no Power whatever. I return my utmost thanks to the
Honorable Members of this House who endeavored to support me in that
Right, so sacred to themselves and to their constituents; and I have the
pleasure of saying and reflecting that as I came into office an honest
man, I go out of it with the same character."
This letter also was suppressed, and the same fate was secured by Mr.
Jay for several other letters written by Paine to Congress. On March
30, 1779, he quotes a letter of the commissioners of November 30,
1777, saying that the supplies from France were "the effects of private
benevolence." On April 21st he reminds Congress that "they began their
hard treatment of me while I was defending their injured and insulted
honor, and which I cannot account for on any other ground than supposing
that a private unwarrantable connection was formed between Mr. Deane
and certain Members of this Honorable House." On April 23d he again
addresses the "Honorable Sirs ":
"On inquiring yesterday of Mr. Thomson, your Secretary, I find that no
answer is given to any of my letters. I am unable to account for the
seeming inattention of Congress in collecting information at this
particular time, from whatever quarter it may come; and this wonder is
the more increased when I recollect that a private offer was made to me,
about three months ago, amounting in money to L700 a year; yet however
polite the proposal might be, or however friendly it might be designed,
I thought it my duty to decline it; as it was accompanied with a
condition which I conceived had a tendency to prevent the information I
have since given, and shall yet give to the Country on Public Affairs.
"I have repeatedly wrote to Congress respecting Mr. Deane's dark
incendiary conduct, and offered every information in my power. The
opportunities I have had of knowing the state of foreign affairs is
greater than that of many gentlemen of this House, and I want no other
knowledge to declare that I look on Mr. Deane to be, what Mr. Carmichael
calls him, a rascal."
The offer of money came from M. Gerard. This clever diplomatist
perceived in all Paine's letters his genuine love of France, and esteem
for the King who had so generously allied himself with the Americans
in their struggle for independence. Since M. Gerard's arrival Paine had
been on friendly terms with him. I have explored the State Archives of
France for M. Gerard's versions of these affairs, and find them more
diplomatic than exact. Immediately on the appearance of Paine's first
attack on Deane, the Minister appears to have visited Paine. He reports
to Vergennes, January 10th, that he had been at much pains to convince
Paine of his error in saying that the supplies furnished by Beaumarchais
had been "promised as a gift"; but he had not retracted, and he (Gerard)
then thought it necessary to refer what he wrote to Congress. "Congress,
however, did not wait for this to show me its indignation." The journals
of Congress do not, however, reveal any reference to the matter previous
to M. Gerard's memorial of January 5th. In his next letter M. Gerard
asserts that Congress had dismissed Paine, whereas Paine resigned, and a
motion for his dismission was lost. This letter is dated January 17th.
"When I had denounced to Congress the assertions of M. Payne, I did not
conceal from myself the bad effects that might result to a head puffed
up by the success of his political writings, and the importance he
affected. I foresaw the loss of his office, and feared that, separated
from the support which has restrained him, he would seek only to avenge
himself with his characteristic impetuosity and impudence. All means of
restraining him would be impossible, considering the enthusiasm here
for the license of the press, and in the absence of any laws to repress
audacity even against foreign powers. The only remedy, my lord, I could
imagine to prevent these inconveniences, and even to profit by the
circumstances, was to have Payne offered a salary in the King's name, in
place of that he had lost. He called to thank me, and I stipulated that
he should publish nothing on political affairs, nor about Congress,
without advising with me, and should employ his pen mainly in impressing
on the people favorable sentiments towards France and the Alliance,
of the kind fittest to foster hatred and defiance towards England. He
appeared to accept the task with pleasure. I promised him a thousand
dollars per annum, to begin from the time of his dismission by Congress.
He has already begun his functions in declaring in the Gazette that the
affair of the military effects has no reference to the Court and is not
a political matter. You know too well the prodigious effects produced by
the writings of this famous personage among the people of the States to
cause me any fear of your disapproval of my resolution."
M. Gerard adds that he has also employed Dr. Cooper, an intimate
friend of Dr. Franklin. On May 29th he informs Vergennes that the Paine
arrangement did not work.
"A piece in a Gazette of the third by M. Payne, under his usual title
of Common Sense proves his loss of it. In it he declares that he is the
only honest man thus far employed in American affairs, and demands that
the nation shall give him the title and authority of Censor-general,
especially to purify and reform Congress. This bit of folly shows what
he is capable of. He gives me marks of friendship, but that does not
contribute to the success of my exhortations."
In another despatch of the same date M. Gerard writes:
"I have had the honor to acquaint you with the project I had formed
to engage Mr. Payne [le Sr. Payne] to insert in the public papers
paragraphs relative to the Alliance, calculated to encourage the
high idea formed by the people of the king, and its confidence in his
friendship; but this writer having tarnished his reputation and being
sold to the opposition, I have found another."
He goes on to say that he has purchased two eminent gentlemen, who write
under the names "Honest Politician" and "Americanus."
M. Gerard, in his statements concerning his relations with Paine,
depended on the unfamiliarity of Vergennes with the Philadelphia
journals. In these Paine had promptly made known the overtures made to
him.
"Had I been disposed to make money I undoubtedly had many opportunities
for it. The single pamphlet 'Common Sense' would at that time of day
have produced a tolerable fortune, had I only taken the same profits
from the publication which all writers have ever done; because the sale
was the most rapid and extensive of anything that was ever published in
this country, or perhaps in any other. Instead of which I reduced the
price so low, that instead of getting, I stand L39, 11, 0 out of pocket
on Mr. Bradford's books, exclusive of my time and trouble; and I have
acted the same disinterested part by every publication I have made.
"At the time the dispute arose respecting Mr. Deane's affairs, I had a
conference with Mr. Gerard at his own request, and some matters on that
subject were freely talked over, which it is here necessary to mention.
This was on the 2d of January. On the evening of the same day, or the
next, Mr. Gerard through the medium of another gentleman made me a very
genteel and profitable offer. My answer to the offer was precisely in
these words: 'Any service I can render to either of the countries in
alliance, or to both, I ever have done and shall readily do, and Mr.
Gerard's _esteem_ will be the only compensation I shall desire.'"
Paine never received a cent of M. Gerard's money, but he became
convinced that the French government might be compromised by his
allusion to its early generosity to America, and on January 26th wrote
that the letter to which he had alluded had not mentioned "the King of
France by any name or title nor yet the nation of France." This was all
that the French Minister could get out of Paine, and it was willingly
given. The more complaisant "Honest Politician" and "Americanus,"
however, duly fulfilled the tasks for which they had been employed by
the French Ambassador. This will be seen by reference to their letters
in the _Pennsylvania Gazette_ of June 23d. In June and July Paine
entered on a controversy with "Americanus" on the terms upon which
America should insist, in any treaty of peace. He intimates his
suspicion that "Americanus" is a hireling.
It should be mentioned that the English archives prove that in Paris
Deane and Gerard had long been intimate, and often closeted with
Vergennes. (See the reports of Wentworth and others in Stevens'
_Facsimiles?_) Deane and Gerard came over together, on one of
d'Estaing's ships. According to the English information Gerard was
pecuniarily interested in the supplies sent to America, and if so
had private reasons for resisting Paine's theory of their gratuitous
character.